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There has been an ever-growing stream of books, pamphlets and articles on how to achieve and maintain employment, as of September 1944. It has become quite impossible for economists to read all these recipes, mainly because they all say more or less the same thing. They nearly all agree that the way to keep up the level of national employment is to keep up the level of national expenditure. In one way and another, national expenditure was permitted to increase in a number of countries, and some measure of recovery was achieved in the process. The reason for the recovery was not always understood, it was attributed to cheap money, an unbalanced budget, raising of tariffs, devaluation of the currency, increasing the general price level and so on, by the countries adopting these various measures. It was not realized that it was only in so far as the measures taken involved an increase in the total volume of spending in the country concerned that they could raise its level of employment at all and that in itself a rise in prices, far from promoting recovery, diminished the effect in stimulating employment of a given increase in spending. The article talks about the recent British government report on employment policy. There is nothing particularly novel about any of the measures recommended in the policy, nor do they involve any revolutionary change in economic practice or organization. What is new is, first, that the government there accept as one of their primary aims and responsibilities the maintenance of a high and stable level of employment and second, that the various measures proposed are commended as part of a single coherent plan.

In this paper we examine the effects of the policies of wage and price restraint that have at various times been employed in Britain since 1945. We have taken the two-equation model that has been studied extensively in the context of data for both the United Kingdom and the United States,[2] and have assumed that, although far from perfect, this model will be a good enough statistical description of wage and price inflation to allow it to catch any major influence of wage and price restraints. In order to see how the potential effects of incomes policies should be specified in this two-equation model, we are forced to examine the derivation of the equations in some detail. In this process we discover that shift dummies which have been used by other investigators[3] to catch the effects of incomes policies are inappropriate and that their use can give rise to misleading results. After conducting tests more satisfactory than those employing shift dummies, we conclude that the data are not inconsistent with the view that wage and price restraints have usually been ineffective in restraining inflation, and also that the restraints have sometimes actually had the effect of raising the rate of inflation above what it would otherwise have been. This perverse effect is very noticeable in the most recent periods of "restraint" since 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a view of the postwar trade. In the paper titled "A British View of Postwar Trade," the author presents one personal set of reflection on a problem that must concern all economists who think about the postwar. Differences in degree of importance attaching to international trade in affecting the level of employment and the productivity of the factors of production, variables, which determine the size of the national income, do exist between countries. While it may not be true to say that "trade, to others a thing apart, is England's whole existence," yet England is high in the list of countries whose welfare is bound up with prosperous, free-flowing and expanding world trade. The degree of Great Britain's dependence on world trade is significant for the readiness; with which enlightened self-interest will dawn and efforts be made to play a part in restoring world trade. It would be superfluous to argue about the economic merits of the territorial division of labor in conformity with the principle of comparative advantage. Instances, in which British and American economists have fallen from grace by thoughtlessly, even irresponsibly, depredating the virtues of international trade in the modem age are rare; and no good purpose would be served by indulging in recriminations.

Statistical data which may be useful to students of economic change are presented in this paper. It interprets long-run statistical series on the growth of educational employment in the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, and provides information on the changes in the relative importance of employment in public schools to total governmental employment and to total employment over the long run. Finally, an analysis of the statistical record indicates that some potentially interesting interrelationships exist between the different proportions of school-age population attending public school, teacher-student ratios, and different ratios of school-age populations to total employment in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the issue of trade union wage policy in postwar Britain. It was learned that Sir William Beveridge pointed out the responsibilities which would confront trade unions in an environment of full employment. Based on a theoretical point of view, for full employment to be adopted as a major governmental policy in time of peace, Beveridge reasoned that a change in the economic order would require other institutional adjustments. On the issue of collective bargaining, he pointed out that there is a danger that sectional wage bargaining pursued without regard to its effects upon prices, may lead to a vicious spiral of inflation. The relative stabilization of the price level through subsidies and price control helped to the success of the policy of wage restraint. The presence of the Labour Government also contributed to the success of the policy.

