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The article presents comments on sociologist David Baradas' paper "Conflict in the Land of Promise," which was published in the October 1972 issue of "Philippine Sociological Review." Much has been written about the causes of the conflict in Mindanao. There are major differences between the conflict in Lanao and the conflict in Cotabato. The violence in Lanao del Norte seems to have been triggered by a bitter rivalry between two political leaders-one a Muslim and the other a Christian. It erupted suddenly and spread quickly, but now it seems to have been fairly well contained. While the conflict has resulted in great loss of lives and property, and has caused massive dislocations of the population, it seems so far to have brought only a standoff. The balance of power between Christians and Muslims in the province does not appear to be radically altered. In Cotabato, by contrast, the trouble began much earlier and spread more slowly. It started as a series of sporadic encounters in which the opposing sides were not well organized and were not part of any larger struggle or movement. The struggle was soon interpreted to be one between the Christian settlers and the Magindanao and Iranun.

This paper uses Iraq as a case study to answer the research question, how do consociational settlements impact the state? Firstly, the paper argues that consociationalism, at best, has an under-theorized conception of the state, implicitly defaulting to an unexamined neoWeberian model. The paper then surveys state theory and finds that key works on the state in the Middle East are vulnerable to the postcolonial critique of Eurocentrism. To overcome this, the paper deploys the works of Mann, Jessop, and Bourdieu to develop a universal model of the state, disaggregating the state, conceiving of it as a series of competitive fields, bureaucratic, political, coercive, and economic. The paper then uses this model to assess how a consociational political settlement impacts upon the state. Deploying a disaggregated model of the state, the paper argues that Iraq’s consociational settlement shifted the balance of power in the bureaucratic field away from any autonomous power or centralized coherence that the institutions and the civil service possessed toward the political parties empowered by the consociational system. After being empowered by the informal consociational settlement, it is the political parties who now dominate the system for their own ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the event of a conflict or contingency on the Korean Peninsula, one of the five People’s Liberation Army (PLA) theater commands is responsible for implementing China’s military strategy and operations in Korea—the Northern Theater Command (NTC). What capabilities does China deploy to the NTC? How does it compare to the other theater commands? And do NTC’s military capabilities change the existing balance of power on the Korean Peninsula? Using the most up-to-date data, this paper offers, first, a theater-level comparative analysis of the PLA and, second, a quantitative assessment of how China’s NTC capabilities affect the military balance of power between North Korea on the one hand, and South Korea and the U.S. Forces Korea on the other. Of PLA’s five theater commands, the paper finds that the NTC has maintained the largest and heaviest ground force, the largest air force, and the second most powerful naval fleet. When NTC military capabilities are added to the existing military balance between North Korean forces and the U.S.– South Korean alliance forces, the United States and South Korea’s air supremacy is challenged and naval dominance is overturned. This is especially the case in the West Sea of Korea, the Yellow Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on conversations surrounding decolonising research and feminist research ethics to reflect on the ways in which researchers can take a more ethical approach to research partnerships in the wake of the COVID‐19 pandemic. Drawing on principles of postcolonial feminist ethnography, it is proposed that researchers should (1) reflect on their own motivations behind their research in order to (2) understand the balance of power within research relationships through continual reflexivity and (3) ensure that a collaborative methodology is used to the extent possible and that appropriate methods are chosen to challenge uneven balances of power in research relationships. Researchers must commit to ethical changes as individuals in order to break down power imbalances in research relationships and support the decolonisation of research. The magnitude of this change is acknowledged, but the COVID‐19 pandemic has shown that we are capable of change on a scale we previously thought impossible. This paper builds on academic conversations surrounding decolonising research and feminist research ethics to highlight the ways in which researchers can take a more ethical approach to research partnerships in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. It is the argument of this paper that researchers must (1) reflect on their own motivations behind their research in order to (2) understand the balance of power of the research relationships within their studies and (3) ensure that a collaborative methodology is used to the extent possible and appropriate methods are chosen that will balance out the power in research relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study demonstrates the difference between contemporary Israeli military and national security operations under the 'Campaign between Wars' framework and the way Israel would