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The article attempts to retrace and remeasures a possible way in order to find paths leading toward international cooperation which have already been cut due to social problems. One of these problems pertains to the development of an organization capable of securing international cooperation from national states to further national interests. According to the author, solution to social problems arising from scientific progress becomes more possible as there is increased knowledge of the precise elements involved. With this contention, progress in solving complex problems of intentional cooperation may best be achieved by reducing the number of variables.

The article reports that from the time modem education began in the fifteenth-century, physical education usually was advocated by treatise-writers, schoolmasters, and even clerics. But the motivation for such advocacy was limited to a belief in its noneducative values. The idea that physical education could play a role in educating the child took shape slowly. It began with John Amos Comenius' recognition of its value in providing sense experiences which he understood to be the key to education. It continued through Jean Jacques Rousseau's similar insights and expanded to include the qualities of' judgment, the development of character, and nationalism. It reached new heights under Friedrich Froebel's philosophical interpretations and it culminated in John Dewey's social-value theory. Ultimately, physical educators assumed primary responsibility for interpreting their own profession and for defining its values to education. Contemporary physical educators are now searching for new meanings and purposes consistent with new times. The contributions of non-physical educators concerned with the growth of education in general provide insights that are fundamental to the evolution of physical education.

The author focuses on the impact of the reduction of international tensions due to arms race. He asserted that the factors that cause tension are intense nationalism, national demand for prestige, power, economic advantage and religious differences. It was speculated that without these tensions, considerable progress in international relations will be made.

The article discusses the problematic aspects of national identity and national unity issues in education in India. Key issues discussed include an historical and background information on Indian independence and nationalism, the importance of education in fostering unity and national integration, the crucial role of education in modifying the attitudes of different social and political groups towards each other and the issues' implications for educational sociology and comparative education in the country.

The article discusses various issues related to nationalism and class conflict in the Cuban and Algerian revolutions. Academics are often frustrated in attempting to fit events in the real world into abstract analytical frameworks. More often than not, it seems, these objective realities defy simple classification, and even bring the relevance of such classifications into question. In the study of revolution, social scientists are confronted with the problem of reconciling the logic of class-determined inequalities in a society as a cause of revolution, with the apparently national or racial character of many Third World liberation movement. The social conditions produced by capitalism and colonialism in Cuba and Algeria, the economic stagnation, the inability to provide a livelihood for much of the population made radical change necessary. The impossibility of effecting change through democratic, parliamentary channels gave this radical change its violent nature; the fact that political oppression was foreign gave it a nationalist character; but it was the untenable contradictions in the capitalist system and the class-determined perceptions which they produced in certain sections of the populace which made the changes that occurred in the late 1950's revolutionary.

The upsurge of anti-colonialism, loosely called "nationalism," in Africa since the end of World War II had given birth to many newly independent states and has notably increased the number of those which lack sea coasts. Although African landlocked states have much in common with African coastal states, their economic difficulties are aggravated by their greater distance from seaports. They differ, too, from one another in their constitutions, in their experiences as colonies, in a real extent, in population numbers, and in stages of economic development. The land-locked states, however, are exposed to possible ill will of their better placed neighbors and, in so far as this may arise, the Organization of African Unity will be put to the test. Nevertheless, the present special difficulties of the land-locked African states arise not so much from their need to acquire access to the sea and world markets (for this had been accorded to them by bilateral agreements) as from the need to overcome their locational disabilities by the provision of adequate internal transport. Their low economic levels and low population densities combine to minimize the supply of domestic capital for investments in development schemes. And, whereas the "state-idea" concept is applicable to most of the other land-locked states of the world, it appears to be missing or, at best, to be embryonic in those of Africa. This is merely to say that, in common with the newly independent coastal states of Africa, those without coasts have not as yet achieved any high degree of national consciousness. In short, they lacked homogeneity, cohesion, and strength.