It is the purpose of this paper to inform the debate on sexual equality by reference to the economic analysis of discrimination, which has by no means figured prominently in the public discussion of the issue. This to some extent may be explained by the fact that no detailed British analysis of the economics of discrimination exists, despite a mushrooming of the American literature on the subject (which is mainly but not exclusively devoted to racial discrimination).[1] The first part of the paper attempts to analyze differences in employment activity in the labour force between the sexes and to examine how far these may explain sex wage differentials. This enables us to define more precisely what constitutes (pure) discrimination in the second section which surveys various economic models of discrimination, analyses them in terms of their applicability to sexual discrimination, and derives various propositions. In the third section statistical evidence is examined in relation to these propositions in so far as this is possible given the availability of data.[2] Finally, certain implications are drawn from the analysis in comparing the likely effects of equal pay and anti-discrimination legislation on the operation of the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the problem of evaluating the interview in the Youth Employment Service in Great Britain. measure of their overall effectiveness. It also describes some of the differences between interviews which received high and low ratings, with particular emphasis on differences we were able to quantify. The work described in this paper appears to advance the understanding of the nature of good and poor vocational guidance interviewing, judged by the criterion set in the earlier paper.

Since 1962 manpower retraining facilities in the U.K. have increased almost fivefold and the government has recently announced a programme of expansion up to 1975 which will, if realized, far surpass this rate of growth.[1] This paper examines briefly the benefits that are likely to result from investment in manpower retraining. In particular, it stresses the need for flexibility and adaptability in the organization and management of a programme of manpower retraining. Against this background the U.K. system of Government Training Centres (G.T.C.s) is examined, and it is argued that there is a need for a considerable expansion in retraining effort--part of which, it is suggested, might be organized through the existing structure of the Industrial Training Boards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the trend of public employment in Great Britain and the U.S. During the last half-century, governments almost everywhere have become far stronger influences in economic life. The paper attempts to provide a quantitative picture of certain aspects of this powerful drift. It is primarily concerned with Great Britain, but it includes some comparisons with the U.S. The measure of size, which has been studied, is the number of persons employed by governments in Great Britain considered in relation to the size of the British labor force. These data are traced for a sixty-year period. They are analyzed so as to distinguish employment at central and local levels and in various functions and they are compared with similar measures for the U.S. In 1891, less than 4 per cent of the working population was employed by government at all levels, central and local, in both civilian and military capacities in Great Britain. A period of rapid expansion in the size of government was opening. Nevertheless, 1890 does not represent the beginning of the development from which the structure of the modern British state emerged. That development started well over a century before and in some of its aspects, of course, much earlier still.

As war prosperity brought an end to the worst depression in history, there was general agreement that preparations should be made to prevent a similar disaster in the future. Even the wartime government of Great Britain, despite its basically conservative character, accepted as one of their primary postwar aims and responsibilities the maintenance of a high and stable level of employment in the 1944 White Paper on Employment Policy. In the U.S., the same movement led to the passage of the Employment Act of 1946, with its obligation to promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power. Although one of the things to be contained in the economic report provided for by the act is a review of economic conditions during the preceding year, there is nothing else in the act which specifies the period to which recommendations are to apply. But the author believes that most economists have from the start felt that the basic function of the council was to prevent serious depressions such as that which struck in 1929.

This paper investigates the discrepancy between recorded unemployment and real unemployment in the regions of Great Britain. The study was prompted in part by the numerous attempts made to measure hidden unemployment for the US economy (see MINCER(5)), but it differs from earlier studies on two counts. First, unlike these earlier studies, which have concentrated on measuring hidden cyclical unemployment, an attempt is made here to explore the possibility of measuring the structural variety of hidden employment. Second, a different method has been used to calculate hidden cyclical unemployment than in earlier studies.
The paper is in five parts. Part I examines the gap between real unemployment and recorded unemployment, and argues for a division of this gap into cyclical and structural components. The second part-describes operationally useful methods of measuring hidden unemployment. In parts 3 and 4, the methods of measuring hidden unemployment are applied to the regions of Great Britain and to a sample of North-West localities. Part 5 compares the findings with two earlier studies (CORRY and ROBERTS (2) and STILWELL (8)). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The belief that poverty has been virtually eliminated in Great Britain is commonly held. It has been reiterated in parliament and the press and has gained authority from a stream of books and papers published by economists, sociologists and others in the post-war years. In the main the proposition rests on three generalizations, which are accepted as facts. The first is that full employment, combined with larger real wages and the enormous increase in the number of married women in paid employment, has brought prosperity to the mass of the population. The second is that there has been a marked redistribution of income from rich to poor and, indeed, a continuing equalization of income and wealth. And the third is that the introduction of a welfare state has created a net, though some prefer to use the metaphor a feather bed, which prevents nearly all those who are sick, disabled, old or unemployed from falling below a civilized standard of subsistence. The general theory, then, should be that individuals and families whose resources, over time, fall seriously short of the resources commanded by the average individual or family in the community in which they live, whether that community is a local, national or international one, are in poverty.

