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The article focuses on the issue regarding the suspended visit of Cambodia Prince Norodom Sihanouk in the Soviet Union in 1965. It mentions the event in North Korea, during Sihanouk's state visit, when a Soviet ambassador allegedly met and praised him, but gave him an old paper stating that the Soviet leaders were busy to welcome him on the appointed November 7, 1965 visit in Russia. It also relates on the previous state visit made by Sihanouk in Red China, which is in conflict with Russia.

Having said its piece on China, the Department of State ought now to pass to the delicate problem of inter-American relations. There is great need for a White Paper on the good-neighbor countries, one that will, reject sentimentality, face facts and speak out in an unembarrassed voice. It would be desirable, too, to hasten the release of such a policy pronouncement. Washington D.C. is unfortunately ill prepared to undertake a realistic appraisal of the present state of affairs in South America. The purgative of the China White Paper has not yet taken effect and nervous officials are reminding themselves that the full story of Marshall Plan aid will soon have to be told.

This article focuses on foreign policy of the Unites State on China. According to the author, when Secretary of State of the United States stated in the recently issued White Paper on China that it was American policy to wait for the dust to settle before making any major new decisions about China, he laid himself and the Administration open to a sustained and savage attack. Criticism concentrated on the suggestion that the Department of State, having failed in a weak policy of insufficient action, was trying to retreat to a still weaker policy of total inaction.

As a discussion historic events and a compilation of pertinent documents the U.S. State Department's monumental White Paper on China will be an invaluable source book for years to come. As an apologia for American policy in China it is unconvincing. Apparently, the attack of a cardinal on former U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, has not only succeeded in causing embarrassment to many Catholics, but has ruined the chance for any federal aid to schools by the current session of the U.S. Congress.

The outbreak of widespread fighting in China, approximating civil-war conditions, has weakened but not destroyed the remarkable myth that has grown up around the U.S. Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley. Only a few weeks ago the newspapers were hailing General Hurley, back-slapping oil man turned diplomat, for having at last achieved a settlement between the Chungking government and the Communist regime at Yenan. Some papers even hinted that he had arranged the recent pact between China and Soviet Union. Although it is now apparent that Hurleys diplomacy failed to bring unity, few Americans realize the extent of his responsibility for the present civil strife.

The author says that separate but related scraps of information, and the sotto voce complaints of middle-echelon State Department officials, suggest that the greatest barrier to substantial progress in the Warsaw talks with China is the intransigence of the U.S. military. Yet U.S. President Richard Nixon must implement this policy in the face of military obstructionism, aided by persons within the intelligence community, that comes uncomfortably close to insubordination. Preparing for resumed talks, the U.S. government drew up background papers that proposed an exchange of journalists, scholars, scientists and scientific information, and the "regularization" of postal service and telecommunications.

At Shanghai, the British, supported by Italians are defending a line, which reaches far beyond the boundaries of the International Settlement into purely Chinese territory. They have not bothered to give any excuse, not even to explain that their promises to observe China's national integrity are mere "scraps of paper"; like the Germans in Belgium thirteen years ago, they have simply taken the most convenient course. Meanwhile Sun Chuang-fong, recently lord of five provinces, is fading out of the picture.

By definition all alliances entangle. To have value to its signatories, to survive stresses and strains, an alliance must be based on mutual interests. Paper bonds alone do not tie effectively. An alliance will prove reliable only as long as all the signatories continue to fear the contingency, or party, against which it was originally directed. There must be, moreover, reasonable assurance that, acting together, the signatories are capable of meeting the contingency. Above all, an alliance should serve the interests of all parties, and not merely the interests of one to the detriment of the others.

The article focuses on the outlook for U.S. foreign policy. U.S. position for a Pacific Union is explained in relation to priority given to Europe. Decisions subsequent to the release of the China White Paper are presented together with suggestions from Great Britain for order in Southeast Asia. Plans of the International Monetary Fund to restore drawing rights to Marshall Plan countries are examined as well as the signs of solid prosperity in France. The effect of the Commonwealth agreement on trade between India and Great Britain are also evaluated.

Presents information on the socio-political relationship between China and the Soviet Union. Views on the "White Paper" issued by the U.S. State Department on the United States-Chinese relations that replaced a faulty early appraisal of the Chinese communists; View that the regime that emerged on the Chinese mainland was not a satellite of the Soviet Union; Views on the political tensions between China and the Soviet Union.

