Search

The course of regional integration in East Asia has been shaped by a complex mix of internal and external factors. Although the emergence of initiatives like "ASEAN Plus Three" appears to indicate that East Asia is assuming a more independent and regionally-oriented place in the international system, this paper argues that the future trajectory of ASEAN Plus Three, and of the region more generally, will continue to be constrained by internal tensions and—especially—by the continuing influence of the United States. In short, for the foreseeable future, East Asia will be marked by a form of "reactionary regionalism" in which regional initiatives are designed to mediate and moderate external influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the background and progress of present financial cooperation initiatives, new chances offered and evolution of new regional economic architecture in East Asia. The factors behind the development of recent financial cooperations are the deepening regional economics and financial interdependence, response to the Asian financial crisis from 1997-1998, and European monetary integration. It is inferred that East Asia can add to the stability of global finance through achieving sustainable economic development and financial stability by instituting of resilient national financial systems.

In order to characterize and explain regional formation processes, theories in the field of international relations have focused primarily on political and economic parameters that were drawn from experiences in Western Europe. In East Asia, however, it is often mentioned that "regional dynamism" and cross-border economic activities, rather than formal agreements between governments, or shared historical or cultural "Asian" background generates the formation of the region. This article, however, examines the role popular culture plays in shaping and regionalizing East Asia. It focuses on the process by which confluences of culture have diffused throughout East Asian markets in the decades surrounding the 1990s and the concurrent formation of regional media alliances. An attempt is made to go beyond state-centric explanations of regionalization and extend the cultural approach to regionalization, demonstrating how popular culture can affect regional formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the process by which certain coastal states in East and Southeast Asia may confirm their sovereign rights over areas of continental shelf more than 200 nautical miles from their baselines — areas commonly termed the "outer" or "extended" continental shelf. The article provides an overview and explanation of this legally and technically complex process. It also highlights some of the numerous issues and uncertainties in respect of both the interpretation of the relevant provisions of the international law of the sea and practical aspects of the implementation of the process itself. Many states around the world, including in East and Southeast Asia, are striving to meet a deadline for submissions related to the outer continental shelf of May 2009. Existing and potential submissions are outlined. The potential opportunities and challenges associated with outer continental shelf are then discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The East Asia Summit is the newest leaders-led regional organization in the Asia Pacific with a broad mandate and an unclear future. Its membership means that it is stuck halfway between being an East Asian regional body such as the ASEAN+3 process and an Asia-Pacific body such as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Expanding the East Asia Summit to include the United States would enhance its ability to be the primary strategic forum in Asia and clearly identify the Summit as on Asia-Pacific body. This would not only improve Asia's regional architecture, but would also serve the interests of the United States, ASEAN, Japan, China and India. The biggest challenge facing this positive development is convincing the United States to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and overcoming the concerns of the other regional bodies about an enhanced East Asia Summit. In 2009, a new administration in Washington and the EAS meeting in Vietnam will provide a powerfully symbolic opportunity to invite the United States into the East Asia Summit and allow the Summit and the United States to find their proper homes in Asia's evolving regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neorealists argue that Japan's response to the rise of China has been to draw closer to the United States in order to balance Chinese power. In practice, the Koizumi and Abe administrations differed in their responses to the growth of Chinese power in East Asia. While Prime Minister Koizumi sought to consolidate the US-Japan alliance, Prime Minister Abe adopted a dual-track approach, combining enhanced bilateralism with enhanced regionalism. Although buttressing the US-Japan alliance, this strategy aimed to balance China by building a containment coalition with other Asia-Pacific states. Japan's signing of a security declaration with Australia in March 2007 was an important element of Abe's strategy, and marked a subtle shift in Japanese security policy from exclusive bilateralism to modest minilateralism. Although congruent with US strategic interests, this move supported Prime Minister Abe's ambition to exercise more autonomous influence over the regional security order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his article "The Geography of Peace", Robert Ross postulates that a bipolar regional power balance has emerged in East Asia. This theory is premised on the assumption that smaller Asian states will seek to compensate for their own vulnerability by clearly aligning with either China or the United States. In the case of Southeast Asia, however, stable but competitive Sino-U.S. relations have provided ASEAN states with considerable strategic leverage. Although these states maintain a close relationship with their respective geopolitically dominant great power, this leverage allows them to manoeuvre between and to strengthen their autonomy vis-à-vis China and the United States. Closer examination of the 1998 addendum to the 1990 U.S.-Singapore Memorandum of Understanding, the 1999 U.S.-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement and the 1999 Sino-Thai Plan of Action for the 21st Century demonstrates these trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a general consensus in East Asia that the United States is a benign hegemon but not necessarily a reliable one. In the absence of a specific adversary, U.S. security policy is frequently at the mercy of special interests and the pulling and hauling of domestic politics between the Executive branch and the Congress. In East Asia, U.S. strategy for the most part is divided between separate Northeast and Southeast Asian environments, although some overlap exists because of the importance of the South China Sea as a trade route. America's most important bilateral relationship with Japan is experiencing a significant enhancement through the recently ratified New Defense Guidelines which provide a larger role for Japanese assistance to U.S. forces. On the other hand, in Southeast Asia, although the United States has access to ports and airfields in several states, these are not sufficient in the event of a major regional military crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]