SUMMARY This paper summarizes the results of research undertaken during the last few years with a triple motivation. Firstly, it was desired to illustrate the feasibility of estimating complex non-linear economic models, when the non-linearities occur in variables and parameters. Secondly, though the richness of the vintage putty-clay model has long been realized, there are few reported empirical studies of the model and so this appeared to be an area ripe for development. Thirdly, it was hoped that in adopting the putty-clay technology assumption economically more plausible results would be obtained from estimating the developed model for the UK than had previously been obtained for a putty-putty technology model. The production relation estimated has the general form: Q(t) = B(t)N(t)[sup n]H(t)[sup m] ...(1) ignoring stochastic error terms, when Q(t) is the level of production, N(t) the employment of labour and H(t) the hours worked at time t. This functional form is very similar to that of the standard short run putty-putty production function (e.g. Brechling [6] or Ball and St Cyr [1]), but a difference lies in the specification of B(t). In putty-putty models B(t) is usually represented by a scale factor and an exponential trend, whereas in the model presented here B(t) is a function of past investment, the economic life of equipment, past and expected future prices, and exponential rates of discount, deterioration, and embodied and dismbodied technical progress. The adopted approach assumes that there is a single output Q(t) and analyses the short-run behaviour of production and employment for the capacity determined by past investment. Particular functional forms are chosen for the UK aggregate ex-ante production function and the ex-post or utilization function, rather than building up information about them via isoquant maps and capacity distributions as in the Johansen approach [18, chapter 9]. In fact, Johansen is able to adhere much [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the alleged 'shake-out' of labour in the mid-sixties in Britain and provides an additional test to discriminate between the conflicting explanations of the upwards displacement of the VU curve. The method employed involved the use of a short run employment function, from which estimates of the parameters of the desired labour function can be obtained. If the upward displacement of the unemployment/vacancy relationship took place because of dishoarding we would expect to observe a significant structural break in the short run employment function. The exact form of structural change observed will depend on the kind of dishoarding that occurred in late 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper was conceived as an extension of the major contribution by Frank Brechling in developing a recipe for explaining the short period behaviour of employment levels in British manufacturing industry [2]. The extension is both theoretical and empirical. On the theoretical side we make more explicit assumptions about the form of the short period production function and so develop a model similar to Brechling's, which can be related to the standard cost-minimizing model of neo-classical employment theory. From this we derive the short term equilibrium demand for labour, which added to an adjustment function, enables us to determine the short term employment level. The basic model is fitted to all industry aggregates, to total manufacturing industry and to fifteen sub-components of all industry covered by the industrial production index. We discuss the light that these estimates throw on the short period production functions, and the speeds of adjustment to equilibrium, paying particular attention to the cross-section results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the cyclical behaviour of the relationship between output and employment has become the subject of many interesting theoretical and empirical investigations. In the United States Dhrymes, Hultgren, Kuh, Solow and Wilson and Eckstein have analysed labour productivity and elaborated the implications of its cyclical pattern for income distribution, profit mark-ups, adjustment costs, etc. Similar work has been done in the United Kingdom by Godley and Shepherd, Neild and, more recently, by Ball and St. Cyr. In this paper the results of a further analysis of the British data will be presented. We shall operate with a model which contains an underlying employment demand function and a short-term employment adjustment process. The employment demand function relates the desired level of employment to a number of exogenous variables and the adjustment process describes the adjustment of actual to desired employment. It would appear that the explicit recognition of the adjustment process is necessary, first, for the correct interpretation of actual employment figures (and, hence, of labour productivity as conventionally calculated) and, second, for the estimation of the desired level of employment. Our procedure is based on the fundamental assumption that the underlying employment demand function and the adjustment process are sufficient for the explanation of movements in employment, so that labour supply conditions and other factors are quantitatively unimportant. In the following section a brief sketch of the model will be given. Part II is devoted to a statistical examination of the employment demand function. In part Ill the model will be examined for structural changes and in part IV the quantitative importance of our results will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the extent to which the model of a competitive labour market may be held to be relevant in a consideration of the demand and supply of highly specialized manpower, such as professional engineers and scientists. It is striking that up to the present time the Government Appointed Committee on Manpower Resources for Science and Technology, in all its wide ranging discussions, and recommendations for an increased supply of scientific manpower, have hardly examined the workings of the labour market for this type of manpower in Britain. The alleged ‘shortage’ of scientists and engineers, we are told almost daily by some distinguished figure from the academic or professional engineering world, will lead to all sorts of dire consequences. The available statistical data on the relative earnings of engineers will be examined and in the light of this some of the findings of the Committee on Manpower Resources for Science and Technology will be briefly assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent paper, D. Gujarati (1972) examined registered unemployment and vacancies data for Great Britain 1958-1971. He reported that his empirical tests revealed a change in the unemployment--vacancies relationship (the UV curve) from 1966 (IV). This change was attributed to the introduction of the Redundancy Payments Act (1965) and the National Insurance Act (1966). This legislation, Gujarati felt, eased the financial pressure on an unemployed individual, allowing him to spend more time job-searching. A log-linear relationship between unemployment and vacancies was fitted up to 1966 (III): log U[sub t] = beta[sub 0] + beta[sub 1] log V[sub t] + beta[sub 2]t (1) where U = unemployment rate, V = vacancy rate and t = time. This UV curve was then extrapolated until 1971 (II) and the resultant predicted unemployment series was compared with the actual series. A "correcting factor" was computed to calculate "true" estimates of unemployment (i.e., what registered unemployment would have been, had the above legislation not been introduced). This note contains several comments which fall into two categories. The first concerns the specification of the UV curve and the statistical results obtained by Gujarati. The second concerns the economic interpretation of these results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the British Industrial Training Act passed by the Conservative Government in 1964. The Act outlines the framework for a major manpower planning and development program. The Act enjoyed the support of industry, labor, education and the general public. The levy offered by the government under the Act stimulated employers to increase the quantity and quality of industrial training at all occupational levels. The advisory and consultancy work of the boards created under the Act, as well as the quasi-independent Industrial Training Service, and the recommendations issued in may publications and manuals, have assisted many business enterprises in assessing and dealing with their particular training needs.

