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This paper uses Iraq as a case study to answer the research question, how do consociational settlements impact the state? Firstly, the paper argues that consociationalism, at best, has an under-theorized conception of the state, implicitly defaulting to an unexamined neoWeberian model. The paper then surveys state theory and finds that key works on the state in the Middle East are vulnerable to the postcolonial critique of Eurocentrism. To overcome this, the paper deploys the works of Mann, Jessop, and Bourdieu to develop a universal model of the state, disaggregating the state, conceiving of it as a series of competitive fields, bureaucratic, political, coercive, and economic. The paper then uses this model to assess how a consociational political settlement impacts upon the state. Deploying a disaggregated model of the state, the paper argues that Iraq’s consociational settlement shifted the balance of power in the bureaucratic field away from any autonomous power or centralized coherence that the institutions and the civil service possessed toward the political parties empowered by the consociational system. After being empowered by the informal consociational settlement, it is the political parties who now dominate the system for their own ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the event of a conflict or contingency on the Korean Peninsula, one of the five People’s Liberation Army (PLA) theater commands is responsible for implementing China’s military strategy and operations in Korea—the Northern Theater Command (NTC). What capabilities does China deploy to the NTC? How does it compare to the other theater commands? And do NTC’s military capabilities change the existing balance of power on the Korean Peninsula? Using the most up-to-date data, this paper offers, first, a theater-level comparative analysis of the PLA and, second, a quantitative assessment of how China’s NTC capabilities affect the military balance of power between North Korea on the one hand, and South Korea and the U.S. Forces Korea on the other. Of PLA’s five theater commands, the paper finds that the NTC has maintained the largest and heaviest ground force, the largest air force, and the second most powerful naval fleet. When NTC military capabilities are added to the existing military balance between North Korean forces and the U.S.– South Korean alliance forces, the United States and South Korea’s air supremacy is challenged and naval dominance is overturned. This is especially the case in the West Sea of Korea, the Yellow Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study demonstrates the difference between contemporary Israeli military and national security operations under the 'Campaign between Wars' framework and the way Israel would wage a 'war for existence'. The paper first outlines Israeli military strategy and theory regarding an existential war, while aiming to show how Israel would use its military capabilities. The paper explains the most plausible scenario of a war between Israel and a peer competitor, namely Iran and its proxy network, and the question of using nuclear weapons. Finally, the study presents the potential effects of such war on Israel, its enemies and the region. The paper argues that the most important aspect of Israeli conventional and nuclear warfighting capabilities is that they provide such a robust deterrent that they make war extremely unlikely. However, Israeli deterrence is based on the firm belief that the preparation for the war for existence is the most significant national goal, thereby establishing Israel as a linchpin to the regional balance of power, as a regional great military power itself is incapable of becoming a regional hegemon while assertively balancing against any such contender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As the governments of the United States, Russia, and China signal a renewed emphasis on great power competition, tensions among three leading military and nuclear powers are rising. Mounting tensions portend an increase in proxy conflicts, raising concerns about support for possible atrocity crimes of proxies. As states formulate their approaches to great power proxy conflict, they would do well to consider the possibility of their officials facing liability for aiding and abetting atrocity crimes. This paper focuses on aiding and abetting liability under international criminal law through the lens of great power proxy conflict. It argues that proxy conflict among great powers is likely, that it will probably contribute to atrocity crimes, and that states have not taken sufficient measures to ensure they do not contribute to the commission of atrocities. While this paper deals with the United States, Russia, and China, it especially focuses on recommendations and implications for the U.S. government. Section I discusses the rise of great power competition as the driving force in international politics, argues that great power competition will likely manifest as proxy conflict between great powers, and discusses the relationship between proxy conflict and liability for atrocity crimes. Section H analyzes the elements of aiding and abetting liability through the lens of three debates among legal scholars and judges that bear particular relevance for individual liability in the context of proxy conflict among great powers. Section III examines the relationships between the governments of the United States, Russia, and China and the International Criminal Court. The Section then outlines the ongoing legal debate regarding whether the ICC can properly assert jurisdiction over the nationals of those and other non-party states as a matter of customary international law. Section IV reflects on the practical implications of the paper's findings and recommends policies that the United States should adopt in light of those findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the nuclear dominoes stop in Afghanistan? This paper is a logical analysis of this question. Nuclear dominoes are common in rival relations characterized by geographic proximity, ongoing military conflict, and mutual hostility. The U.S.