wage a 'war for existence'. The paper first outlines Israeli military strategy and theory regarding an existential war, while aiming to show how Israel would use its military capabilities. The paper explains the most plausible scenario of a war between Israel and a peer competitor, namely Iran and its proxy network, and the question of using nuclear weapons. Finally, the study presents the potential effects of such war on Israel, its enemies and the region. The paper argues that the most important aspect of Israeli conventional and nuclear warfighting capabilities is that they provide such a robust deterrent that they make war extremely unlikely. However, Israeli deterrence is based on the firm belief that the preparation for the war for existence is the most significant national goal, thereby establishing Israel as a linchpin to the regional balance of power, as a regional great military power itself is incapable of becoming a regional hegemon while assertively balancing against any such contender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In South Korea, Renewable Energy Sources (RES) have been increasing with the application of energy policies, such as Feed in Tariff (FIT) and the Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS). However, a rapid increase in RES supply leads to an uncertain power supply due to the intermittent output of RES. A representative example is the curtailment of Wind Turbines (WT), which frequently occurs in Jeju Island, South Korea. The proportion of RES power on Jeju Island is 67%, and there are cases where WT is curtailed among the operable sections to maintain the balance of power supply and demand. This paper applies Power-to-Gas (P2G) technology to hydrogenate, store, and utilize unused power to solve this problem. In this paper, Aewol-eup in Jeju Island is selected as a target site for case study. An Integrated Energy System (IES) for various energy operations is designed to control RES output. This paper proposes the optimal facility configuration and finally drives the optimal design and operation solution of IES by analyzing the objective functions and focusing on the Independent Power Producer (IPP) perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Space as the relatively new domain of the strategic rivalry between the two greatest powers of modern era, the United States and China. The rise of China during the last decades has had compelling consequences in the international system/order, which is led by the United States, especially since the collapse of the USSR and the end of the Cold War. China’s ambitions know no limits, and the country competes with the US in every domain including trade, politics, economic, military, and especially technology. The paper highlights the fact that the New Space Race (NSR) is primarily a technological competition which eventually can and will affect everyone on this planet. In this regard, the NSR has two main facets: space exploration and the weaponization of Space. The former refers to deep space exploration mainly to a manned mission on Mars, as the red planet is the ultimate prize, and the return of humans to the Moon. The latter refers to the development of sophisticated weapon systems and respectively defensive systems which can either threat or protect the great powers from competitors. In this NSR, each side has its comparative advantages, China cooperates with Russia; however, the US is leading the way because it has the advanced private space industry and more years of experience in space exploration than China, which is struggling to catch up. Undoubtedly, the NSR has already begun but it will take more years to be fully develop, leading the great powers, and their allies, to the edge of technology as they try to dominate in the last frontier for mankind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As the governments of the United States, Russia, and China signal a renewed emphasis on great power competition, tensions among three leading military and nuclear powers are rising. Mounting tensions portend an increase in proxy conflicts, raising concerns about support for possible atrocity crimes of proxies. As states formulate their approaches to great power proxy conflict, they would do well to consider the possibility of their officials facing liability for aiding and abetting atrocity crimes. This paper focuses on aiding and abetting liability under international criminal law through the lens of great power proxy conflict. It argues that proxy conflict among great powers is likely, that it will probably contribute to atrocity crimes, and that states have not taken sufficient measures to ensure they do not contribute to the commission of atrocities. While this paper deals with the United States, Russia, and China, it especially focuses on recommendations and implications for the U.S. government. Section I discusses the rise of great power competition as the driving force in international politics, argues that great power competition will likely manifest as proxy conflict between great powers, and discusses the relationship between proxy conflict and liability for atrocity crimes. Section H analyzes the elements of aiding and abetting liability through the lens of three debates among legal scholars and judges that bear particular relevance for individual liability in the context of proxy conflict among great powers. Section III examines the relationships between the governments of the United States, Russia, and China and the International Criminal Court. The Section then outlines the ongoing legal debate regarding whether the ICC can properly assert jurisdiction over the nationals of those and other