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The article presents abstracts of papers presented at the annual meetings of the Ohio Valley Sociological Society. Some of the papers presented are discussed below. One of the papers "Identification and Change in a Treatment-Oriented Institution" analyzes a case study of a treatment-oriented, closed institution for delinquent girls. "An Explanation of Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation Among the Urban Poor" represents a broadening of the types of political participation normally studied by political scientists and political sociologists and an attempt to relate each type to a common core of theory derived from the voter studies, literature on revolutionary movements, or conservative theories of crowd behavior. Data is drawn from a survey of the urban poor in Cleveland, Ohio. "The Self and Political Role: A Symbolic Interactionist Approach to Political Ideology" demonstrates an association between the individual's self-conception and his perception of the political role. It tests a general hypothesis, derived from symbolic interaction theory, which relates left-wing and right-wing political role perception to the individual's view of himself as an actor in the social system.

Divergent planning trends in human service fields are described and analyzed. Highlighted are simultaneous emphases on local high impact and state planning, domain issues in comprehensive planning, and the impact of technology and participation. Each trend is posed as an opportunity for attacking a delimited aspect of human service problems—and as a potential danger if it were given undue emphasis. The authors point to longer run dangers of bypassing state delivery systems, problems of domain encroachment and the need for strengthened executive authority in the public sector which can balance the influence of the technocrat-planner with that of greater citizen participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents abstracts of several papers and discussions presented at a conference held by the Society for the Study of Labor History at Birbeck College in London, England on November 25, 1967. The paper The Attitude of the Russian Working Class to the Revolution of November 1917 discusses the role played by the working class in the February 1917 revolution. The mass of the workers took up an attitude which varied according to the nature of their employment and the relative action of the different political groups within the occupational organizations and the Soviets. Thus, railwaymen, skilled artisans, bakery workers and other workers who were sure of their daily bread, showed great joy immediately after the February revolution and expressed demands in which their vocational interests figured side by side with patriotic considerations. Meanwhile, the paper How Oldham's Working-Class Leaders Managed to Avoid Reformism 1812-1847,stemmed from a research on three 19th century towns, Northampton, Oldham and South Shields and attempted to use the results to open a more general discussion on the nature of mass politics in the first half of the century. In general terms, the explanation which the paper proposed rested on two special characteristics of 19th century England, first is the way wages were bargained and second, the very uneven development of the country's basic industries.

This paper begins with a simple normative model of the policy process in terms of the information and authority relationships and flows required lo meet two assumed criteria: those of democracy (informed citizen participation) and intelligence (anticipation and learning). The model contains four actors: elite, public, anticipatory unit, and monitoring unit. The paper continues with a descriptive summary of the major characteristics of the four actors which work against the realization of the information and authority connections which our criteria require. The final section suggests general ways in which computers, especially interactive computing using graphics, can lessen the force of the inhibiting characteristics The general suggestions are supplemented by three illustrative applications: inductive data analysis (IDEA), mapping the urban system (the Kankakee project), and eliciting and enriching citizen preferences (the Smithsonian and the PLATO projects). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies have been carried out in different countries for the right of women to participate in the life of their community and to assemble information on the problems of minority groups in the larger national community. This article helps to focus on the attention of social scientists on problems they can tackle in common and may prepare the way for joint research. Two reports were presented on the attempts to compare survey findings from some countries. The first was an analysis of data on strategies of influence in different countries and the other was the comparison of data on active participants in France. U.S. Recruiter Mattei Dogan's paper focuses on salient features of party systems in France and Italy. A study was reported on the importance of mass media for the less committed voters in the Federal Republic of Germany. The results of a series of studies of leisure use in Finland and an analysis of differences in community participation was summarized. A detailed study on the growth of home-centeredness in Britain was reported. An extensive research program was launched in 1960 to throw light on the political processes in the Federal Republic.

The article focuses on the participation of Charles Stewart Parnell, an Irish nationalist and member of British Parliament, in the Irish Home Rule in Ireland in the 19th century. It states that Parnell led and used his parliamentary party to defeat and dismiss Gladstone's Liberal government to release the people. On the other hand, the Roman Catholic Hierarchy has played a significant role in the destruction of Parnellism in the country.