– USSR–China–India–Pakistan cascade of nuclear weapons development is empirical evidence of this phenomenon. However, despite the development of nuclear weapons by its arch-enemy Pakistan, Afghanistan did not proliferate in response. This study identifies and validates the reasons why Afghanistan did not (or could not) develop nuclear weapons, categorized into threat, capability, and constraint factors. The most significant finding is that Afghanistan did not perceive Pakistan’s nukes as a threat in terms of intention. Of course, it is also possible to argue that Afghanistan lacked the capacity to bear the various costs of developing nuclear weapons and that structural constraints imposed by international nonproliferation commitments, great power coercion, and regional balance of power dynamics prevented it from doing so. However, the root cause was the symbiotic relationship between the Taliban regime and Pakistan, temporarily easing the enduring rivalry, resulting in a bias in threat perception. These findings are consistent with the constructivist view of the importance of “shared understanding” in threat perception and challenge the realist perception that nuclear dominoes are inevitable in rivalry relationships. They are also significant because they provide clues for peace and stability in East Asia, one of the regions most likely to experience nuclear dominoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As newsrooms build new audiences and revenue streams, there are considerations around the impact of digitalization on journalistic labour. This paper explores journalists' perceptions of how digital technologies influence their work, and the role of technology in furthering managerial control and extracting labour power. Building on an earlier study of freelance workers in the Republic of Ireland this exploratory paper examines if the concept of digital labour, can be expanded to include the work of salaried journalists. Specifically, the article considers how digital technologies are shifting the boundaries and the nature of work in journalism. The research is informed by a theoretical framework, drawn from labour process theory. Using this theory, the linkages between digital labour and work processes are considered to explore the perceived effects of digitalization on how journalists work. The main findings suggest organizations are increasingly extracting more labour power, requiring journalists to produce more over longer hours. Salaried journalists also report an implicit rather than a contractual obligation to participate in additional and unpaid digital labour to meet employer expectations. These developments, it is argued, have not only shifted the boundaries of news work but also further tilted the balance of power in favour of news organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the origins of the Western Sahara conflict, and the contrasting interpretations of the factors which have kept it as an unresolved conflict after Spanish forces withdrew in 1975. This article shows how Algeria and Morocco continue to disagree on even the most basic facts of the dispute's history, and suggests that the continuation of the dispute is the result of conflicting models of statehood and historical narratives. Also, it explores ways in which developing concepts within political geography have contributed to understanding the ongoing significance of the region for all the parties to the conflict. Additionally, this paper argues that the contemporary contours of the Western Sahara conflict cannot be seen divorced from the larger geopolitical and balance of power developments in the Maghreb region. Algeria- Morocco relations in general and the Western Sahara conflict in particular are not only influenced by the local political, security and social dynamics, but also by the larger systemic and sub-systemic imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing expansion of power systems, there is a growing trend towards active distribution networks for decentralized power generation and energy management. However, the instability of distributed renewable energy introduces complexity to power system operation. The active symmetry and balance of power systems are becoming increasingly important. This paper focuses on the characteristics of distributed resources and under-frequency load shedding, and a coordinated operation and control strategy based on the rapid adjustment of energy storage power is proposed. The characteristics of various controllable resources are analyzed to explore the rapid response capabilities of energy storage. The energy storage types are categorized based on the support time, and the final decision is achieved with power allocation and adjustment control of the energy storage system. Additionally, a comprehensive control strategy for under-frequency load shedding and hierarchical systems is provided for scenarios with insufficient active support. The feasibility of the proposed model and methods is verified via a multi-energy system