The article presents information about roots of the U.S. Left-Wing interest in folksong. The conscious interest, use and manipulation of folklore materials for political purposes is nothing new. The origins of folklore study itself are deeply rooted in the romantic nationalism of 19th century Europe, in a movement which saw politically-suppressed peoples collect their folksongs and tales. They did so in an effort to establish a cultural heritage which would serve as ideological props in the struggle for political independence. More recently, nations from every part of the political spectrum to name but a few-have employed folklore as a stabilizing, unifying and sometimes repressive tool in maintaining their respective regimes and ideologies. In the U.S., no a priori stress was put on folklore materials by any political group or protest movement until the 1930s, when the left wing, spearheaded by the Communist Party, discovered intrinsic working-class values in folksongs and other folklore genres. The subsequent influence of the left in popularizing folksong was, for a number of years, so great that its effects are felt to this day and have even reached into the academic profession.'

The article focuses on the evolution and contribution of the Nationalist movement. The early phase of the movement was dominated by The First Nationalist Club of Boston, and the second phase by the Second Nationalist Club of Boston. Nationalism became an activist, politically committed movement. Henry R. Legate, president of the Second Nationalist Club, became the legislative agent for the Boston Nationalists and served on the State Committee of Massachusetts Populists. The First National Club, founded a monthly magazine "The Nationalist," to publicize nationalism and explain its ideologies. Nationalism, for many offered a solution to the contemporary social problems of labor conflict, individual irresponsibility, economic waste, periodic depression, and corporate ruthlessness. The political wing of the Nationalist movement published the first issue of their organ, "The New Nation," on January 31, 1891. According to the article, seventy percent of the space in "The New Nation," was devoted to specific reforms.

The article examines the attitudes of slate quarrymen of North Wales toward national consciousness. The question of national consciousness in Wales is a perplexing complexity abounding with contradictions. The problem compounded by the fact that a sense of nationality need, by no means, be synonymous with a coherent political nationalism. The stage crowded by fervent nationalists and heroic internationalists, locked in ritualistic battle, has been difficult to discern what the attitude of most Welsh workers has been towards their own Welshness. On the other hand the working class in, at least, 19th-century Wales was far more homogeneous in language, religion and politics than has often been allowed. Industrial relations in the slate quarries often reflected anti-English feelings. The men were keenly aware of the fact that the slate industry was almost completely restricted to Wales, that it was manned by workers Welsh almost to a man and was owned largely by rich English families and distant companies.

This article presents letters from the correspondence of Keir Hardie with Viktor Adler. In the political activity of Keir Hardie, internationalism always played an important role. After having created the Independent Labor Party, he as its leader in the 1890's often sought to broaden its connections with socialists on the Continent. He hoped to promote this goal partly by making detailed reports concerning events in England and partly by asking for reports from socialists in distant East European countries. Through this, he planned to keep the English workers accurately informed about events in these states. He had a rather low opinion of the bourgeois press, as is apparent from a letter of his printed in Nepszava March 5, 1898: "If the picture the Hungarian press presents of the English socialist movement is as distorted as the one given of the Hungarian movement by the press here, your readers are bound to welcome an occasional truthful account of events in the English socialist movement. " In this spirit was written in 1895 his request to Adler for an article.

The article presents a method of cross-national study applied to the content of first-grade reading textbooks. It indicates that attitudes are presented in textbooks and represent a means of socialization and demonstrates that cross-national differences and similarities can be determined and also presents some of the results in descriptive terms. During studies of the motivational content of United States primary reading textbooks, the presence of certain attitudes and values in the story content impressed the investigators. Such attitudes recurred with sufficient frequency and consistency that it seemed possible to establish an attitude profile characterizing them. "Attitude" was defined as an attribute or characteristic, either personal or impersonal, to which value, such as good-bad, superior-inferior, desirable-undesirable, useful-not useful, wanted-unwanted, important-unimportant, could be affixed. Other investigators gave evidence that elementary reading textbooks seemed to reflect national characteristics, modalities, attitudes, and values.