The article presents some papers on political issues. One of the papers highlights the problem of Albania placed before the world's tribunal. Albania has become an object of intense covetousness on the part of its neighbors. The various Balkan states, Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria, have been eyeing the Albanian territories ever since they resolved upon a policy of expansion. Another paper discusses the future of Kiaochow, the territory which Germany leased from China in 1897 for ninety-nine years and which was captured by the Anglo-Japanese forces at the outbreak of the World War I.

The article presents information about the U.S. government's policy of proposed loan to China. The present policy of approval of a proposed loan of possibly $50,000,000 to China by an American banking group is under question. The Democratic Administration, early in 1913, declined to support the U.S. participation in the projected "Six-Power Loan" to the Chinese Republic. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's statement on that occasion, setting forth his belief that terms of the loan "touch very nearly the administrative independence of China," was one of the first state papers from which one could judge the President's attitude towards foreign nations.

The article focuses international relation. Confidential dispatches were received at the U.S. State Department, which are said to confirm the general tone of the forecasts of the German reply to the American note cabled by correspondents from Berlin, Germany. Whether the relaxation of activity by German submarines during the past two weeks represents the normal period of respite, respite from Nepenthe, which succeeds strenuous days. It indicates an intention on the part of Germany to moderate her submarine warfare. Dispatches from China on Monday revealed the fact that in the middle of May, during the crisis between China and Japan, an identical warning had been conveyed to both countries that the United States would not recognize any agreement, which impaired American rights in China or endangered the policy of the open door.

The article presents recent developments in world politics. There has been no further development during the past week in the situation in Romania or other Balkan states. It seems significant, however, that a loan of $25,000,000 has been arranged for Romania in England, and if dispatches from Rome and Athens published in recent papers are to be accepted. Whatever Italy's ultimate decision on the question of peace or war may be, it becomes increasingly evident that decision will be taken by Italy alone, uninfluenced by threats or persuasions of other Germany and Austria. Somewhat sensational dispatches from Chinese government were published on January 27 concerning demands that Japan had made upon China following the Japanese occupation of Kiao-chau.

This article focuses on international relations. According to the author, it is estimated that Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek, a Chinese nationalist and his immediate following controlled the nomination of at least 80 percent of the congress delegates, many of whom were about as competent to speak for the districts they were supposed to represent as would be an Eskimo for Timbuktu. This was achieved by a simple declaration empowering the party headquarters at Nanking to appoint delegates for districts which were not yet fully organized according to the party rules.

The article reports on various revolutions in Peking, China. These include the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Maoist riots, threats and demonstrations, and the retributory action by their own citizens. In response, Burma is planning to deal with 500,000 chanting and marching anti-Chinese demonstrators a day. The Outer Mongolia has broken off its relationship with the country in the heat of Red Guard attacks on the Mongolian embassy in Peking.

Presents an open letter addressed to Inazo Nitobé, a Japanese internationalist. His interview in which he upheld in the most sweeping terms the recent acts of Japan in Manchuria and Shanghai in China; Statement in a Far Eastern newspaper, gravely stating that Woodrow Wilson would have welcomed the establishment of the new state of Manchuria on the ground that it was in accord with the principle of self-determination; Information that for seven years he faithfully served the cause of international cooperation as a high official in the League Secretariat; Question as to why he is apparently indifferent to the violations by Japan of the League Covenant and the anti-war pact.

The article presents information on socio-political developments in the United States in the year 1951. The Congressional investigation of the U.S. general Douglas MacArthur controversy is getting a lot of publicity in the U.S. Congressional investigations run a cycle. First, the investigation is largely factual; then partisanship increases; then comes the big whoop-la, and finally a majority and minority report. The U.S. State Department is taking a firm stand on China, which seems to be insistence on keeping China out of the UN, threatening to bomb Chinese cities after all, and preparing to pal around again with the discredited regime of Chiang Kai-shek, on Formosa.

The article presents the author's opinion on political and social topics as of October 1, 1970. The author focuses on the U.S. federal bureaucracy with attention paid to the fact that U.S. Presidents as well as U.S. citizens have difficulties to communicate their ideas to Government. Topics include the tension between Russia and China, a comment from U.S. President Richard Nixon concerning criminal Charles Manson, and a piece of advice from impressionist Camille Pissarro to his son.

The Chinese have always been a curious people and they are possessed of some very queer old customs. The managers of the Greatest Show on Earth seem to have chosen the present Soviet Union government to act as their Invisible Property Man. Officially they refuse to believe that there is such a thing as a Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. As far as Washington is concerned, official Soviet Union simply does not exist. There is some trouble, so it appears, about the exact status of a certain country called Manchuria. Japan wants that country and China wants it or has it and the two nations threaten to go to war with each other on account of this distant and mysterious territory.