The article estimates the part played by the Ministry of Labor in Great Britain, through its local offices, in placing men and women who are entering, or changing, employment. A "placement" is defined as a vacancy filled by an applicant submitted by the ministry. Separate estimates are made for all industries and industry groups for which there is published information on both placements and engagements. A comparison is made between the year October 1950 to September 1951, soon after the Control of Engagements Order was revoked, and the year October 1953 to September 1954, reflecting recent experience under the Notification of Vacancies Order. The result of the Order was that a much higher proportion of people changing employment passed through the local offices of the Ministry. In these circumstances it was to be expected that the number of placements would rise. In fact, in the first four weeks after the introduction of the Order 274,030 placements were made, compared with 171,000 in the previous four weeks.

That study threw up certain problems which required examination at a lower level of aggregation. For example, is there a significant relationship between the rate of change of unionisation (DELTAT) and the rate of change of money wage-rates (DELTAW) at industry level? Is it the case that across industries DELTATvaries directly with DELTAW? Suppose that a correlation between DELTAT and DELTAW exists in each industry, does the causal connection run from changes in wage-rates to changes in unionisation rather than the other way round? Granted our hypothesis about causality, can changes in unionisation be explained by the level of demand in each industry or by shifts in the composition of aggregate demand or by differential rates of growth of demand between industries? Shall we find that at this level of aggregation demand is in fact important and that in a multivariate analysis unemployment together with the cost of living as well as changes in wage-rates in lead sectors are significant determining variables and that the contribution of the union variable is negligible? This study is an attempt to contribute to the answers to those questions. The paper is divided into two sections and an appendix. The first contains a statement of the theory concerning the relationship between the rate of change of money wage-rates and unionisation, and presents evidence bearing on the relationship. It also advances hypotheses about the factors which influence union militancy as measured by this index. The second presents and estimates four single-equation models of the determination of wage-rates in each industry. In the appendix we analyse hypotheses concerning the determination of changes in unionisation which would, if they were correct, constitute refutations of our interpretation of the role of the union variable. The appendix also contains a discussion of the problems encountered in constructing the relevant indices used in this study, particularly that of the densi... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the job-finding methods used by unemployed and layed-off workers in Great Britain during the late 1960s. Formal and informal job search methods are described, and their efficacy in locating work is compared. The article discusses the impact of economic conditions and labor market demand on individual job hunting. A worker's age is described as an influence on the outcome of job searches among the unemployed. A profile of employment opportunities after unemployment is provided.