The purpose of the study was to explore whether a fictive group exists subjectively when presented as real, the factors determining its mode of apperception, and its relationship to ethnocentrism and authoritarianism. Five samples were given the F scale and a social-distance scale containing a fictive-Lagesi group. They were then requested to describe a Lagesi person and to give introspective accounts of the processes generating the description. One additional group was requested to describe a Yurasian person, and an- other (which was not given the preliminary scales) was asked just to describe a person named Lagesi. The analysis of the responses revealed that (a) the subjective belief in the existence or nonexistence of a fictive (or unknown) group is related to years of formal education: that is, the more educated subjects tended to disbelieve in the existence of the fictive group; (b) the apperception of the figure of the stranger is mostly in terms of primitivity, geographical location, and ethno- racial belonging; (c) the direction of the association, as stated by the subjects, was determined in most cases either by clang-association or by a "per- elimination" process; (d) the Lagesi group was one of the most rejected outgroups; and (e) no relationship was found between individual mode of apperception of the fictive figure and either ethnocentrism or authoritarianism. The results are discussed in terms of the unstructuredness of the task and the need for an anchorage point for the description. The possible influence of a "national set" in the first five samples is mentioned. Also, the possible influence on degree of rejection of a "color" and "primitivity" factor, as well as an irrational fear of the stranger, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents correlates in attitude, adjustment, personality, and demographic variables regarding national consciousness among foreign physicians in the United States. The concept of nationalism has recently received a wide variety of definitions. These are national consciousness, especially national pride; national ethnocentricism, including xenophobia; and national aspiration, a form of national self-consciousness. In the area of research dealing with foreign students in this country, nationalism has received consideration by a number of different investigators. Former group of students were more satisfied with their sojourn experiences, were more favorable in their attitudes toward the United States, and were less closely identified with their home countries as compared with the latter group of students. In the first phase, the student maintained global perceptions of the United States. The second phase was characterized by increasing awareness and disturbance over perceived differences between the home and host cultures. The third phase was marked by the acceptance and appreciation of the differences.

The article presents a study of authoritarianism and aesthetic choice. The authoritarian would show preference for the more regular, simple, and balanced designs. The results of the combined groups totalling 76 subjects are presented. As can be seen, all correlations are in the predicted direction and attain statistical significance. The individual high on ethnocentrism tends to show greater preference for the symmetrical, two dimensional, simple and balanced figures. The results lend substance to the predictions that the authoritarian selects regular, balanced, simple designs in aesthetic choice. In seeking to evaluate the generality of this relationship in divergent groupings, significance is not always attained, although the correlations are all in the predicted direction. For the Southern sample as contrasted with the other two, the variables were significantly related in all instances. Those people who show sensitivity to and acceptance of the perception of deviant forms are those who show the least authoritarian trends, while the authoritarian characteristically chooses the familiar and commonplace designs.

The article focuses on the factorial isolation of two independent social attitudes that underlie the labels of reactionary and conservative, liberal and radical. The study focuses on a factorial analysis of a group of attitude scales toward the distribution of wealth. Statements involving attitude towards the distribution of wealth were concerned with hereditary wealth, powers of labor organizations, government ownership of property, minimum wage laws and equality of income. The variables categorized as moralistic, paganistic, individualistic and paternalistic have their principal loadings on the second factor. The first bi-polar factor represents the attitude towards political nationalism and economic conservatism versus internationalism and economic socialism. The second factor may be considered to be a bias in favor of individual freedom from social regulation and control as contrasted with that favoring control by social codes or governmental organization. These two factors are best defined by variables purporting to measure the individualistic-paternalistic and capitalistic-communistic continua.

1. Nationalism played a vital rôle in the lives and works of the Grimm brothers, who were convinced that all their writings, including the fairy tales, derived their strength "from the soil of the German Fatherland." 2. From the beginning of their work the Grimm brothers took the Romantic position, closely allied with the rising German nationalism, in which they stressed the claims of the imagination, emotions, and feelings. 3. In planning and collecting the fairy tales the Grimms, consciously or unconsciously, were motivated by a desire to glorify German traditions and to stimulate German national sentiment. 4. An analysis of the Märchen gives ample evidence to show an emphasis upon such social characteristics as respect for order, belief in the desirability of obedience, subservience to authority, respect for the leader and the hero, veneration of courage and the military spirit, acceptance without protest of cruelty, violence, and atrocity, fear of and hatred for the outsider, and virulent anti-Semitism. 5. The fairy tales thus played a significant role, hitherto little recognized outside of Germany, in the development of modern integral German nationalism. "They have enabled us to understand that we, the German people, bear the power and conditions in ourselves to take up and carry on the civilization of old times, that we are a folk with a high historical mission" (8). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the condition and potential for successful implementation of political socialization programs in schools of Latin America. Activities conducted by schools and universities to promote political socialization; Effect of nationalism and regional cooperation on the implication of political socialization in Central America.