The article reports that Chinese Premier Chou En-lai has visited Rangoon, Burma, as part of his state visits throughout Asia. It is reported that Chou and Burmese Prime Minister U Nu talked about a non-aggression treaty between the two countries. On the day Chou left Rangoon, the Burmese army attacked the headquarters of a Chinese guerrilla band in Kachin, killing several top Chinese agents.

The article reveals how Red China views the proposed armistice in the on-going Korean War. Chinese propaganda paper "People's Daily" reported the armistice as a moral and military success for the Korean people's army and Chinese volunteers and an utter defeat for the U.S. The article also reported the 30th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party, featuring a Peking rally honoring Red leaders such as Mao-Tse-tung, Chou Enlai, Lenin and Stalin.

The article focuses on the concern of China on the ongoing war in Vietnam.

The article discusses the formal ratification of border treaty between Burma and Red China that settles the Sino-Burmese frontier dispute. It highlights the accolade given to Red China's Prime Minister Chou En-lai as the first recipient of Burma's jade-studded order of the Supreme Upholder of the Glory of Great Love. In return, an interest-free ten year loan of 85 million dollars has been pledged by China. In contrary, failures of China in delivering expansive promises are also outlined.

The article reports on the decision of the government of Peking, China to grant a temporary visa to Frederick C. Nossal of the "Toronto Globe and Mail." It mentions that Nossal has done little to impair the paper's diplomatic relations with Red China. His stories have sounded as if they were translated from the original Red Chinese. He claims that any Western commentators who suggest that the masters of Peking do away with their critics are talking utter nonsense.

In this article journalist Scotty Reston discusses views of Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai related to improved relations of China and the U.S. Chou asserts the transformed attitude of China towards the U.S. and expects a position for Peking, China in the United Nations. Chou declared that U.S. troops would be withdrawn from Viet Nam, Japan, and Thailand. It mentions the deep anxiety of Chou over a revival of Japanese militarism that would threaten both Korea and Taiwan.

The article reports that Russia, China and the U.S., the three world powers are planning to mend their strained relations. As stated, throughout the 1960s all three of them were hostile to one another. But now in 1970s, they will hold a series of bilateral talks that could alter their delicate relations. The U.S. and the Soviet Union have been discussing strategic-arms limitation. Since late October Moscow and Beijing are also talking of easing tensions along their common 4,500-mile frontier.

Offers a look at the academic study published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace entitled "Apartheid and United Nations Collective Measures: An Analysis," which maps out a United Nations invasion of South Africa. Summary of the academic study; View that the Carnegie plan clearly justifies the use of United Nations troops to invade the Soviet Union and Red China; Information on the prospectus of the American-African Affairs Association.

This article offers news briefs for the week of November 27, 1965. Particular focus is given to the foreign policy and relations of communist China and U.S. doctrine that the war in Vietnam is ultimately a demonstration against communism in China. The article also discusses international relations between Rhodesia and Zambia. Further article topics include the political career of Harry Byrd, Jr.

Deals with the inevitable consequences of the policies of statesmen and with emphasis on the sending of U.S. soldiers to the Asian mainland to fight China. Reason for the involvement of the U.S. in Vietnam; Differences between a totalitarian and a democratic society; Curse of foreign policy of the U.S. since the end of the Second World War that has become the victim of its own successes; Status of policy in Vietnam in 1965 and some views on the extension of the war into North Vietnam.

Claims that China's economic capability can not support a prolonged war with India. Suggestion that economic limitations would not be able to sustain Chinese military power; Impact of stagnation in agriculture on the food supply and supply of industrial raw materials; Statement that industrial development in China was unusually rapid from 1949 to 1959; Comparison of China's 1949-1959 economy with the Soviet Union of 1928-1937; Industrial growth of China and India from 1952 to 1957.

The image of a ruthless, irrational and aggressive Chinese Communist regime had been peddled in the United States from the beginning, mostly by private and U.S. Congressional sources rather than by the Administration. But by 1965, the Administration itself deemed it necessary to fan the flames of anti-Chinese Communist hysteria. The identification of China as the main enemy of the U.S. now serves the same function in the Vietnamese War as their allegations of North Vietnamese aggression had done earlier. In each case the alleged existence of a newer, larger, more real enemy provides an excuse for their inability to crush the initial, smaller enemy.

The article presents information on various issue regarding the Chinese foreign policy and dominance in South-East Asia. China and the U.S. view each other as enemy, while each view contains some segments of truth, both propaganda pictures are wide of the mark to an extent that would be ludicrous. There is, in short, no evidence that China would welcome an immediate confrontation with the U.S., and much evidence that China will do everything possible to avoid such a conflict. In addition to that, the article presents various other information.