The article presents a condensation of a paper given at the second Pugwash conference at Lac Beauport, Quebec in April 1958 discussing the problems of different approaches to permanent peace. It asserts that, Americans find it difficult to admit people's right are permanently deprived to choose what kind of economic and political system they want. It argues that the West must recognize the present political state in all parts of the world and admit it as a beginning for future development toward a stable and peaceful world. The article also includes the contribution of Dr. Skobeltzyn on the new fact of life in Eastern Europe to which the West cannot become reconciled.

This paper is an attempt to show that distinct dimensions of political alienation are reliable predictors of variations in political behaviour, independently of factors such as level of government and kinds of situations. In other words, there is a direct relation between the type of alienation and the mode in which it is expressed. The paper also calls attention to the functions served by the alienated as agents of political change. Variations in the modes of expression result from the following four types of political alienation: powerlessness, distrust, meaninglessness and isolation. Political powerlessness refers to the "perceived expectancy of an individual that his own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of political outcomes that he seeks." The incentive to take part in politics is weak among the powerless who consequently elect to express their alienation through non-participation. Distrust is a person's feeling that the occupants of political roles systematically and consistently violate specific political norms or the "rules of the game" when dealing with certain publics.

Many studies of alienation have related it to social characteristics such as occupation, education, race, and urbanization. This paper considers also its relation to political attitudes toward such issues as governmental action programs, racial integration, freedom of speech, and international organizations, and finds that it has important effects in all these areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Symbolic interaction theory, though widely applied in the analysis of other areas of human behavior, has been used infrequently in the study of politics and almost never in the study of political ideology. This paper illustrates the applicability of the theory as an approach to the latter. More specifically, it attempts to find a relation between differential self conceptions and the types of political roles individuals play. It attempts to provide a tentative answer to the following question: What kinds of self-views are associated with a left-wing or moderate or rightwing or some other political role? Traditionally, an individual's social beliefs or ideology has been viewed as a product of economic class or social conditions. More recently, a number of sociologists and political scientists have approached it as a correlate of status crystallization. But most of the empirical research on political ideology has considered it to be a manifestation of personality. In the personality studies it is assumed that ideological beliefs spring from an underlying personality structure or predisposing factors within the individual. In the research presented in the present article, political ideology is treated as role perception. It is viewed as a set of norms or a role incorporated into the individual's view of himself and the world he lives in. It develops out of symbolic interaction with significant others. Political role, as well as mind and self, is "the individual importation of the social process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the political behavior associated with downward mobility have consistently found skidders in an intermediate position between the class of origin and the class of destination. After a brief review of explanatory statements addressed to this finding, the present paper proceeds to discuss survey data from Italian society which produce an exception to it. A further review of literature reveals a number of speculative statements which anticipate the exception. A series of propositions generated on this basis are tested and upheld by the survey data. The paper closes with an attempt to formalize our knowledge on downward mobility and political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data collected in 1965 on white student civil rights workers in the South affiliated with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, this paper seeks to probe the factors that underlie the subjective sense of success and failure in an episode of political activism. Focusing on some fifty local projects scattered from Virginia to Alabama, we find that success was only partially a function of gains in voter registration, the summer's principal objective. It was related as well to the degree to which projects had been able to penetrate barriers into the black community to build black organizations, the degree of project cohesiveness, and the extent of personal fulfillment of the volunteers as individuals. One last correlate involved the amount of time spent protesting, and the paper explores this in particular detail, focusing on the sense in which the summer might be described as a romantic venture. Finally, the paper offers a comparison between the white student New Left and some of its older predecessors, stressing a distinction between "sympathetic" and "self-interested" activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paper entitled "The Federalist," a compilation of essays that exposed the principles of constitutional republicanism. The author emphasizes that the paper considered the acceptance and successful operation of the government system on human action. Moreover, the paper contains many political references including the voice of the enlightened reasons, the motives of public goods and the obligations of duty.