case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China has shifted the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region. China has tried to influence small island states that were previously under the spheres of influence of Australia and India by offering lucrative offers under its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Small states remain in a quandary about how to approach the evolving regional security paradigm. Using a realism-based perspective, this paper explores small state options through two case studies: Sri Lanka and Fiji and contributes to the scholarly literature by analysing and drawing conclusions about small state options and whether they can opt to return to their traditional relationships and partnerships. The paper draws some conclusions that contrast with some realist assumptions, including a defiance on the part of small island states, who under the right circumstances can upend the status quo in the pursuit of greater economic benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and its distribution have always been the central themes of international law, yet international lawyers have paid limited attention to the correlation between power shifts and legal change. Notably, international law effectively operates when balance of power is sustained. With this qualification, this paper examines the relationship of international law with the change in power distribution, arguing that international law should proactively attend to power in order to contribute to the peaceful reconfiguration of the international system. Furthermore, this paper explores the mechanism of power shift being transmitted to law shift and specifically adduces the process and effectiveness of hegemonic international law change centered on UNCLOS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article connects neorealist and feminist approaches to International Relations. I claim that neorealism's main assumption, anarchy, and its main variable, the distribution of power, can offer insights into women's and gender-related problems. First, I argue that neorealism's core concepts and theories (anarchy and the balance of power) can help explain how culture forms, how international politics impact women's lives, and even have predictive power concerning the feminist movement itself. Second, I theorize how and when balance-of-power politics may influence women's societal position and introduce a few examples to support my case. Hence, this paper proposes a neorealist feminist synthesis and is an attempt at inter-paradigm dialogue that could prove fruitful for International Relations theory at large [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a significant development in South Asia, enhancing economic ties between China and Pakistan. It involves energy projects and infrastructure development, fostering collaboration and altering power balances among neighboring nations. The CPEC's dual nature, involving economic interests, security considerations, and geopolitical alliances, shapes the future of South Asian geopolitics, promoting competition and cooperation. Emphasizes the geostrategic dimensions of CPEC and its implications for the region, Further this study Analyse the CPEC and Convergence among the South Asian States This paper, drawing on qualitative data from diverse secondary sources. It is concluded that the CPEC's success could significantly impact South Asia's economic and geopolitical landscape by fostering regional cooperation and competition, potentially influencing the region's larger dynamics. Advocating for a comprehensive partnership, the study suggests that transparent implementation and inclusive policies involving all stakeholders can positively impact the economic conditions of Pakistan and the broader South Asian region, promoting recovery and cooperation amidst regional challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace of reforms in young democracies frequently depends not only on the political will of state authorities, but also on how strongly domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) make a stand for democratic change. This study examines the coalescing practices of Ukrainian CSOs, which come together to propel issues of public importance onto the agendas of the national government or local governments. The paper develops a typology of diverse coalitions and provides examples of the impact of different types of CSO alliances on democratic developments in Ukraine over the last two decades. The article concludes that CSO coalitions in Ukraine might be seen as informal institutions with functional and problem-solving roles due to their ability to restore the balance of power between state and civil society and benefit participatory decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains natives' attitudes towards immigrants in host countries? This paper argues that not only economic and cultural but also political threat perceptions influence attitude formation. Natives consider the political balance of power and calculate the potential political benefits of admitting immigrants. This is because expected in‐party members will affect the balance of power in their favour. Leveraging a conjoint experiment in the United States, this study explores whether an immigrant's expected party affiliation shapes native attitudes. The findings indicate that immigrants with defined party affiliations are favoured compared to non‐affiliated ones. Moreover, respondents favoured immigrants perceived as political allies and penalized those seen as rivals. Expected party affiliation is even a strong predictor of