In almost every country where coal is mined, labor protest among the workers in this industry has been frequent and intense in comparison with industrial workers generally. Yet, as this article demonstrates, there are significantly wide differences between countries in the strike propensity of coal miners. These differences are set forth here for Germany. France, Great Britain, and the United States. and also the Saar Territory. The author then traces the historical development of the mining work force and labor relations in each of these countries and analyzes their respective strike experiences in the light of the particular sociocultural setting as well as the mining environment. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the strike propensity inherent in the immediate environment of mining may be either activated or dampened, depending on the nature and impact of the larger sociocultural situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experience to date under a 1947 British law designed to encourage union participation in economic planning for industries which have not been nationalized. The author feels that the law has fallen far short of original expectations and finds the reasons for this failure in the organizational form of the joint planning councils, the statutory provisions under which they operate, and the quality of the union representation on the councils. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the aims of the organization Aims of Industry in Great Britain. Alleviation of real living standards; Goals on providing employment; Recognition on the importance of cooperation in achieving goals.

Rees has recently provided a set of employment-based survivor estimates of optimum plant size for thirty manufacturing industries in Great Britain. The dangers of using the survivor technique to estimate optimum plant or firm size are well known and have been excellently summarized by Shepherd. The purpose of this note is not to criticize Rees's paper on the basis of his assumptions and method,' but rather to query and extend some tests which he carried out in order to test the hypothesis that monopoly power and inefficiency are positively linked. The survivor estimates presented by Rees are based on employment data and must therefore be treated with some caution. However, the estimates do permit us to test whether inefficiency and monopoly power are related. Economic theory suggests that the greater the degree of monopoly power in an industry, the less incentive there exists for competitive rivalry and the efficiency which is associated with the process of competition. Inefficiency may be measured in the current context by the percentage of total employment in plants lying outside the indicated optimum range. Higher levels of concentration in a given year may give rise to greater efficiency at some future time in the manufacturing industries covered by the sample.

Presents news briefs on matters related to education in Great Britain as of September 1974. Increase in the allowances for men and women taking course under the Training Opportunities Scheme; Extension of the scope of mandatory awards under section one of the Education Act of 1962; Results of a survey of school-leavers on their transition from school to employment.

Presents an interview with Denis Barnes, Chairman of the Manpower Services Commission in Great Britain, on the affairs of the Commission. Collection of information on manpower and employment; Trends of employment; Budget allocations for the Commission.

This article describes the development of occupational guidance for adults introduced by the British Ministry of Labor. According to researchers, vocation implies a life-long commitment to a career, and considers that most men do not have careers. They quotes one source which estimates that two-thirds to three-quarters of the labor force do not follow an ordered, predictable sequence of jobs. The Ministry with its long experience as a placing service would probably concur, and this may account for its choice of the title "Occupational Guidance Units" (OGUs). Granted that for most people the initial choice of employment is not final, it is still not known to what extent they need, or wish for, guidance in making a further choice. In setting up its OGU for an experimental period, it was one of the aims of the Department to assess the national demand for such a service. Full employment, modern technological progress, the opening up of new development areas, all imply changes in occupations and emphasizes the need for different skills, more skilled workers, retraining and mobility of labor. It might safely be assumed that, in such a climate, some people will ask not only for information but also for advice and possibly guidance before deciding to change their jobs.

Examines the aim of the employment agencies in Great Britain. Services offered by the agencies; Impact of office policy on the labor market; Proposal for the establishment of a manpower service commission.

