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Presents several editorials which discuss different issues. "The Olive Branch and the Gun," which discussed a speech addressed by Yasir Arafat, leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organization; "Negative Neutrality," which discussed U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America; "Imprisonment WIthout Trial," which discussed Long Kesh, a concentration camp in Ireland; "Toby Moffett, Nadecrat," which profiled Toby Moffett, a U.S. Congressman; "Oregon: A Victory of Sorts," which discussed politics and government in Oregon; "Saxbe Catches Up," which discussed illegal surveillance by the U.S. FBI.

Discusses the results of U.S. vice president Richard Nixon's overseas goodwill missions. Recount of Nixon's travel to Asia and the Far East in 1953; Purported goals of Nixon's trips; Belief that Nixon was trying to burnish his political image at home; Preparations made by Nixon before any trip; Approach of Nixon towards the country's foreign policy; Recount of Nixon's trip to Hungary in the aftermath of that country's revolt; View that the United States made a political misstep in having Nixon visit Latin America; Trip made my Nixon to Soviet Union to open the American exhibition in Moscow.

Discusses the policy of the U.S. to aid underdeveloped areas in Latin America. Information on Marshall Plan for Latin America; Establishment of Inter-American Bank and related Social Progress Trust Fund during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower; Countries lacking well-articulated plans for independent development; Four basic facts to be considered for productive Latin American policy.

The article presents political news briefs for the week of November 30, 1963. The author discusses United States support of political reforms in Latin America. AFL-CIO labor union president George Meany proposes a 35 hour work week. The U.S. Congress is considering ceasing to send foreign aid to Egypt due to Egypt's aggression toward Yemen. Merrywood, the childhood home of first lady Jacqueline Kennedy was saved from demolition to build apartment buildings.

The article presents news briefs and commentary on international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of August 11, 1961. Presidential and Congressional compromises on foreign aid finance legislation are discussed. The media's depiction of the Latin American politician Janio Quadros is described. Issues concerning jurisdiction over space satellite communications in the U.S. are outlined.

The article presents news briefs and commentary on international politics as of the week of September 4, 1961. Social and political conditions in divided Berlin are discussed in depth. The resignation of Brazilian President Janio Quadros and its effect on Latin American politics is explored. Economic cooperative efforts between Malaya, Singapore, and the British colonies of Southeast Asia are discussed.

The article presents news briefs and commentary on international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of June 24, 1961. Accusations of mismanagement in the Department of State by various individuals and its political consequences are examined. Comments by First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev concerning a treaty between East and West Germany are discussed. U.S. military aid policy towards Latin America is mentioned.

The article discusses the sport of spearfishing and its popularity in the U.S., Latin America, and Australia as of March 1954.

The article presents information on an Economic Conference that took place in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It was to be an important, even an epoch making conference. It aroused great expectations among Latin Americans, as policies related to Latin America were to be presented at the conference. At Rio, delegates had to make the best of a bad thing as policies related to Latin America had been decided not by the U.S. State Department and men long familiar with Latin American problems, but by the U.S. Treasury Secretary George Humphrey. His offer was so inadequate that it led to resignations, on the eve of the conference, by the Inter American Economic and Social Council's Ambassador Merwin L. Bohan. INSET: ENOUGH.

In the flux of Latin American life, characterized historically by an almost anarchic individualism, one of the few institutions to display continuity, organization and universality has been the Roman Catholic Church. Accordingly, the influence of the Church on Latin American society, for better or for worse, has been profound. However, the Latin American Catholic Church, neither as monolithic nor as all-powerful as it may on the surface appear to be, is both experiencing renovation and promoting social change of far-reaching significance.

This article presents information on the economic developments in Latin America. During the fast few years, technicians and economists in Latin America have been advocating regional integration as the most feasible, indeed, the only viable instrument whereby their countries can develop. After World War II industrialization was thought to be the answer, but as the early drive in that direction has slowed, many specialists and political leaders have come to realize that industrialization by itself was not enough. Thoughtful Latin American leaders, Although they know the dangers of pursuing visionary goals, envisage a broad conception of integration that extends beyond the purely economic sphere.

The problem confronting Latin American labor can be defined in one estimate and one fact. The estimate is that by the year 2000 the population of this area will be 600 million, two and a half times the present figure. The fact is that the grain situation is today drastically worse than it was in the 1930s. Thirty years ago, the twenty nations of Latin America exported more grain than any other area in the world, today they are net importers and their per capita output has declined by 16 per cent.

This article presents a description of the political history of Latin America up to 1966. One of the most important facts about politics in Latin America today is that the various sets of guiding ideas which were accepted not long ago as valid beyond question are now discredited. Liberalism, under whose influence most of Latin America moved from anarchy into some sort of organization during the last century soon became a mere slogan. In practice, liberals were as authoritarian in Latin America as conservatives, and frequently belonged to the same upper class. The rise of fascism and Nazism - ideologies which quantitatively had little significance in Latin America - affected the whole area far beyond the economic and strategic impact of the ensuing war.

Official Communist doctrine and agitation have been increasingly confined in Latin America. The Communist movements have not only shrunk in recent years; they have also been deeply infiltrated and divided. A political turning point was reached this year in Venezuela when the Communists, divided among themselves, lost their principal political bastion, the Central University of Caracas, Caracas, Venezuela, to the Social Christians in an election defeat. The pro-Soviet Partido Communista Venezohno and the Maoist Movimiento de Ia Izquierda Revolucionaria had ended their long alliance in a dispute over whether to continue guerrilla activity, which has dropped sharply over the past year under pressure from crack army troops.