attitudes for natives with existing anti‐immigrant attitudes as they curbed their negativities and favoured certain party identities. Overall, results suggest the pivotal role of political considerations as well as the importance of studying unexplored factors in attitude formation on immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under conditions of intensifying strategic competition, great powers and less-than-great powers alike are reappraising their national-security strategies. Central to such reviews are assessments of power and strategic advantage – in an era of great-power competition, states need to know who is winning. This is the function of strategic net assessment, recently revived in the United Kingdom through the Secretary of State's Office for Net Assessment and Challenge. This paper sets out the conceptual challenges involved in making assessments of power, considers the main historical efforts to do so, and offers some practical guidance as to how strategic net assessment may be used to inform strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate on whether military humanitarian intervention and anti-atrocity norms, such as the responsibility to protect, cause perverse incentives, and provocative violence by a rebel group, has yet to reach a consensus. Specifically, existing theories are unable to fully explain why "emboldened" rebel groups provoke the government in some cases but not others. This paper reconciles this unresolved debate by arguing that it is not anti-atrocity norms but the temporary feasibility of humanitarian intervention that induces the potential rebel group to actually provoke the government. The inherent temporariness of the feasibility of large-scale intervention causes a commitment problem: An expectation of a temporary intervention shifts the balance of power toward a potential rebel and opens a quickly closing window of opportunity. A three-player game shows that, among other findings, a higher probability of humanitarian intervention alleviates the potential rebel's incentive to fight, implying that the criticism of anti-atrocity norms is a "false charge." The model also (i) explains why weaker groups can rebel in the shadow of external intervention and (ii) presents a novel implication that lowering the intervention cost can exacerbate the adverse incentive when a domestic commitment problem caused by the consolidation of government power is not severe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed Quadrilateral Security Initiative is a game changer in the strategic landscape of the wider Indo Pacific where the maritime countries such as India, United States, Japan and Australia with networked countries such as Indonesia and Vietnam would form a strategic arch to counter Beijing's aggressive intent in the region. United States will form a vital cog in the wheel of the strategic umbrella. The Quadrilateral Security Initiative is a game changer in the wider US China power struggle in the region. Earlier the contours of the Quadrilateral Security Initiative 2.0 were mooted during the 2017 ASEAN summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The worldwide occurrence of wind droughts challenges the balance of power systems between energy production and consumption. Expanding inter‐day energy storage serves as a strategic solution, yet optimizing its capacity depends on accurately modeling future renewable energy uncertainties to avoid over‐ or under‐investment. Existing approaches that use the historical extreme scenario set (HESS) to represent future conditions are contentious due to potential inadequacies in forecasting future extreme scenarios (ESs), including those on a decadal or centennial scale. This study addresses the issue by proposing an advanced energy storage expansion framework that leverages Extreme Value Theory (EVT) and a novel Deep Generative Model, namely the Diffusion Model. To model the extremes in a principled way, this work leverages EVT to establish a severity‐probability mapping for wind droughts, guiding the training process of the Diffusion Model. This model excels in generating ESs that accurately reflect the distribution of real‐world extremes, thereby significantly enhancing the predictive capacity of HESS. Case studies on a real‐world power system confirm the method's capacity to generate high‐quality ESs, encompassing the most severe historical wind droughts not included in the training dataset, thereby facilitating resilient energy storage expansion against unforeseen extremes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AUKUS strategic alliance will be a cornerstone of the strategic partnership which will enable Australia to acquire the necessary strategic nuclear deterrence to deter China increased strategic imprint in the wider Indo-Pacific region. The three-way strategic alliance will also allow Washington to develop the necessary strategic umbrella to counter China's both conventional and nuclear submarine increased threat in the wider Indo Pacific region. Established in 2021, the AUKUS is intended to be a strategic partnership among Australia, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States to bolster their allied deterrence and defence capabilities in the Indo-Pacific. The trilateral partnership, which builds on their decadeslong security cooperation, has two pillars. Pillar I revolves around the acquisition and development of conventionally armed nuclear-powered submarines for the Royal Australian Navy; and Pillar II calls for collaboration on advanced capabilities that will involve technology and information sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years amid 2013-2024, Sino-Pak relations witnessed a qualitative transformation as bilateral ties expanded in strategic perspective. Pakistan has been forced to pursue a strategic collaboration with China in order to preserve the balance of power in South Asia as a result of the dynamic post 9/11 global political changes and expanding strategic partnership between the US and India. Under the auspices of the Indo-US strategic partnership, India is making most of its resources and collaborating with US in a number of areas, including energy, defense and security, so as to fulfill its ambitions of becoming a dominating force in the region and building blue water navy. India regional aspirations are too great for Pakistan to overcome on its own. In order to oppose India's imperial aspirations in South Asian area, the Sino-Pak formed a strategic alliance. This study will pose some queries about most recent iterations of this partnership. In this research, strategic partnership amid two countries is described using a Rational Actor Model. The research goes on to say that Sino-Pak will not be deterred from pursuing the project despite India's assertion that corridor route goes through disputed Northern Pakistani territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined hashtag activism promoting Taiwan's participation in the global efforts to combat COVID-19. We employed the computational Analysis of Topic Model Networks (ANTMN) to examine the discourse around the #TaiwanCanHelp/#TWforWHO campaign in 2020 (N = 163,876) on Twitter. Our model identified 35 topics clustered within three frames. The containment frame emphasized strategies used to stop COVID-19's spread in Taiwan. The geopolitics frame described China's use of its international power to exclude Taiwan from the World Health Organization. The international cooperation frame emphasized Taiwan's ability and efficacy to contribute to the global efforts to slow down COVID-19. These results extend our understanding of hashtag activism by examining the intersection of geopolitics and global health crises. We introduce the theoretical concept of a mutually beneficial coalition, one that points to detrimental impacts of oppression on both the oppressed and the allies who are asked to help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International systems of three great powers, tripolar systems, remain an understudied topic. In this article, I make three claims about tripolarity. First, it is more warlike than either bipolarity or multipolarity. Second, the two weaker poles of a tripolar system usually ally against the most powerful one. Third, when a pole abruptly declines, the two others have a strong incentive to race to prey on it. To demonstrate this, I develop three cases of past tripolar systems rarely discussed: the Epigoni period during the third century B.C. (Eastern Mediterranean system), the period of the Three Kingdoms during the third century A.D. and the period of the late Northern and Southern Dynasties during the sixth century (East Asian system). This study is thus of importance not only for international relations theory but also for understanding current great power relations since today's world also consists of three poles: China, Russia and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The underlying study is an endeavor to trace the role of British colonial legacies and it's off shot in formulation of political authority and power politics in Lahore. The various administrative, recruitment and socio-economic policies of British in United India were one of the key determinant factors for shaping influential local identities and economic classes among the indigenous population. These led to manifest the role of local kinship in politics and its ability to control the distribution of resources in post-colonial Punjab. It has been observed that British's attempt to define and redefine local identities for their sake of their administrative and political control over the colonial territory played a vital role for the materialization of power configuration in post-colonial societies in general and specifically in Lahore. This research primarily deals with notion that how British's deliberate patronage to two significant identities; Kashmiris and Arians led to strengthen the role of these respective biraderis (caste) in electoral politics of Lahore in later years especially in the Walled city of Lahore. This study highlights that these two biraderis are leading the contemporary power politics of National and Provincial assemblies in the respective constituency as voting preferences of electorates and ticket allocation by key political parties are largely shaped by influence of biraderis. This study is primarily qualitative as historical and explanatory approaches have been incorporated while employing empirical evidences from the primary and secondary resources. This research aims to identify the link between British policies of using local power apparatus for the colonial objectives and its role to shape the power patterns of electoral politics of Lahore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on analysing the consequences of Brexit for the European Union and its Member States, with particular emphasis on the Visegrad Group (V4) countries. Through the prism of neorealism theory, the changes in the balance of power and international dynamics resulting from Great Britain’s exit from the EU are analysed. The aim is not only to identify specific Brexit outcomes but also to understand the mechanisms influencing relations among European