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La hisenda és una de les peces clau de l’autogovern. És a dir, la determinació de quins són els recursos de què disposa el govern territorial i de quin és l’abast de les responsabilitats normatives i administratives sobre aquests recursos. El finançament de la Generalitat de Catalunya ha estat objecte de successives reformes des de les primeres eleccions autonòmiques l’any 1980, culminant amb la reforma de 2009. En el fons del debat sobre el finançament hi ha subjacent el debat sobre el model d’Estat i, concretament, sobre dues qüestions fonamentals. Per una banda, la pulsió entre la visió pròpia d’un Estat unitari, on el poder polític està concentrat en el govern central, i la visió pròpia d’un Estat federal, on el poder polític està repartit (i, en alguns punts, és compartit) entre el govern central i els governs territorials d’àmbit intermedi. I, per una altra banda, les tensions derivades d’una realitat que manifesta de forma palesa l’asimetria existent entre els diferents territoris quant a voluntat d’autogovern i grau d’autoconsciència nacional. Aquestes dues qüestions incideixen de manera determinant en el model d’hisenda i en l’orientació de les possibles reformes, que haurien de tenir un sentit o un altre segons quin sigui el model d’estat que es persegueixi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In political science, federalism is often treated as an "antithesis" to empire. While Canadian Politics has recently become more attentive to the importance of ongoing settler colonialism as conditioning Canadian political life writ large, this has yet to induce a paradigm shift in understanding how the institutional logics of the state were established by, and in order to advance, colonial and imperial ends. This article contributes to this broader understanding by exploring how, in Canada, the federal arrangement congeals a constitutionalized whiteness that facilitates both the internal coherence of a settler class and its subsequent continental expansion. Attentive to the importance of this constitutional development within a world-spanning imperial context, this article also suggests that the simultaneous innovation of Dominion status contoured the early twentieth-century's global colour line, as self-determination was increasingly devolved to other white settler polities. The contradictory realities of these processes are also noted. Résumé: En science politique, le fédéralisme est souvent traité comme une « antithèse » de l'empire. Bien que la politique canadienne ait récemment acquis une conscience plus aiguë quant au rôle continu du colonialisme de peuplement dans le conditionnement la vie politique, cela n'a pas encore mené à un changement de paradigme dans la compréhension de la façon dont les logiques institutionnelles de l'État ont été établies pour faire progresser les objectifs coloniaux et impériaux. Cet article contribue à cette compréhension plus large en explorant comment, au Canada, l'arrangement fédéral consolide une blanchité constitutionnalisée qui facilite à la fois la cohérence interne d'une classe de colons et son expansion continentale subséquente. Attentif à l'importance de ce développement constitutionnel dans un contexte impérial mondial, cet article suggère également que l'innovation simultanée du statut de dominion a modifié la « frontière de la couleur » mondiale du début du XX e siècle, alors que l'autodétermination était de plus en plus dévolue à d'autres régimes de colons blancs. Les réalités contradictoires de ces processus sont également relevées. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aquest article pretén fer conèixer la figura de Jaume Durany i Bellera, mestre racionalista, periodista i activista polític. Des dels seus inicis com a militant del catalanisme més abrandat de finals del segle XIX, aquest personatge va transitant, a través d’una sòlida presa de consciència social, cap al republicanisme lerrouxista, al qual es vincularà per a exercir el magisteri racionalista que ell considera la forma més efectiva per a la transformació social que desitja. Prèviament, entrarà en contacte amb Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia i la seva Escola Moderna, amb la qual col·laborarà. Més tard, abandona el lerrouxisme per a militar al federalisme pimargallià i constituirà, ja en temps de la Segona República, una associació, el Claustre de Mestres Laics Històrics, que reivindica el reconeixement oficial de la tasca realitzada per als que, com ell mateix, van exercir el magisteri en les escoles racionalistes durant els anys anteriors al període republicà. En qualsevol cas, una vida dedicada a l’ensenyament laic, a la política republicana i al periodisme, a través de la seves incansables col·laboracions en publicacions de l’època.