non-party states as a matter of customary international law. Section IV reflects on the practical implications of the paper's findings and recommends policies that the United States should adopt in light of those findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that technologies can change moral beliefs and practices is an old one. But how, exactly, does this happen? This paper builds on an emerging field of inquiry by developing a synoptic taxonomy of the mechanisms of techno-moral change. It argues that technology affects moral beliefs and practices in three main domains: decisional (how we make morally loaded decisions), relational (how we relate to others) and perceptual (how we perceive situations). It argues that across these three domains there are six primary mechanisms of techno-moral change: (i) adding options; (ii) changing decision-making costs; (iii) enabling new relationships; (iv) changing the burdens and expectations within relationships; (v) changing the balance of power in relationships; and (vi) changing perception (information, mental models and metaphors). The paper also discusses the layered, interactive and second-order effects of these mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the nuclear dominoes stop in Afghanistan? This paper is a logical analysis of this question. Nuclear dominoes are common in rival relations characterized by geographic proximity, ongoing military conflict, and mutual hostility. The U.S.– USSR–China–India–Pakistan cascade of nuclear weapons development is empirical evidence of this phenomenon. However, despite the development of nuclear weapons by its arch-enemy Pakistan, Afghanistan did not proliferate in response. This study identifies and validates the reasons why Afghanistan did not (or could not) develop nuclear weapons, categorized into threat, capability, and constraint factors. The most significant finding is that Afghanistan did not perceive Pakistan’s nukes as a threat in terms of intention. Of course, it is also possible to argue that Afghanistan lacked the capacity to bear the various costs of developing nuclear weapons and that structural constraints imposed by international nonproliferation commitments, great power coercion, and regional balance of power dynamics prevented it from doing so. However, the root cause was the symbiotic relationship between the Taliban regime and Pakistan, temporarily easing the enduring rivalry, resulting in a bias in threat perception. These findings are consistent with the constructivist view of the importance of “shared understanding” in threat perception and challenge the realist perception that nuclear dominoes are inevitable in rivalry relationships. They are also significant because they provide clues for peace and stability in East Asia, one of the regions most likely to experience nuclear dominoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As newsrooms build new audiences and revenue streams, there are considerations around the impact of digitalization on journalistic labour. This paper explores journalists' perceptions of how digital technologies influence their work, and the role of technology in furthering managerial control and extracting labour power. Building on an earlier study of freelance workers in the Republic of Ireland this exploratory paper examines if the concept of digital labour, can be expanded to include the work of salaried journalists. Specifically, the article considers how digital technologies are shifting the boundaries and the nature of work in journalism. The research is informed by a theoretical framework, drawn from labour process theory. Using this theory, the linkages between digital labour and work processes are considered to explore the perceived effects of digitalization on how journalists work. The main findings suggest organizations are increasingly extracting more labour power, requiring journalists to produce more over longer hours. Salaried journalists also report an implicit rather than a contractual obligation to participate in additional and unpaid digital labour to meet employer expectations. These developments, it is argued, have not only shifted the boundaries of news work but also further tilted the balance of power in favour of news organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Although crowd logistics (CL) is a promising digital solution, its future development remains uncertain. This paper aims to suggest multiple possible futures of CL in terms of business relationships and value co-creation between manufacturers and digital platforms. Design/methodology/approach: This paper offers a systemic and multistakeholder approach related to the field of strategic foresight, based on the scenario method. The scenarios construction involved 22 participants (practitioners, academic researchers and foresight experts). Findings: Four scenarios emerged from the strategic foresight study. For each scenario, the configuration, diffusion and coordination of CL – as well as the balance of power between manufacturers, digital platforms and customers – are specified. Research limitations/implications: The foresight analysis reveals not one certain future, but multiple potential business configurations and research avenues related to the development of CL. Practical implications: The adopted multistakeholders perspective, including macro factors, regarding CL allows business-to-business (B2B) managers to rethink its potential. Managers can use the scenarios to consider multiple types of coordination with digital platforms and its implication for value co-creation. Social implications: This paper provides insights into social changes that may constitute drivers