In this article we discuss a method of measuring short-term effects of immigration on excess aggregate demand and on the balance of payments with particular application to a full employment, or "over-full employment", economy.
It may well be the case that an apparent shortage of labour in the economy as a whole accompanied by a shortage of goods and services--all symptoms of a creeping inflation--is attributable in the last resort to inept monetary and fiscal policy. It may further be the case that by some small reduction in the existing level of employment the general labour shortage would disappear and the pressure on prices fall away. Whatever the origins of a general shortage of labour, however, the question remains: does the import of labour, like the import of goods, help to curb an incipient inflation by acting to reduce excess aggregate demand ? If net immigration added to the national product without increasing effective demand, or if it increased effective demand in smaller proportion, then, whatever the other economic effects, it would contribute in the short run to a reduction of the pressure of excess aggregate demand however caused.
In the attempt to answer this question we set up, first a general model for estimating the effects of immigration on aggregate net output, on aggregate net expenditure, and on the balance of payments. The model is then applied to the particular case of Jamaican immigrants into the U.K. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between labor migration and fertility in Great Britain. A priori consideration suggests many ways in which internal migration could affect the birth-rate. In the case of this country the explanation of the deficiency of literature may lie in the complete inadequacy of published statistics for a study of the effects of migration on fertility. It is clear that the statistics of the Registrar-General will not enable to throw much light on the relationship between migration and fertility. The effects of migration upon age composition have already been described--the predominance of young adults among the migrants tends to increase the birth-rates of immigration areas. The migrants were a body of people selected with respect to marital condition. In calculating the paternity rates, years of age relating to calendar years preceding 1931, and to periods of employment in non-insured occupations, were excluded, as also were the children born in those years. The fertility of the married Oxford Welshmen and the married Welsh Natives is seen to have been well below that of the Oxford Natives. Later, when wages were higher, prospects of employment better, and the families were more settled in their new home, their fertility increased.

In this article, the author explains the need for Great Britain's Labour Party to adjust to the social changes taking place in 1960 in order to succeed in elections. While the author is supportive of the party's strong relationship with British trade unions and the working-class, he argues that changes in education and social structure, particularly an increase in professional employment and a growing middle class, require Labour to appeal to other groups.

The article evaluates past features of British Labour Party economic policy in terms of their relevance to Great Britain's economic situation in the early 1960s. These features include the Marxist belief in the eventual failure of capitalism, the promotion of central economic planning, and the belief in common ownership. It is argued the Labour's must focus on raising Britain's employment levels, increasing its standard of living, and promoting economic growth in the 1960s.

The article focuses on the rationale and benefits of government manpower policies in Great Britain. There are two distinct categories of manpower policies. The first is concerned with the efficient use of labor at the place of work and other is related to a set of policies operated directly by the national government for the utilization of manpower in the national economy. The economic rationale of national manpower policies from society's point of view can be related to the macro-economic objectives like full employment; stable prices, balance of payments equilibrium and raising the growth rate of productive capacity. Micro benefits refer to the benefits directly identifiable with the individual policies themselves, which may serve one or more of the objectives of manpower policy. The evidence suggests growing structural maladjustment in the labor market in Great Britain. The achievement of balance between labor markets, as distinct from balance of the aggregate labor market, presents the greatest economic challenge in Great Britain.

The article examines the labor market in professional football in Great Britain. The peculiarities of the labor market in professional football warrant more than passing attention, and in particular the retain and transfer system is without parallel in the history of British industrial relations. The employment of the professional footballer began in the late nineteenth century when the sport first developed as a spectator sport, and the paid player was recognized and legalized by the Football Association as early as 1885. This analysis is limited to the case of the English Football League, which comprises ninety-two clubs divided into four divisions and employs a total professional playing force approaching 2,500. An examination of the economic implications of the wages and conditions of employment of the professional footballer is particularly opportune in view of the recent publication of the Chester Report on the game, which discussed the matter at some length and included recommendations for the revision of contractual relations between the player and his club. The basis of the employment of the professional footballer in the Football League is the retain and transfer system and it would be helpful at this stage to outline the system as it has operated both past and present.

There is a growing trend of thought, especially prominent in Great Britain, that economic salvation after the war must be sought in state control. The main current of this opinion flows from many springs: the failure of free enterprise to maintain a reasonable level of employment between the two wars; the debacle of the thirties; the rending of the illusion that competition and sell-interest will secure a desirable adjustment of supply to demand and an effective tendency toward full employment; the recognition of pervasive market imperfections and wastes; and a complete system of war-born direct controls, which public inertia, fear of the future, the vested interests of those in control and conviction as to benefits of a planned economy now conspire to project into the post-war. These, and similar influences, have produced in Great Britain Employment Policy and Organization of Industry after the War. Employment Policy and Organization of Industry after the War is essentially a policy statement, a compilation of ideas and suggestions for a new advance in the control and organization of national resources.