This article aims to explain the journey of a relevant actor on the political right in the postrevolutionary context of 1974: the Portuguese Federalist Movement-Party of Progress. For this purpose, the party's official weekly newspaper, Tribuna Popular, is taken as a reference, as well as testimonies from former leaders and founders, with other periodical sources of the time and various printed sources as counterparts. The MFP-PP is analyzed by jointly relating the historical-political era with the vicissitudes of the movement, with a particular focus on its relationship with the institutions of revolutionary power, its relationship with other political parties, as well as the structuring of the MFP-PP. In this way, the article is based between the moments following the coup d'état of April 25, 1974 and the political-military movements of September 28, 1974 linked to the intention of the "silent majority", to which a detailed analysis is provided, regarding the involvement of the MFP-PP, due to its inextricable connection with the dismantling of the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 decentralization reform energized the regional institution by accelerating its establishment and granting a special status to the North West and South West regions, which were facing a crisis. However, it did not increase the fiscal autonomy of these local communities, for which the completion of development missions remains a crucial challenge. Based on this observation, this reflection on the regions' fiscal autonomy with regard to the current evolution of decentralization highlights the limitation of said autonomy by the State. It is thus demonstrated, firstly, that this autonomy is retained for the benefit of the State which, in addition, has not attached a tax regime derogation to the special status of the two above-mentioned regions. Secondly, this autonomy is rationalized with a view to preserve the stability and authority of the State, but the development of this rationalization can be considered from the perspective of achieving local development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not "identifying" parts of Canadian politics as "territorial politics" risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dialogue: Canadian Philosophical Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Premier of Alberta Danielle Smith's comments comparing the Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act to the Indian Act have sparked widespread outrage and condemnation. Premier Smith would later clarify that these remarks were intended to demonstrate that Alberta and First Nations have a "common problem" with Ottawa. In this brief article, we argue that these comments, as well as the act itself, can be analyzed using Jerald Sabin's contested colonialism framework. We then provide a brief critical discussion of what our analysis means for Canadian politics by addressing the possible intentions and harms of the comments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research aims to find out the extent of the sovereignty possessed by the countries and regions formed by the Netherlands around 1947-1948, by taking the example of the Pasundan State and the Special Region of West Kalimantan (DIKB). The results of the study is 1) The Pasundan State was founded by Kertalegawa on May 4, 1947, with the support of van Mook. Kertalegawa's efforts ran aground because of the lack of support from Sundanese leaders. The Dutch again tried to establish Pasundan after West Java has controlled thanks to the Renville Agreement. This effort was successful on February 26, 1948, with the Mayor, namely R.A.A Wiranatakusumah, and Prime Minister Adil Puradiredja. The two figures were actually pro-republican, elected based on a session of the Pasundan State Parliament. 2) DIKB was formed on May 12, 1947, which was attended by van Mook, chaired by Sultan Hamid II with the assistance of five members of the Daily Governing Body and a Secretary who was held by Dutch officials. Meanwhile, the West Kalimantan Council (DKB) as parliament is also chaired by Dutch officials. The DKB consists of 40 representatives of ethnic/customary figures and self-government leaders such as the Sultan and Panembahan. 3) The State of Pasundan and DIKB are constituents of the Provisional Federal Government of the Netherlands by adopting a federal system. There was a dualism of government in which the Dutch kept their officials and employees. The State and Regions do not have authority and independence in making policies because they are not implemented 100 percent by the Indonesian people. Penelitian ini untuk mengetahui sejauh mana kedaulatan yang dimiliki oleh negara-negara dan daerah bentukan Belanda sekitar tahun 1947-1948, dengan mengambil contoh pada Negara Pasundan dan Daerah Istimewa Kalimantan Barat (DIKB). Penelitian menggunakan metode sejarah melalui tahapan seperti heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Berdasarkan hasil telaah didapatkan hasil penelitian sebagai berikut. 1)Negara Pasundan didirikan oleh Kertalegawa pada 4 Mei 1947 yang didukung oleh van Mook. Usaha Kertalegawa kandas karena kurangnya dukungan dari tokoh Sunda. Belanda kembali mencoba mendirikan Pasundan setelah Jawa Barat dikuasai berkat Perjanjian Renville. Usaha ini berhasil pada 26 Februari 1948 dengan Wali Negaranya yakni R.A.A Wiranatakusumah, dan Perdana Menteri Adil Puradiredja. Kedua tokoh sebenarnya pro-republik, terpilih berdasarkan sidang Parlemen Negara Pasundan. 2)DIKB dibentuk pada 12 Mei 1947 yang dihadiri oleh van Mook, diketuai oleh Sultan Hamid II dengan dibantu oleh lima orang anggota Badan Pemerintahan Harian dan seorang Sekretaris yang dipegang oleh pejabat Belanda. Sedangkan Dewan Kalimantan Barat (DKB) sebagai parlemen juga diketuai oleh pejabat Belanda. DKB beranggotakan 40 perwakilan tokoh-tokoh etnis/adat dan pemimpin swapraja seperti Sultan dan Panembahan. 3)Negara Pasundan dan DIKB adalah konstituen dari Pemerintahan Federal Sementara Belanda dengan mengadopsi sistem federal. Terjadi dualisme pemerintahan dimana Belanda tetap mempertahankan para pejabat dan pegawainya. Negara dan Daerah tidak memiliki kewibawaan dan kemerdekaan dalam membuat kebijakan karena tidak dijalankan 100 persen oleh masyarakat Indonesia.