and consequences of the development of CL and identifies two forms of coupling that may drive the development of CL: regulation–social transformation and technology–environment. Originality/value: This research contributes to IMP research on B2B relationships in digital contexts, by showing that CL presents an opportunity for the co-creation of distribution value in a B2B environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a geopolitical lens to explain the evolving tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. More specifically, it unpacks conceptually how sovereignty, balance of power and energy security concerns drive exploration schemes and forge pipeline politics. First, the discovery of new gas deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean have created significant Turkish challenges to Cypriot, Greek and Egyptian sovereignty. Second, Greece and Cyprus have allied with both Israel and Egypt to balance against Turkey. The designated pipeline infrastructure these countries promote serves to enhance their sovereignty and cement their alliance and joint posturing vis-à-vis Turkey. Third, Russia's geopolitical assertiveness has led the European Commission to vigorously back gas schemes in the Eastern Mediterranean to enhance energy security, promote diversification and balance against the Russian threat. Together, these three prime objectives account for the evolving conundrum in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an in-depth historical analysis of China's activities in the South China Sea and the United States' corresponding responses, aiming to shed light on the broader dynamics of United States’ influence in the region. The South China Sea has long been a flashpoint in international relations, with its strategic importance being underscored by a multitude of overlapping territorial claims, rich natural resources, and vital shipping lanes. The paper traces the evolution of China's maritime assertions from the post-World War II era to contemporary times, juxtaposing them with the United States' strategic interests and foreign policy decisions. It argues that while China's activities have often been framed within the context of its growing regional ambitions, the United States’ responses can be understood as an interplay between its commitment to upholding the rules-based international order, maintaining freedom of navigation, and ensuring the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region. Furthermore, the analysis underscores how both powers have navigated the tightrope of regional diplomacy, deterrence and cooperation. In conclusion, the paper emphasizes the need for continued diplomatic dialogue and multilateralism as the most viable path forward, considering the intertwined histories and interests of both nations in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Christian Watson (known as Chris Watson) was the first Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP) leader and from May 1901 to October 1907. During this time, while sitting on the cross benches between Alfred Deakin's Protectionists and George Reid's Free Traders, Labor regularly held the balance of power. For a short stint between April and August 1904, Watson was (the first world Labor and Australia's youngest) prime minister and treasurer. Watson resigned as FPLP leader on 23 October 1907. By choosing not to contest his seat, Watson left parliament on 29 April 1910. It is Watson's resignation as FPLP leader that is the focus of this paper. By drawing on a repository of newspaper clippings once owned by Watson and now held by the National Library of Australia along with Trove Digitised Newspapers, this article analyses the reporting of the week surrounding Watson's resignation including the question if Watson's retained articles favoured a particular stance. The paper concludes that newspapers were of the opinion that the stress of the job and subsequent ill health it induced, led to Watson's resignation. Hence, this paper's focus is contained to Watson's resignation, a period of newspaper reporting and collections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the origins of the Western Sahara conflict, and the contrasting interpretations of the factors which have kept it as an unresolved conflict after Spanish forces withdrew in 1975. This article shows how Algeria and Morocco continue to disagree on even the most basic facts of the dispute's history, and suggests that the continuation of the dispute is the result of conflicting models of statehood and historical narratives. Also, it explores ways in which developing concepts within political geography have contributed to understanding the ongoing significance of the region for all the parties to the conflict. Additionally, this paper argues that the contemporary contours of the Western Sahara conflict cannot be seen divorced from the larger geopolitical and balance of power developments in the Maghreb region. Algeria- Morocco relations in general and the Western Sahara conflict in particular are not only influenced by the local political, security and social dynamics, but also by the larger systemic and sub-systemic imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing expansion of power systems, there is a growing trend towards active distribution networks for decentralized power generation and energy management. However, the instability of distributed renewable energy introduces complexity to power system operation. The active symmetry and balance of power systems are becoming increasingly important. This paper focuses on the characteristics of distributed resources and under-frequency load shedding, and a coordinated