The author presents an analysis of Central European economies, nationalistic protectionism, cartelization, the role of big business in fascism and industrial development. Inflation is noted to have helped the business prospects of small business. Wholesale and retail price indexes from Austria between 1914 and 1938 are presented. Distribution cost patterns and the efficiency of production are closely tied to American economic conditions. Regimentation, restrictions and licencing in business is discussed with respect to its implications on business and the prospects of fascism.

Studies of the political behavior of the citizens of various countries, the course and outcomes of elections, and the organization and functioning of parties dominated the time and intellectual energies of political sociologists in the 1960s. Much of this work was associated with political sociologist Stein Rokkan, scholars connected with him, or those whose work was facilitated by him. This paper makes use of a collection of essays and articles of the book "Citizens, Elections, Parties," in order to raise some issues concerning dominant intellectual perspectives in the field and the implications for research priorities. Two of the major themes in this article will be considered. First, the model of nation-building and secondly, the proposed agenda for research on a problem which has barely begun to be studied. It will also include institutional and structural comparisons of the different ways in which the pressures of the mass electorate, the parties and the elective bodies are dovetailed into a broader system of decision-making among interest organizations and private and public corporate units.

American political science recently has been concerned with the construction of general theories of the political system. The intent of this paper is to analyze a basic assumption of these recent theoretical efforts. These efforts are dominated by a particular idea of politics which may be called "the politics of interest." It is the vision of politics as an arena into which individual or group interests enter in some fashion to be dealt with by certain processes and transformed into outcomes, policies, or outputs. The paper examines this idea and its premises, describes the contribution which the idea of a "science of politics" makes to maintaining its dominance and indicates the limitations which it imposes on political science in general and on political theory in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three Points on the problem of the proper role of the professional that may be seen as a continuum, may be identified as orthodoxy, activism, and the crisis position. This paper examines these points as professional ideologies. The orthodox position regarding the responsibilities of the professional emphasizes a radical separation between facts and values. The activist position has its roots in orthodoxy, but goes beyond it to emphasize the citizen responsibilities of professionals in areas relevant to their expertise. The crisis position holds that professionals must take social and political initiatives which have not been deemed appropriate in the past under the positivist rubric of "orthodoxy." It is conceivable that, as its adherents have argued, the crisis position represents an emergent ethic which involves sociologists no less than other professionals in the attempt to deal with problems of our time while there is still time. It is also conceivable that, of the three professional ideologies cited in this paper, it is the most potentially dangerous.

Participation of the poor is a major goal of the community action programs of the nation's War on Poverty. To date only one city-Philadelphia-has helped the poor to elect their own representatives to the city's Antipoverty Action Committee. This paper attempts an early evaluation of Phliadelphia's pioneering effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past two decades political and social action has become a muted voice in social work circles. The kind of distinctly political activity that was once so vitally a part of the social work operation is seldom seen today. Certainly social workers of today are as vitally concerned with the problems of those in need as were Jane Addams, Edith Abbott, and Harry Hopkins. However, the means social workers have chosen to affect those needs have become drastically altered. It is the purpose of this paper to explore some of the reasons for and implications of this changed pattern of social action activities. Both historically and conceptually social work activities have been inseparably linked to governmental policy. Current social work literature further explains, or justifies, this approach on a variety of grounds. Principal among these are the social worker's fear that political participation will do damage to the professional image, and the belief that the social worker's effectiveness depends on the confidence of policy-makers in his expertness and the value of his counsel.

This paper reports findings of a study dealing with some factors associated with religious and political affiliation in a college population. Specifically, relationships between religious affiliation, belief and participation, political orientation and socio-economic status are examined. The influence of religion on secular activity has long been of interest to sociologists. The classical works of sociologist Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. Among college populations, the study provides the most comprehensive body of empirical data on students' religious values and their correlates. The article reports that religious belief is widespread but that commitment is rare. Substantial differences are found among major religious groups. Catholic students score highest on a scale of religiousness and Jewish students score lowest with Protestants falling in between. This article also deals with the relationship between parents' religious orientation and the students' religious beliefs.