states, especially in the future. In this context, neorealist analysis becomes a particularly valuable tool, allowing us to view Brexit not only as a one-time incident but also as a manifestation of broader trends in global international relations which may adopt disintegrative stances in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explore the key elements shaping China-US expanding political and strategic influence in the Asia Pacific region and to understand the role and contributions of China in Asia Pacific. It is in the human nature and most anticipated human instinct to desire for accumulating, retaining and demonstrating power. Similar is the history of the nations and empires and now the states that there exists an environment of competition and struggle for power in the international arena. It is in the nature of the superpowers to resist any power that challenges its might. US and China, the two mighty major powers are engaged in a similar balance of power. Most of the theatre of their competition has been the Asia Pacific, where China enjoys significant influence and demonstrates considerable power. In order to understand the interests of China and US in the Asia Pacific and the impact of the given interests on the other countries as well as on the institutions, the given research is designed in a descriptive and explorative manner focusing specially on the deductive method of reasoning. The assessment of the United States long-term strategic rivalry and competition with China involves tactics of making alliances with its partners alongside their resources, strength, and capabilities to counter the rise of China. The AUKUS, a trilateral security pact between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, provides nuclear-powered submarines to Australia and collaboration in multiple military capabilities which includes quantum technologies, information sharing, artificial intelligence, innovation electric warfare domain, and hypersonic and counter hypersonic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research article objective to explore the strategic interest of the US in South Asia, particularly after the 9/11 incident, which brought a change in the nature of strategic interests. The United States has maintained a strategic interest in South Asia since the Cold War, with the nature of the relationship evolving alongside geopolitical shifts. The US has several strategic interests in South Asia, including preventing security threats to the US, countering China's growing influence, and promoting cooperation through alliances and trade. To understand the nature of the relationship, the qualitative research methodology, drawing on secondary sources such as academic journals, news articles, and government reports are been used under the descriptive and analytical approach. The work concluded by discussing the future prospects of the US-South Asia relationship and the implications of relationship for the region and the world. Which emphasizes the need of continued cooperation and engagements to address the challenges and grab the opportunities at the diplomatic, economic and strategic ends that can ensure stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the nature of Turkish-Greek relations, focusing on the question of how these should be characterized. This is an important topic not only because there is a lack of a clear definition of the situation between the two countries in the literature, but also because providing a greater clarity of the issues about Turkish-Greek relations can assist in the long-term envisioning of a possible path that the two countries might take in the future. Employing a descriptive analysis, the article shows that a state of conflict rather than cooperation has determined the evolution of relations between Turkey and Greece. This sheds light on the intractable nature of the problems between the two countries, whether in Cyprus, the Aegean Sea, or the Eastern Mediterranean. The article concludes that Turkish-Greek relations are characterized by a historically grounded condition of fragile stability, with permanent tension and possible crisis prevailing, even if conflicts are frozen and war is not foreseen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contrary to Vladimir Putin's geopolitical arguments, there was little chance that a full-scale invasion of Ukraine would benefit Russia's position in the European balance of power and enhance its overall security. Instead, I argue that Putin's decision was based on domestic interests, mainly the regime's legitimation, a major pillar of authoritarian stability. Using a multi-method research design, I demonstrate that the war has significant potential to boost Putin's popularity, nationalism and authoritarian preferences in society, as well as to strengthen his image as the country's heroic protector. As in several autocracies, the instrumentalization of security concerns and existential threats are a powerful source of regime cohesion. These arguments are corroborated by data from Russia's current and previous conflicts, such as elites' discourse, analysis of repressive policies, and public opinion polls on Putin's rule and authoritarian preferences. The regime needs a hostile 'West' and a threatening Ukraine for self-legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia over the European political, economic and security order intensified sporadically, with a focal point in Ukraine. The EU's main mitigation tactic in response to this competition used to be denial, but in 2022, following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, this