operation and control strategy based on the rapid adjustment of energy storage power is proposed. The characteristics of various controllable resources are analyzed to explore the rapid response capabilities of energy storage. The energy storage types are categorized based on the support time, and the final decision is achieved with power allocation and adjustment control of the energy storage system. Additionally, a comprehensive control strategy for under-frequency load shedding and hierarchical systems is provided for scenarios with insufficient active support. The feasibility of the proposed model and methods is verified via a multi-energy system case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate about the international order, how it is changed and built, as well as its types, has been one of the most important subjects in the literature of international relations. From the perspective of this paper, this issue can have a very important value in foreign policy literature, because attention the types of order and how to deal with it can be considered as one of the important preconditions in the successful foreign policy making. In this regard, this article by assuming three parallel orders in the current international system, i.e. "hegemonic order, balance of power order and institutional order", seeks to answer the question of how the most important policy prescriptions of Iran in these three orders should be? In response to this question, it is suggested that Iran should be considered as a rational actor and constitutive revisionist in the hegemonic order, as a rational actor and security or power seeking actor in the balance of power order, and as a norm-creating and idea-creating actor in the institutional order. Each of these roles requires the use of specific policies that will be discussed in the article. This research is considered a prescriptive research whose policy prescriptions are according to the theoretical framework of the relevant literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China has shifted the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region. China has tried to influence small island states that were previously under the spheres of influence of Australia and India by offering lucrative offers under its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Small states remain in a quandary about how to approach the evolving regional security paradigm. Using a realism-based perspective, this paper explores small state options through two case studies: Sri Lanka and Fiji and contributes to the scholarly literature by analysing and drawing conclusions about small state options and whether they can opt to return to their traditional relationships and partnerships. The paper draws some conclusions that contrast with some realist assumptions, including a defiance on the part of small island states, who under the right circumstances can upend the status quo in the pursuit of greater economic benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a lifecycle perspective, this paper analyzes the use of reserved seats and the evolution of cooptation norms and practices in Burundi between the signature of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement in 2000 and the 2020 legislative elections. Value-driven objectives, such as minority protection, only partly explain their use and design. The adoption, functionality and recent transformation of electoral cooptation were also determined by realpolitik, most notably by the elites' struggle for positions and the balance of power. Cooptation had important effects on ethnic cohabitation within parliamentary factions. The paper contributes to the literature on the micro-institutions of power-sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the United States and China established diplomatic relations, this relationship has been encountered many difficulties; for example, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, the 1999 US-led NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, the 2001 US-China aircraft collision in China's Hainan Island, and China's 15-year World Trade Organization accession negotiation process and its disputes later with the United States under the WTO, etc. Needless to say, the two great powers also have serious debates and arguments on the Taiwan issue. Under this long-term US-China strategic competition and conflict, Southeast Asian countries therefore have their views and considerations. They smartly have cooperated with China on trade and economic issues while are eagerly or kind of faithfully inclined toward the United States on political and militarily issues. This paper therefore wants to review first the neorealist assumptions on great powers' relations, and then examine US-China strategic competition and rivalry in the Pacific. Also, it introduces Singapore's domestic politics and foreign policy as well as its strategic hedging considerations and choices under US-China power rivalry and make a conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desafíos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China's interaction with the international financial system is driven by its growing economic importance in the world. However, China's financial influence has been much under-presented compared with its economic power. This mismatch provides an opportunity for China to promote greater inclusiveness and better balance of power in global financial governance. The accelerated financial opening-up, exchange-rate flexibility, and deepened domestic reform also nourished the ambition of internationalization of the renminbi that would have impact on the global reserve