In his Southern Politics, V. O. Key hypothesized that "teachers, tradesmen, lawyers, businessmen, doctors, land owners compose a much larger proportion of Negro voters than of the Negro population." The present paper is not designed to be any kind of analysis in depth of the Southern Negro as a voter, but is simply an attempt, in a study of one Southern town, to detail to a greater extent Key's hypothesis. While it has not been possible to make any determination of voting patterns within various Negro class groupings, and the analytical tools used are relatively unsophisticated, some interesting social data were uncovered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the author analyzes the political implications and consequences of the alienation of deprived individuals. Particular attention is given to contrasts between the situation at the national and local levels. Although much has been written on alienation, its political significance has been neglected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1913 to 1963 the Republicans held continuous sway over the Board of Supervisors in Dutchess County, New York. In the November election of 1963 party control changed. This paper describes an attempt, by means of interviews with both candidates and voters, to discover the forces motivating voters to abandon their traditional voting habits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the important notions developed by sociologists Paul R. Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson and Hazel Gaudet in study of voting behavior involves the nature of the effect of the political campaign, activation, reinforcement, and conversion, as of September 1, 1964. More specifically, those who were indifferent, come to vote in the direction expected by virtue of their socio-economic status (SES), religion, and residence. Those who intend to vote in line with their SES, religion, and residence, become reinforced and therefore are more likely to vote. And those who intend to vote contrary to what would be expected in terms of their SES, religion, and residence, tend to switch their voting intentions. The cumulative effect of the campaign is, then, to increase the associations between partisan voting and each of these three dispositional factors. For example, the association between voting intention and SES in June is less than in November, i.e., the association between SES and voting is to some extent latent in June and becomes more activated as the political environment changes. Such effect is akin to what has been referred to as structural effect, studies of the impact of climate of opinion are also of the same genre.

This paper demonstrates the aging process that has an impact on party affiliation that is independent of any generational factors. Many characteristics related to age can be explained in terms of aging or generations or both. When variations are observed in the political behavior of age groups, it is particularly difficult to judge which factor should be stressed. Possibly there has been a greater tendency, in the case of party affiliation, to emphasize generations. The best way to demonstrate an aging effect would be to control the factor of historical experience. Panels of respondents interviewed at successive points in time and at different life-span locations is ideal. On both available measures of party affiliation, aging seems to produce a shift toward Republicanism in the period from 1946 to 1958. Although identification effects may vary somewhat at different points in the life cycle, the pattern appears to be linear on both measures. With voting, the aging-Republican hypothesis seems to be most pronounced in middle age groups. Aging and generational theories therefore complement each other in explaining why older groups are often more Republican.

This article studies the relations of voters to parties in France and the U.S. which follow different courses of political development. Profound ideological cleavages in France, the occasional threat of civil war, rather strong voter turnout, the instability of governments and republics, and the rise and fall of "flash" parties like the R.P.F. in 1951, the Poujadists in 1956, and the U.N.R. in 1958 have all contributed to the impression of a peculiar intensity in the tenor of French political life. Demographically, French society differs from the American in its lesser urbanization and lower mean formal education. Intranational studies have persistently shown higher political involvement among urban residents and, more strongly still, among people of more advanced education. An attempt has been made in this paper to examine comparative data on the French and American publics in an effort to determine more precisely the locus of Franco-American differences in these matters. Locus will be considered in qualitative terms, covering an extended series of political characteristics which run from expressions of involvement, acts of participation and information seeking to orientations whereby the voter links party alternatives to the basic ideological issues in the society.

Eight months after his much publicized defense of Little Rock school segregation, Orval Faubus won his most convincing primary nomination for the Governor of Arkansas. This paper analyzes this election in detail and notes differences between it and three previous Faubus primaries and a 1956 Arkansas vote on segregation. These differences suggest that the prosegregation areas responded differently to Faubus in 1958. More specifically, the less prosperous, more rural counties that favored segregation in 1956 responded most strongly for Faubus in 1958, other counties that favored segregation tended to increase their support of Faubus in 1958 but not as much. The "common man appeal" of Faubus demonstrated in earlier primaries probably made him more acceptable in the rustic regions. It appears, then, that a consideration of economics as well as segregation sentiment is necessary to understand fully the voting pattern of Faubus's fourth primary.