approach became untenable. As a result, the EU entered the competition as an emerging geopolitical actor in three important respects: engaging in a conflict over the European order; utilising its (still limited) hard power; and extending its geographical borders. Most importantly, the EU is actively trying to shape the future of the European order that was challenged by Russia's war against Ukraine. While pursuing its goals predominantly through civilian means, the EU has also taken major steps to strengthen its hard power capabilities and contributed military assistance. Furthermore, by granting candidate country status to Ukraine, it took a clear stance on its future borders, while these were violently contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) increasingly formulates and implements foreign and security policy under the constraints of internal contestation, regional fragmentation and multipolar competition. While such contextual challenges can inhibit the EU from adopting an ambitious foreign and security policy, this Special Issue shows that the EU and its member states have developed ways of mitigating their impact. Through institutional, functional and diplomatic measures, the EU has managed to reduce the adverse effect of the contextual factors on its foreign and security policy towards conflicts and crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Years of increasingly authoritarian rule and economic mismanagement by President Nicolás Maduro have turned Venezuela into a source of regional instability. The European Union's (EU) main foreign policy objective towards the country has been a peaceful transition to free and transparent elections and its re-introduction into regional and global trade and political frameworks. The strategies pursued by the EU to mitigate the constraints on its foreign policy towards Venezuela have helped to bring about more EU unity, but have failed to have a significant impact in the country itself. Multipolar competition between the EU and the United States (US) on the one hand and between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Russia on the other, have undermined the EU's attempts to contribute a peaceful solution to the process. Most recently, the war on Ukraine has created a new dilemma for the EU in its dealings with Venezuela, that is, having to navigate between maintaining pressure on the Maduro regime, keeping up momentum for negotiations and deciding whether to follow the US in resuming oil trade with Caracas to mitigate the energy crisis in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deepening multipolar competition has imposed constraints on European Union foreign and security policy (EUFSP). In the South China Sea (SCS), the European Union (EU) faces a complex foreign policy terrain for three reasons. First, the EU's geographic distance from – and relatively limited capabilities in – the region may lend itself to a de minimis mitigating strategy, especially when considered against the backdrop of the broader imperative to mitigate the impact of multipolar competition on its foreign policy more generally. Second, multipolarity can be compatible with the preservation of a rules-based international order (RBIO) if the latter term is interpreted less stringently. And third, rather than being a factor purely to mitigate, multipolar competition in the wider Indo-Pacific theatre offers the EU certain opportunities – albeit not without risks – to strengthen the character of its foreign and security policy by actively participating in a competitive dynamic. Together, these facts should encourage us to rethink whether 'mitigation' always captures the entire essence of the EU's response to multipolar competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2003 and 2022, European Union policy towards Iran was the result of continuous course corrections made by EU institutions and member states to dodge internal disagreements and navigate the agitated waters of a region – the Middle East and the Gulf – mired in multipolar competition and beset by fragmented governance arrangements. A comprehensive review of official documents, relevant literature and interviews conducted with Iranian and European officials and experts demonstrates that a combination of prioritisation, compartmentalisation and multilateralisation kept EU foreign and security policy towards Iran on a fairly proactive and coherent course for almost twenty years. However, the forces unleashed by the United States' withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear deal and more recently by Iran's collusion in Russia's war on Ukraine as well as the turmoil inside the Islamic Republic itself put the limits of the EU's capacity to mitigate the effects of geopolitical rivalries, Middle Eastern fragmentation and intra-EU contestation on its Iran policy in sharp relief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is China's neighbor and with its location in the south of Asia, it is important for global players including China. Afghanistan participates with Pakistan in the initiative-way project. The main question of this article is that what are China's goals through the Belt and Road initiative through Afghanistan? This article explains the goals and actions of world powers and especially China in the political scene with the descriptiveanalytical method and using the theoretical approaches of balancing, the international regimes and the interdependence theories. Afghanistan has paid attention to the role of foreign radio media in reflecting this issue. Based on the results, the improvement of the economic