currency system. This paper investigates the motivations behind China's engagements with the international financial system, the approaches China adopted to achieve its goals, and the key domestic policies required for China to gain more weight in the global financial market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The uneven power loss distribution among the semiconductor devices is one critical issue of the three-level neutral-point clamped converter. Besides, different operating conditions will result in different loss distribution profiles. The case with low power factor and high modulation usage, which is common in the static synchronous compensator (STATCOM) application, has not been paid much attention to in the literature. In this paper, the power loss distribution under this condition is discussed. And a novel carrier-based modulation technique is proposed to balance the power loss distribution and reduce the power loss in the most stressed device. In addition, an active neutral-point (NP) voltage balancing control strategy is also proposed based on the proposed modulation scheme. Simulation and laboratory results are presented to verify the performances of the proposed modulation technique in power loss redistribution and NP voltage control. Its influence on the output current harmonic performance is also evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The balance-of-power idea became a crucial concept in the discourse of international affairs by the mid-seventeenth century. Nonetheless, the concept of balance of power was not even explicitly referenced in the Peace of Westphalia (1648). Instead, the legal principles of status quo ante and uti possidetis reigned supreme. Even though the balance-of-power principle was not mentioned in the Peace of Westphalia, it was often referenced during the negotiations and its implicit presence or practical balance of power was evident in the treaties trying to reach stability in the inter-state system. Several alliances, concluded mostly against France and Louis XIV in the second half of the seventeenth century, implied the balance of power and, more specifically, the balance of sea power. The paper argues that the balancing process became less theoretical and more pragmatic as evidenced by interactive alliance treaties that established reciprocal responsibilities and numerical equilibrium. By the Peace of Utrecht (1713), the balance of power or the balance of Europe became a leading principle and it was referenced repeatedly in the treaties in different languages. The paper traces the balance-of-power idea from the diplomatic background to the diplomatic foreground as the idea moved from natural law to positive law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decade, the interest of managers and professionals for New Ways of Working (NWoW) has grown rapidly, as evidenced by multiple firms claiming to implement 'NWoW workspaces' in Belgium and in the Netherlands. NWoW is often used as a convenient umbrella term to designate a set of organizational adjustments that include open and 'flexible' workspaces, new IT tools, as well as cultural and managerial transformations believed to be 'innovative'. While the academic literature has investigated several cases of NWoW workspaces through post-occupancy studies, there is at the present time no research available on the change process leading to these transformations. The ambition of the paper is to conceptualize NWoW as projects of organizational change subject to politics and power games. Through an empirical study of a multi-site media company implementing a NWoW project, the paper illustrates three implications of a political conception of NWoW. First, the ability of local actors to bargain and to twist the strategic intentions of the deciding authorities is highlighted. Second, the study underlines the crucial role of key intermediaries in designing NWoW projects. Third, participative approaches of change are critically discussed. The paper also provides recommendations for future research on NWoW. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author explains historical facts as well as legal and political concepts and terminology in defining "Bosnian nation" and "Bosnian state", with the aim of helping to find a solution for the establishment and normal functioning of the state of Bosnia as a UN member and subject of international law. Today's so-called Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is a product of the imposed will of major international powers and unprincipled "attitudes" of the international community, and as such it represents a "sui generis state", established in violation of democratic practices and applicable international norms. In the paper we apply a comparison between Freud's psychoanalytic observation of the development of the individual, on the one hand, and the socio-historical development of the collectivity - of the people / ethnos and nation, on the other. The paper cites the opinions of relevant authors, citing the case of the former Yugoslavia and USA, and points to certain dilemmas in the application of two possible principles in establishing modern states - national and civil. In applying either of these two principles, it is important to (re)define the Bosniak national name and eliminate the dilemma: „Bosniaks” or „Bosnians” to look at the two names in the context of the three existing Bosnian-Hercegovinian peoples -- Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's aggressive military doctrine exploits the questionable space for a limited war under a nuclear overhang. This doctrine is designed to dilute, if not fully compromise, the notion of