The character of migrations is essentially determined by the costs of movement. A comparative study of the history of migrations in different parts of the world shows a clear gradation of types according to the magnitude of the obstacles that have to he overcome. Under such perfect market conditions clearly no unemployment in any serious sense of the term can arise. It is true that the population estimates for 1929 and 1930 show that the numbers responded somewhat slowly to the Great Depression; however, it might be remembered that this devastating calamity caught people unawares who could claim vastly, greater foresight than illiterate Indian peasants, and not many markets resumed their activity as smoothly and speedily as this one. Today there is no longer a free market for Indian labor in Burma. The system described was dependent in its working on the firm resolution of the political power to tolerate no barriers to enterprise and trade within the area under its control. In the arguments of even moderate Burmese nationalists it mattered little that economically the linkage with India had proved to be an outstanding success, that, in fact, it had created modern Burma.

The article discusses the development of a national language in Indonesia and Malaysia. A national language has two important functions. It serves as a means of fostering a national identity and it unifies the diverse people of a country. Indonesia selected Malay as its national language, which was renamed Bahasa Indonesia several years later while Malaysia decided to adopt Malay as its national language. Balai Pustaka is the agency responsible for the development and implementation of the national language policy in Indonesia. In Malay, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka is the main agency charged with developing and implementing the national language policy.

The article discusses Canadian national policy on foreign investment and its implication on domestic economy. Throughout the 1950s, Canadians generally encouraged foreign investors. But by mid 1960s the sentiment changed and now few approve of foreign investment. The change was also manifest in the organization of two Canadian nationalist group in 1970s. The waffle group emerged under the leadership of Professor Melville Watkins. The Wafflers proposed a socialist reversal of the foreign process, sweeping nationalization of foreign-owned firms. Continentalism is treason in the eye of many Canadians. The overriding theme of Canadian Nationalism is keeping the country from being overwhelmed by the friendly giant to the south. The continental pull emerges most strongly in the economics of continental specialization in basic industries. The technological strength and established status of multinational firms virtually assure that their role will expand as an essential requirement of Canadian economic welfare. The provinces have considerable autonomy in economic matters. They are specially sensitive to job-generating role of new foreign investment. Jobs are especially critical because Canada now has the fastest growing labor force of any industrial country in the world.

The article examines the economic aspects of the French Canadians' separatist demands in Canada. One difficulty is that separatism reflects a general malaise rather than any clearly defined list of complaints. It is believed that federalism in Canada exists solely to guarantee the survival of French culture. The relative importance of the purely economic factors in causing dissatisfaction among French Canadians has yet to be established. The relationship between economic conditions and the form and intensity of intergroup conflicts is a sensitive affair in any country.