situation of the troubled Xinjiang region in the northwest of China, the stabilization of China's economic and commercial position in Central Asia, the development of China's economic influence in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the revival of its traditional position is vital. China is on the Silk Road in the framework of a wide land and sea corridor. With West Asia and Europe, it is considered among the motivations and reasons for the formation of China's plan. Also, due to the competition with the big powers, China wants to minimize their role in Afghanistan and reach a balance of power with them. Therefore, the percentage of Afghanistan's confidence has come and the request for this plan is from Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study explores the motivations underlying the European Super League (SL) breakaway attempt. While institutional settings bind football to tradition, investors conceive football companies as an opportunity to diversify their investments in a fast-growing technological industry. The study investigates the market structure and identifies the reasons behind the European football crisis, proposing to modify the role of Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) in the European football market. Design/methodology/approach: After summarizing the unusual features of the European football market, the article displays the agents involved and their interrelations. Modeling the market facilitates picturing the misalignment of targets of regulatory bodies and football clubs. It also helps visualize the potential consequences of the SL coup on the market. Findings: The market does not allow football companies to monetize their business and compete with other entertainment sectors. Only a radical change in the balance of power between clubs and self-interested institutional settings can settle this situation. Indeed, this relation leads to market inefficiency because the two most critical clubs' financial problems (the high dependence on broadcasting revenues and the uncontrolled expenditures on players' salaries) are linked to the same issue: the governing bodies strongly influence the profit equation by holding control of media rights and incentivizing clubs to overspend to win both on-field and off-field. Originality/value: This study is the first to assess the football business market using an evolutionary approach to address its problems. It offers a visualizing tool to understand the market and proposes an alternative solution for solving the football market crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia has long been enumerated as a region infused with diversity and disparity. Balochistan belongs to this region subsequently originating an arduous yet undermined ethnic conflict formulating into an insurgency. Pakistan, being the proprietor of this province, has faced constant predicaments now more than ever with foreign states' influence in geopolitical terms. This article elucidates this protracted crisis and orchestrates an analytical framework incorporating several spectrums of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like most English press reports on the first partition of Poland, the author of an opinion piece from 1773, published in the Public Advertiser under the pseudonym "Tullius", believed that of the three powers dividing Poland, the Prussian interest could be the most dangerous both for the national interest of Britain and for the future of the European balance of power. It is significant that in almost all cases where the interests of Britain and the question of intervention were invoked in English opinion pieces, the defence of the continent's political balance appeared as a strong argument. Through a critical discourse analysis of relevant opinion pieces published in London newspapers between 1771 and 1774, I point out how the authors used similar or different balance-of-power rhetoric, while occasionally deeper, polemical balance-of-power discourse to reflect their views. I illustrate that the authors of these articles have applied the concept essentially in relation to the following three themes: (1) the "diabolical alliance" of the partitioning powers, (2) the issue of British intervention, and (3) the criticism of the idle British government. One of the main conclusions of my analysis is that the balance-of-power discourse is most prominent in relation to the third issue, sometimes even leading to a general questioning of the legitimacy of the contemporary balance-of-power policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Pundits debate whether conflict in cyberspace is more likely to trigger or preempt conflict in other domains. We consider a third possibility. Rather than directly complementing or substituting for traditional forms of conflict, the Internet could separately affect both virtual and kinetic dispute behavior. Specifically, we argue that a country's increasing Internet access causes it to engage in aggressive cyberspace behavior more often. At the same time, economic and social changes associated with the information age reduce the utility of pursuing more traditional forms of conflict. Cyberspace offers an attractive domain in which to shape the balance of power, interests, and information in a technological era, while territorial conquest has become somewhat anachronistic. We test our theory using an innovative estimation approach, applied to panel data on cyber versus conventional disputes. Our findings confirm this indirect substitutability between cyber and conventional conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]