nuclear deterrence. Indian military high command has often boasted about waging a conventional war against Pakistan. India's unilateral decision to repeal Kashmir's special constitutional status has further exacerbated the volatility of the hitherto conflict-prone environment in South Asia. India's doctrine manifests in the offensive deployment of S-400 missile systems along Pakistan's border, further supplemented by the positioning of Dassault Rafale fighter jets. While it might temporarily alter the region's strategic stability equation, Pakistan must rebalance this shift in its strategic stability. There is a need to review the notion of strategic stability as it applies to the region's nuclear balance of power. This paper analyses India's aggressive military doctrine fuelling its desire to wage a limited conventional war against Pakistan, examines the effects of growing military asymmetry, evaluates the impact of the short but swift military action in February 2019, and finally endeavours to determine the stabilizing impact of the nuclear deterrent on South Asia's strategic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and its distribution have always been the central themes of international law, yet international lawyers have paid limited attention to the correlation between power shifts and legal change. Notably, international law effectively operates when balance of power is sustained. With this qualification, this paper examines the relationship of international law with the change in power distribution, arguing that international law should proactively attend to power in order to contribute to the peaceful reconfiguration of the international system. Furthermore, this paper explores the mechanism of power shift being transmitted to law shift and specifically adduces the process and effectiveness of hegemonic international law change centered on UNCLOS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace of reforms in young democracies frequently depends not only on the political will of state authorities, but also on how strongly domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) make a stand for democratic change. This study examines the coalescing practices of Ukrainian CSOs, which come together to propel issues of public importance onto the agendas of the national government or local governments. The paper develops a typology of diverse coalitions and provides examples of the impact of different types of CSO alliances on democratic developments in Ukraine over the last two decades. The article concludes that CSO coalitions in Ukraine might be seen as informal institutions with functional and problem-solving roles due to their ability to restore the balance of power between state and civil society and benefit participatory decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article connects neorealist and feminist approaches to International Relations. I claim that neorealism's main assumption, anarchy, and its main variable, the distribution of power, can offer insights into women's and gender-related problems. First, I argue that neorealism's core concepts and theories (anarchy and the balance of power) can help explain how culture forms, how international politics impact women's lives, and even have predictive power concerning the feminist movement itself. Second, I theorize how and when balance-of-power politics may influence women's societal position and introduce a few examples to support my case. Hence, this paper proposes a neorealist feminist synthesis and is an attempt at inter-paradigm dialogue that could prove fruitful for International Relations theory at large [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a significant development in South Asia, enhancing economic ties between China and Pakistan. It involves energy projects and infrastructure development, fostering collaboration and altering power balances among neighboring nations. The CPEC's dual nature, involving economic interests, security considerations, and geopolitical alliances, shapes the future of South Asian geopolitics, promoting competition and cooperation. Emphasizes the geostrategic dimensions of CPEC and its implications for the region, Further this study Analyse the CPEC and Convergence among the South Asian States This paper, drawing on qualitative data from diverse secondary sources. It is concluded that the CPEC's success could significantly impact South Asia's economic and geopolitical landscape by fostering regional cooperation and competition, potentially influencing the region's larger dynamics. Advocating for a comprehensive partnership, the study suggests that transparent implementation and inclusive policies involving all stakeholders can positively impact the economic conditions of Pakistan and the broader South Asian region, promoting recovery and cooperation amidst regional challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As 2024 marks 50 years of discussions and manifestations related to a New International Economic Order, and also 34 years since President George H.W. Bush presented his vision of a New World Order, this paper attempts to identify the main stages that characterized this important part of international relations. From an International Economic Order defined mainly by the Anglo-Saxon vision after the Second World War, new principles were proposed in 1974 as result of the demise of the colonial system and other changes in the world balance of power. For several decades these principles had little success, but currently the raise of new centers of power and the manifestation of a so-called Global South may determine a more substantial discussion about a New International