1. Respondents' attitudes vary directly with the prestige of persons and groups holding given attitudes in their histories. 2. Respondents' attitudes vary inversely with the nonprestige of persons and groups holding given attitudes in their histories. 3. Nonprestige affects attitude in two ways: (a) the nonprestiged (miscueing) source has its attitudes negatively imitated; (b) the nonprestiged (frustrating) source has opposite attitudes thrown against it as a form of aggression. 4. In the amount of prestige and nonprestige attributed to internationalist and nationalist sources, internationalist and nationalist respondents differ from each other by easily significant differences. 5. Although personality motifs do not determine the direction of international attitudes, they certainly determine the affective content of them. Attitudes are re-enforced by serving as vehicles of private motifs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1. Judgments of people, and of policies, on eight qualitative gradients, were collected from repeated samples of a college population between April of 1940 and March of 1942. Adults were also sampled early in 1940. 2. Despite their economic and cultural differences, the student and adult populations were quite similar in rankings of these items on a rough measure of total approval. 3. Six of the eight gradients on Form I, and five on Form IV, coincided sufficiently that they were combined as a more precise estimate of general approval of students. 4. Time trends for total approval corresponded rather closely to expectations; the shift on judgments of people was quantitatively smaller than anticipated. 5. Nationalistic concepts reached a peak of approval prior to the outbreak of hostilities, whereas militaristic concepts showed maximum gain only after America entered the war. 6. Judgments on certain of the qualitative gradients reflect events more promptly than judgments on others. The impact of these changes spreads to other gradients, either by direct transfer or mediated through the effect on general approval. 7. Polarization of group judgments on many points was easily demonstrated. In some shifts the distribution went through a bi-polar stage. 8. As objects were changing locus on the approval dimension, the uniformity of judgments on the specific gradients generally diminished. This was interpreted as a loss of internal consistency of the stereotype during the transition period. The principles of transfer appear at several points in the analysis. 9. The use of n-dimensional space, with the basic dimension approval-disapproval, is suggested as a device for representing the frame of reference. While the frame of reference exists only within individuals, culture patterns define group uniformity and coerce individuals into evolving the same gradients (dimensions) and allocating the major social objects similarly on these axes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is a restatement of the more important findings. 1. In the case of the present rising generation of Americans it is possible on the basis of appearance alone to identify nationality origin and back- ground with somewhat better than chance accuracy. 2. This capacity increases with the age of the subject, the nationality of the college student being more identifiable than that of the elementary school child, a condition which is consistent with the fact of increased differentiation with age as regards physical characteristics. 3. Speech, when added to the factors of general appearance, is not, as a rule, an aid in judging nationality origin. An exception to this statement is found in the identification of Jews and Christians, the former being more readily identified when speech is a factor in the pattern of identification. 4. There are definite indications that speech differentiation is more in evidence at the elementary than at the college level, a condition which may be attributed to the leavening influence of the common cultural medium operating especially at the college level. 5. Preferential allocation in terms of areas and of countries tends to follow a fairly consistent pattern, being typically in the direction of the country which is larger or which enjoys preferential status as determined by attitude studies. 6. In the matter of Jews and Christians, identification is well above chance expectancy when the percentage of correct judgments for the entire group (87 per cent) is taken into account. However, consistent with the factor of preferential allocation, many more Jews are identified as Christians than the reverse. 7. That experience and training arc important factors in the ability to identify nationality traits is apparent in the somewhat higher degree of accuracy characterizing the judgment made by instructors as compared with those made by students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies aggressive social attitudes, with special reference to fascist attitudes. While the mean scores for war and fascist attitudes in the study presented in the article were shifting in opposite directions, the study of individual data proves that the changes on these scales were positively correlated. Students participating in the study becoming more pro-war also adopted a more pro-fascist position, or at least showed less of a change away from the fascist attitude. Students becoming more anti-war also showed, generally to an extreme degree, an anti-fascist shift. Aggressiveness on the war scale was there shown to be paralleled by aggressiveness on the capital punishment, nationalist, intolerance, and fascist scales. The war attitude score, relating to foreign enemies, and the fascist score, relating to domestic hostilities vary concomitantly -- as does the capital punishment score, which is not even related to an enemy group at all. The article concludes that there was a mean shift to a more pro-war stand, but on other aggressive-conservative scales the students moved in the direction of liberalism-internationalism. That these changes cannot be due to a single process is shown by the fact that individual change-scores are positively correlated for the various aggressive scales, whereas the mean tendencies are moving in opposite directions.

The article studies several aggressive social attitudes. Psychologists take it for granted that aggressive groups are composites of aggressive individuals. Aggressive policies directed against other nations are possible only when a sufficient number of individuals within the nation endorse these policies. It follows that a psychological analysis of the aggressive social attitudes of individuals may have potential value in understanding, predicting, and controlling the actions of social groups. This article presents data on the canalization of aggressive impulses against specific social objects, the interrelations of aggressive attitudes, and personal-social determinants of aggressive attitudes. The article makes a first approach to measurement of certain attitudes, arbitrarily selected as important, and their relationships. The attitudes chosen were force as a general policy; nationalism; war as an instrument of national policy; and the "fascist attitude" scale, developed some years ago.