The nations of Latin America have made only halting progress toward recasting their social and economic structures since 1961 when, at the signing of the Charter of Punta del Este, they promised vigorous reform. As for the U S. role in land reform, a foreign policy flexible enough to distinguish between the pressing domestic problems confronting Latin America and the East-West, and private business issues, is needed. If the Latin American countries are not willing to devote considerable resources and planning to agriculture, once rights over the land are redistributed, the only concrete result of reform may be that those who participate in the reform will themselves eat better.

The Alliance for Progress in Latin America, born a little more than four years ago, has undergone an ugly transformation and has entered a "hard' stage peopled by characters out of the Pentagon, CIA and the Marine Corps. Passwords now are military aid, counter-insurgency, civic action and armed intervention. The Brazilian coup and the occupation of Santo Domingo are the two better known, but by no means the only incidents of this hard stage. In 1960, Cuba demonstrated only too clearly that pressures for social and economic reform in Latin America were formidable. The defensive response of many frightened American nations was the Alliance for Progress.

The article looks at U.S. foreign policy as of 1965, focusing on the April 1965 U.S. military invasion of the Dominican Republic. The author presents a case for the view that the invasion was a mistake and may hinder rather than advance the anti-Communist aims of the U.S. government in the region. He says the Dominican president deposed by the U.S., Juan Bosch, is not a Communist and was not acting on behalf of Cuban President Fidel Castro. Economic conditions in the country are cited.

This article focuses on the political scenario in the U.S., as of November 30, 1964. Senator Barry Goldwater has suggested that the political parties in the U.S. should be realigned, one "liberal" and one "conservative." The existing consensus developed as an aspect of the so-called bipartisan foreign policy, which emerged after World War II. For the first time, foreign policy became the dominant issue and, in a period of great tension, the plea for "unity" prevailed. A large part of the population of Latin America lives on the verge of starvation and many, directly or indirectly, die of it. A tiny minority lives in baronial splendor and has fortunes stashed away in foreign banks just in case their agreeable arrangements should miscarry. To guard against this unpleasant eventuality, Latin American nations keep, about 500,000 men under arms at an annual cost well in excess of $1.5 billion.

There is some truth to the press reports that Brazil is witnessing another of those familiar Latin American military coups. History is indeed repeating itself in a familiar pattern in Brazil. However, the press reporting of this pattern is not true and, thanks to consistent distortion, the reality behind it is not understood. For a perspective on the fate of Brazil President Joao Goulart, one must go back to the fate of his predecessor Janio Quadros in 1961, and further still to that of Goulart's political father Getulio Vargas, in 1954.

Latin America has ignored or resisted population control, despite the fact that Latin America, and especially its native Indo-American elements, has the highest rate of population increase of the world's major cultural areas. The approximate number of births reported annually for each 1,000 inhabitants of selected countries makes the point, Switzerland 12, the United States, Uruguay and Argentina 26, India and China 33, Chile 34. Preventive medicine has produced striking results in Mexico. In the first sixty years of this century the population has nearly tripled to 349 million.

The article presents information that President Joao Goulart of Brazil was ousted by the insurrectionary use of force. While the coup d'etat was still in process, U.S. President Lyndoe B. Johnson announced warm sympathy for the rebels. This in itself was most peculiar but more surprising was U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk's statement that the issue of diplomatic recognition didn't arise because the new President was selected in the manner provided by the Brazilian constitution. According to this view, a military seizure of the reins of government can legitimize itself merely by following the normal constitutional procedure for presidential succession. The President's announcement came at a time when reports were widespread that Washington was developing a new leniency toward right-wing dictators in Latin America and that this includes condoning their habit of political control through coups d'etat. The reports of a policy shift suggest that the United States may adopt a revised doctrine of diplomatic recognition based mostly upon de facto control.

Does American aid and investment contribute much or little to, or even, Latin American economic development? The recent argument between the Brazilian and American Embassies on this question with respect to Brazil invites analysis and comment. The Brazilian viewpoint, expressed by its Embassy in Washington is that American aid is small and not altruistic. The American answer, delivered by U.S. Ambassador Lincoln Gordon in a lecture before the National Economic Council of Brazil is that in exporting capital the United States incurs great sacrifice and contributes significantly to the economic development of Brazil.

Before politician Fidel Castro became the hemispheric menace, total U.S. aid to Latin America was running under $500 million a year and Latin American statesmen spent much of their time bewailing the niggardliness of Uncle Sam. It was not that lie didn't have the money, but he was squandering it elsewhere. The complaint has some substance. If consistency is the hobgoblin of little mind; the U.S. correspondents in Moscow, Russia, as well as those who operate in Washington, D.C., must have minds of such power and greatness that they are really wasted in newspaper work. Now is the open season on speculation on what is going on behind the walls of the Kremlin, Moscow, Russia, and almost every correspondent has a theory based on information from sources lie dares not name, but which take his word for it, are of the most incontrovertible authority.

Some of the reasons for the Latin American student's lively interest in politics are peculiar to the region, and its institutions; others, given the nature of youth, have practically global applications. It is my purpose to examine the Latin American student movement in the light of the forces which have shaped it and of its significance to U.S.-Latin American relations. Where students are propagandists, where bulletin board notices turn out to be political manifestoes, where the study of doctrine is replacing home-work, and where an army tank substitutes for the statue of alma mater, the most important individual on campus is neither the athlete nor the scholastic wizard, but the leader of the University Students' Association.