Economic Order. The conclusions of this analysis aim to clarify the past and attempt to explore the future in order to provide a more efficient participation to international economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With almost universal membership, the World Heritage Convention is at the heart of the global governance of heritage. Nested within UNESCO, the Convention sets the parameters for determining which natural and/or cultural sites can receive the prestigious 'World Heritage Property' designation and be added to the World Heritage List. What started in the early 1970s as an expert-based classification procedure focused on heritage preservation has become an ostensive political process, and a hotbed of competing nations interested in the domestic and international power deriving from inscriptions in the World Heritage List. This paper takes this empirical case as a springboard to reflect upon two key interrelated issues: the politicization of expertise and classification by International Organizations, and heritage as a national identity project and projection of 'soft power'. In doing so, it highlights how changes in the global system since the late 19th century – for example, colonialism, Cold War, 'emerging' powers – affected the global politics of heritage. The paper adds to the incredibly trans-disciplinary field of world heritage research by anchoring itself in International Relations literature, mostly through a Constructivist-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic publishing has faced numerous ethical challenges, but reviewer conflict of interest (COI) and potential associated coercive citation requests present an under-explored area of concern. Although we expect most reviewers to act ethically, the drive for academics to increase their citation counts creates a potential incentive for reviewers to seek citations of their own work, presenting a potential reviewer COI. With citation counts serving as an important part of most university and journal rankings, the integrity of the research review process has far-reaching implications. This study analyzes journals' communication to reviewers regarding coercive citation requests and COIs in general, with 205 survey responses from editors of major management or marketing journals, and an assessment of a randomly selected subset of 30 leading journal websites. The majority of journals did not discuss reviewer coercive citation requests or COIs, nor have any obvious processes to screen for it. We discuss the factors that foster an environment conducive to coercive citation requests and identify easily adoptable changes to review formats to address the problem. We also discuss the need to examine the triad of relationships among authors, reviewers, and editors, taking a systems approach. We encourage attention to balance of power and cocreation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electric power generated by photovoltaic (PV) systems is generally unstable because of uncertain meteorological conditions. Stably maintaining the supply‐demand balance of power systems requires an accurate prediction of the performance of PV systems. Especially for predicting the performance of the PV systems containing modules with different electrical characteristics or installed in different angles, it is necessary to calculate the generated power of the system by combining the current‐voltage (I‐V) characteristics of each module in series and parallel. Therefore, an accurate method is required for estimating the I‐V characteristics in various meteorological conditions. In this paper, a simple modeling method of the I‐V characteristics for crystalline silicon PV modules is proposed. The I‐V characteristics can be simulated in a good accuracy for practical use based on a simplified equivalent circuit of PV modules and a temperature correction of the short‐circuit current, open‐circuit voltage, and the current and voltage at maximum power point. The validity of the proposed method is examined by comparing simulated and measured I‐V characteristics of a PV module. Furthermore, to demonstrate the effectiveness of the proposed modelling method, it was applied to simulating the power generation of a PV system containing modules installed in different angles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many economies in the Western world have been through a regime shift towards fiscal austerity since the 1970s. Existing scholarship ascribes trends in austerity to globalisation or the influence of a new economic paradigm. This paper develops a different approach by stressing the strategic intervention of central banks in governments' fiscal decisions. It analyses archival documents from the German Federal Cabinet and the Bundesbank Council over more than two decades (1960–1981) and finds that the fiscal regime was shaped by changes in transnational institutions which the central bank used to strategically expand its institutional power within the larger macroeconomic framework. With the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system, the Bundesbank was able to greatly increase its power resources while the government's powers diminished. The Bundesbank used its new powers to strategically 'overreach' into the fiscal sphere and 'bargain' with the government to achieve fiscal reforms. By shedding light on the interactions of global legal and economic developments and the micro-level strategies of state actors, the paper proposes a more complex view of the role of the state and brings state-actor strategies into our understanding of the grand shifts in economic policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]