This article discusses various issues related to the attributes of enemy, allied, and domestic nationality groups as seen by college students of different regions of the U.S. During the course of the first world war there was a general tendency to treat as hateful, and to destroy, many of the manifestations of culture that bad come from Germany. In the beat of the nationalistic patriotism of that time, the publication of papers in the German language was practically stopped, teaching of German in the schools was legally abolished in many communities, the German names for many commodities were patriotically changed, German music and literature was discredited, many German- Americans and even eminent persons of German ancestry but having no sympathy with the Monarchy were openly attacked. The question of whether the intervening years of sophistication and education have brought about the possibility of a realistic appreciation of the situation; and a distinction in the minds of Americans between the essential nature of their present enemy, and the superficial concomitants of some of them, could be answered through the attitudes of various student groups.

Since we have been concerned here chiefly to make our data available for further study and as a comparison point for later investigations, we have given only restricted interpretations of our findings. To a certain extent this study has verified the obvious; alert students of social trends could have predicted most of the results herein. Unfortunately, it is often necessary to prove the obvious, and especially to be able to measure the relative weight of the various influences contributing to nationalistic and internationalist attitudes. After this war Americans must consider the question: Can we win the peace. The writers of this and the preceding report believe that their data merit serious consideration in discussions of that question. It is their hope that the publication of these and related materials may help to shift the form of debate from the highly emotionalized approach customarily adopted to a more realistic and rational consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article starts out with the general course of political action that leads toward peace, in contrast to one that leads toward war and analyzes the political institutions, to reveal that they in turn are dependent upon an underlying economic structure. It attempts to show that the underlying mechanisms of the economic system, in terms of the motives and rewards of society, inevitably lead to conflict, and suggests how this can be avoided. These are the long range causes of wars in the modern world. It also deals with the more immediate question, the psychology of nationalism; with an analysis of why it is that the peoples of the world have continued to participate in each war as it comes along, although more and more protesting against war during the periods of preparation between hostilities. It offers an interpretation of the present war to the effect that its nature has been continually changing; that it has many significant differences from the last world war; and that there are opportunities in the conduct of the war and in the determination of the peace that the forces of democracy over the world had better grasp now.

The article describes the isolation and measurement of two primary social attitudes. One of these is Religionism, which is defined by scales for the measurement of attitudes toward evolution, birth control, and belief in the reality of God. The second is Humanitarianism, which is defined by scales for the measurement of attitudes toward war, capital punishment, and the treatment of criminals. The sociologists now wishes to describe the isolation and measurement of a third primary attitude that is Nationalism, which is described by scales for the measurement of attitudes toward law, censorship, patriotism, and communism. The author wishes to consider the intercorrelations among three different combinations of the various attitude scales. One of these combinations includes data from the scales measuring attitudes toward God, evolution, birth control, war, capital punishment, and the treatment of criminals. This combination will be recognized as the one from which the first two primary attitudes were isolated.

1. College men checked a gradient test designed to reveal a nationalistic frame of reference. The attempt was then made to distort the frame by instructing the subjects to mark the test from a different "point of view," that of English or German nationalism. 2. The instructions were effective in producing a marked alteration in the placing of the different groups along a scale of general approval. Other changes were local in view of the situation chosen (e.g., both experimental groups expressed disapproval of Pacifists). 3. Qualitative patterns within the evaluation of a particular social group tended to persist despite the wide shifts in genera! approval. 4. Differences within the individual (judgments on the different gradients) became smaller in the shifted situation, while differences between individuals increased as a result of the lack of an accepted group standard. 5. There is some evidence to support the view that projection of attitudes onto out-groups can be objectively verified through this type of experiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the problem of correlational analysis of nationalistic opinions. The article attempts to show in a purely objective fashion the degree of relationship existing in the minds of the average American between opinions on such topics as militarism, internationalism, tariffs, etc. It is generally accepted that there is a considerable degree of consistency among various kinds of opinions relating to national policies. Various investigators have found that Republicans show one type of philosophy, not only with respect to political problems but also with respect to economic institutions--attitudes which are contrasted quite markedly to those of Socialists and Communists, with the Democratic group generally falling in between. In the same way, observations have frequently been made with respect to the social and economic policies of groups, such as the American Legion, Daughters of the American Revolution, Chamber of Commerce, and other organizations, in which a fairly consistent policy with respect to widely differing social and economic problems was found . In general, statements which have been made about this problem have been based on observation and opinion.