China's first public opinion poll was fittingly inaugurated on the her national anniversary, October 10, 1942. To Americans, accustomed to reading daily reports on the state of their opinion, this may not seem an important event, but in China it marks the first real recognition of the value of understanding public attitudes apart from their concrete expression in political activity. Even today many of China's scholars and officials do not believe in the existence of public opinion in the sense Americans have come to take for granted. According to one American-trained professor of political science and member of China's People's Political Council, public opinion in China is restricted to the articulate, educated minority. His views are entirely consistent with the Chinese historical tradition of government by scholars, but they are not consistent with the actual facts of political force in China today. Even in this restricted group of intellectuals, any opinion which differs from that of official circles must be discounted. Such is the semi-official view of public opinion in China, and so this initial step in public opinion surveys, made in spite of this attitude, is doubly encouraging.

Authors present and discuss in this paper a set of data on turnout, party membership and candidate recruitment in Norway. Their approach is essentially ecological: they present their statistics by local administrative units and will be particularly concerned to highlight differences between the central, urbanized districts and the peripheral, sparsely populated districts. The authors' primary concern has been to throw light on the lags in the activation of the last entrants into the political arena, the women, and authors think that they have gone far enough in this context to demonstrate the consistency of the differences in recruitment rates between central and peripheral areas of the national territory. Some, but not all, the differences highlighted in this article might have been more fully accounted for if they had been able to get access to data on the educational and the occupational background of each participant at each of the levels distinguished, but whatever they could do in that direction would not affect the basic ecological design: the institutions of mass suffrage have to function in geographically, culturally and economically very different conditions and these conditions tend to affect both the range of alternatives open to the enfranchised citizens and the cost of each alternative.

This article discusses the role of industrial manager in the community power structure of Canadian cities. Orientation of interest outside of the community circle has an important influence on the power structure of Canadian cities. The development of a branch economy has led to a nonpersonal involvement of industries in community affairs. The hypothesis of this paper is, that due to a branch type of economy, the power structure of a Canadian city does not coincide with the generally accepted American models. In summary, the civic organizations within the Border City area are seen as training grounds for future power-holders within the community. The industrial man is able to utilize this success not only for advancement within the civic functions, but also within his relative industry. The nationally and internationally-oriented members of the power elite, because of their megascopic image and their known activities outside of the community, need not participate fully within the area to maintain their positions. In conclusion, a community based on a branch economy will have a power structure that does not coincide with the generally accepted American model.

This paper deals with the period in the development of issues before crystallization takes place and attempts to discover some of the causes making for a fast or a slow process of definition. The formation of "public opinion" by advertising methods and the skillful, if often conscienceless, use of propaganda are common enough phenomena of every political campaign. But the popularization of ideas upon which political action is to be based has too often waited for the inspiration and interpretation of a popular leader. The art of creating widespread demand for such reforms as the outlawry of war, the entrance of the United States into the League (or a League) of Nations, or the release of political prisoners--to use current examples--has too often been based on traditional methods and an accepted technique without sufficient attention to the changed and changing aspects of contemporary society. The most significant change from this point of view is the increase, in this country, during the past three or four generations, in economic stratification with the consequent sharpening of intellectual frontiers. The growth in "class consciousness" has not been confined to the manual workers.

Measures of political involvement, perceptions of political cleavages, and political beliefs are developed from interviews conducted in 1962 with formal leaders and voters in four middle-sized Wisconsin cities. Leaders and voters are divided into those with some college education and those with less than college. The relative effect of holding a leadership position versus having some college education upon political attitudes and behavior is the key problem of the paper. Both leadership and education are found to be independently related to all attitudes and behavior analyzed. Leadership is more important than education with regard to the "quantity" of political involvement; education is more important than leadership with regard to the "quality" or "direction" of political beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]