Behind India and, Pakistan's acceptance of the "cease-fire" are a number of critically important developments. But the paradox of the cease-fire, in a sense, is the fact that China is perhaps the power primarily responsible for it. The conclusion increasingly reached is that this war cannot be just, essentially because it is immoral to fight a war in the midst of a civilian population that has never clearly expressed itself one way or the other on the so-called issues. It is basically a great-power struggle, and since it cannot be fought except with the most horrible consequences to people who are in effect bystanders, it is inherently and irremediably immoral.

This article describes the foreign relations of France with China. France's diplomatic and economic courting of Communist China is based on a long-range analysis of the international scene in which sober realism and grandiose delusion are about equally mixed. The realism is largely economic: France needs new ex- port markets for its growing industries, and Communist China by virtue of its determination, if nothing else, looks very much like the right recipe for France's export hunger. Trade with China -- this promising market of 700 million people short on foreign exchange but long on ambition-is, therefore, for the French a matter of domestic importance and urgency.

The article presents the economic and political updates of the U.S., as of November 25, 1909. Careful perusal of the opinion in Saturday's decision against the Standard Oil Co. will convince most readers of the journal "The Nation," that it is not only sound law as the statutes stand, but is conservative interpretation of the law. The decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is, like the Supreme Court Vs Northern Securities decision of 1904, leveled primarily against the holding-company device, when employed for monopolistic purposes. In another political update, the U.S. State Department's approval of the China-Japanese conventions concerning Manchuria, China, signed on September 4, comes somewhat belated, but welcome nevertheless.

The article focuses on issues related to international relations. It is hard to believe that so discreet an official as the foreign minister of so diplomatic a nation as the Japanese should have really made use of the uncalled for and almost brutal threats against the Chinese Government, with which a Korean dispatch credits him. In the absence, however, of testimony to the contrary, Japanese foreign minister Viscount Hayashi is on record as declaring that the fate of Korea may be regarded by China as a lesson; it should be a warning to that country to put her house in order, ere some strong nation, whichever one might be moved so to do, imitates events in Korea. From the moment when peace was signed with the Boers at Vereeniging, South Africa in 1902, the union of Africa south of the Limpopo and Orange Rivers, South Africa under one autonomous government might have been taken for granted. The British trend towards colonial federation, which had manifested itself in North America and Australia under the sole influence of internal causes, could not but run with greater force in South Africa, where was to be found the additional powerful stimulus of neighboring foreign territories and, consequently, foreign rivalry.

Focuses on the news reports of Edgar Snow, a renowned journalist of the U.S. who made attempts to improve relations between the United States and China, following his death in Geneva. Cordiality in relations with the Chinese Premier Mao Tse-tung; Views that the U.S. victory in Vietnam for want of aid from Russia and China could lead to wars between socialist nationalisms; Lack of a sound basis for the withdrawal of the U.S. from Vietnam; Views that China may regard Soviet Union as a greater menace than the U.S. since it shares thousands of kilometers as border with the Soviet Union.

Presents an interview with Chinese Prime Minister Cho En-lai regarding the conditions of the economy, foreign and domestic policies of the country. Economic problems confronted China; Achievements in broadening international diplomatic and trade relations; Growth in industrial and agricultural production; Some features of the country's politics that were misrepresented abroad; State of the Communist Party; Clarification regarding the role of the army in both the party and the government; Reaction towards the position of the United Nations regarding the recognition of the People's Republic as entitled to China's seat in the Security Council.

Focuses on the implications of the end of Vietnam War for the U.S., China and Japan. Reasons for the opposition of China to the meeting in Paris, France for the negotiations regarding the Vietnam War; Agreement of the U.S. to conduct negotiations within Hanoi's terms; Plans of elimination of all foreign military bases in Vietnam; Recognition of the National liberation Front (NLF) as the sole genuine representative government of the South Vietnamese; Goal of the U.S. to secure North Vietnam's recognition of the existence of a separate South Vietnam state; Aims of the U.S. and the NLF of Hanoi, Vietnam for the settlement negotiations; Impact of the loss of the U.S. military control over Vietnam on the Japanese-American alliance; Impact of the settlement on foreign policies of the U.S., China and Japan.

Examines past relations between China and Vietnam with a view to answering the question of whether North Vietnamese leaders would accept Chinese volunteers if and when the United States invaded North Vietnam. First appearance of the Viet in central Yangtze River Valley; Emergence of Vietnam as an independent state; Chinese invasions; French domination; Military intervention by China; Literary war between China and Vietnam; Opposition of Vietnamese to all foreign occupation; Their ability to absorb cultures and make their own.