The article discusses the questions on the sociological uses of culture. These questions initially became evident in the studies of the newer social patterns which accompanied the continuing modernization of American life and its latter-day partial transformation into a post-modern society. In some cases, culture has become an open-ended and residual category, to which are assigned all those behaviors and values which cannot be accounted for by other factors. Reduced to this elementary level, it offers little power of explanation. There are other cases in which the concept has been practically abandoned in study designs. One of the standard indicators of what culture denotes is a social heritage (some sociological writers define culture as the social heritage). The heritage of a society commonly is defined as all that which is regularly transmitted from generation to generation in a relatively unchanged form. Its principal attributes are elucidated by indicating that it generally includes the customs and normal solutions to life's recurring problems which have been gradually worked out in the historical development of a society. A cultural theme is neocolonialism and its practical alternatives. Given the fact that every new country must have continuing access to scientific knowledge and technology to maintain its growth and development and to compete in the world markets, questions are raised about what kinds of scientists are required, what should be their national identity, and what resources in an economy of scarcity can be afforded for the use of scientific work in the national interest.

The article focuses on communal movements in the U.S. and Israel. A utopian communal group may thus be defined as a voluntary and egalitarian community which is sustained by the co-operative efforts of its members devoted to developing the communal resources and which utilizes these resources to provide essential goods and services for its members as well as all other additional goods and services that are compatible with the belief in the intrinsic value of a simple way of life. The kibbutz differs from nearly all other utopian communal movements in that it was, and is, inextricably linked to a national movement, its members having provided much of the ideological stimulation and the active leadership for the Zionist movement based on the desire to build a national home for the Jews in Palestine. Thus, in analyzing the kibbutz movement, it is necessary to realize that it is sustained by three interlocking, generally consistent, but occasionally conflicting, motivations, namely, socialist, nationalist and pragmatic. Many of the ambiguities and contradictions of kibbutz life arise from its involvement in the surrounding society and from its efforts to reconcile socialist, national and pragmatic considerations.

The article comments on the ethical problems of mythic nationalism. National loyalty and patriotism are postulated as the ultimate in human values. The author pointed out that nationalism is in conjunction with other forces, catapulted the nations of Europe into the holocaust of World War I. It deals with the source of ethical importance which are no longer held to be God, reason, conscience or natural law. In addition, mythic nationalism has sharply eroded the ethic of individual responsibility and concomitantly muted the autonomous conscience with its sense of rational guilt.

The article reports on the pattern of an armaments race through an anthropological approach. It is assumed that every nation, particularly those who are powerful and important, have plans that are prepared to work on the problem of how to avoid being defeated in an atomic war. Anthropologists may suggest, based on their own analysis, two relevant changes. These changes are the retardation of the international armaments race and the reduction of nationalism. Moreover, the analysis of an armaments race are described in various forms and contexts.

This article reports reliability and validity data for a scale designed to measure attributed power (AP). The AP scale has been employed in four studies and correlated significantly with chauvinistic nationalism, dogmatism, competition in non-zero sum game behavior, low self-esteem, sex, and campus conflict resolution questions. The reported relationships form a consistent and predictable pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A letter to the editor about nationalism in the U.S. is presented.

The article reflects on the impact of the bombing in Hiroshima regarding national security and nationalism. It states that the efforts being exerted by the government towards the promotion of peace and the efforts in strengthening and increasing national security coincide with each other. It mentions that the existence of nuclear weapons in countries will continue to pose threats of war.

Discusses the nationalism of Walt Whitman, a government employee. Information on Whitman's remark from 'Notes Left Over' in 'Specimen Days and Collect'; Details on the manuscript acquired by the Feinberg Collection in Detroit, which contains sentences by Whitman.

This article informs that actor analytic studies in several European cultures with the use of the Conservatism (C) Scale have confirmed the importance of a general factor underlying all social attitudes. In each case four major components of the general factor were found to be militarism-punitiveness, antihedonism--particularly opposition to sexual freedom, ethnocentrism and intolerance of minority groups, and religion-puritanism, these being positively intercorrelated to a fairly even degree. This study was designed to see whether the same structure of attitudes would apply to white South Africans--a group widely regarded as more conservative overall than most European cultures. Certainly, some explanation in terms of personality dynamics seems necessary to explain the reliability with which this patterning of attitudes has emerged from one country to another.