In this article, I present the potential of using a radical feminist approach to empowerment as an analytical framework in federal studies. To do so, I develop an analytical framework that is part of the fourth wave of gender and federalism studies that focuses on the interactions between embedded oppressions and federal arrangements (institutions, practices, discourses). I study the empowerment processes of farmers who protested against the implementation of new agricultural laws in India in late 2020. Through this case, I first illustrate how federalism contributes to the fragmentation of marginalized groups, while raising the need to build federal arrangements from local realities, ecosystems and environments. I then show how a radical feminist conception of empowerment can change analytical perspectives in federal studies and make visible structures that perpetuate interlocking oppressions within a federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antifascite, critique littéraire et auteur du roman à succès Rubè (1921), Giuseppe Antonio Borgese émigre aux États-Unis en 1931. Là, peu à peu ses intérêts culturels changent. Après avoir milité dans les rangs interventistes en 1914-1915, après avoir eu un rôle-clé dans les choix de la politique extérieure du Corriere della Sera pendant la période 1916-1918, et après avoir été ébranlé par l’expérience du nazi-fascisme et par l’utilisation de la bombe atomique, Borgese s’oriente avec une abnégation farouche vers la rédaction d’une constitution pour un gouvernement fédéral mondial. Son objectif est la paix des nations. À Chicago, il est le leader de deux groupes fédéralistes-pacifistes auxquels participent surtout des intellectuels américains ou ayant émigré aux États-Unis. À la fin des années 1940, une de ces deux expériences aboutit à la rédaction d’une constitution fédérale mondiale, les Preliminary Drafts of a World Constitution.

On October 17, 2018, Canada became the first Western country to legalize cannabis for recreational use. The policymaking process was characterized by a top-down and often unilateral decision-making approach on the part of the federal government. Nevertheless, the provinces had important prerogatives, which they used to adapt or even resist the framework proposed by the federal government. Using the concept of resistance strategies, this article analyzes how some provinces, especially Quebec, took advantage of the policymaking process to provide a counterweight to the federal government's coercive approach. Quebec used both offensive and defensive strategies to resist federal policy from the formulation to the implementation stage. The article emphasizes the importance of studying cannabis policy implementation in Canada, which has led to a variety of policies rather than to a uniform framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les projets d’oléoducs au Canada divisent souvent les citoyens et les gouvernements d’un océan à l’autre. Bien que leur approbation puisse sembler simple sur le plan constitutionnel, l’actualité récente montre que des réalités et complexités juridiques ajoutent vraiment des grains de sable dans les rouages des projets d’oléoducs, même si le gouvernement fédéral est constitutionnellement responsable de l’approbation ou du rejet ultime de ces derniers en raison de leur nature interprovinciale. En fait, le passage d’un oléoduc exige de tenir compte d’autres considérations et domaines du droit, comme l’environnement, l’aménagement du territoire, la gestion des risques et les droits de la personne, qui relèvent de la compétence des législatures fédérale ou provinciales – ou des deux – et qui, en outre, concernent de plus en plus les municipalités. Si vingt-cinq ans après le lancement d’importantes réformes législatives les pouvoirs municipaux sont encore considérablement limités par les provinces, les tribunaux ont d’ailleurs clairement établi que les règlements municipaux s’appliquent aux oléoducs fédéraux à moins d’avoir un effet préjudiciable grave ou excessif sur la construction ou l’exploitation de tels projets ou d’aller à l’encontre de l’application ou de l’objet de la législation fédérale. C’est dans ce contexte à plusieurs niveaux que cet article traite de l’autonomie juridique des municipalités canadiennes dans le cadre du débat sur les oléoducs au pays, en examinant le contenu, l’étendue et les limites de leurs pouvoirs.

This article examines the now largely forgotten, but then important, "Chicken and Egg War" of 1970–71. The chicken and egg war began when the Quebec government established the Fédération des producteurs d'œufs de consommation du Québec (FPOCQ) in 1970, a marketing board that began to restrict the price, grading, and sale of all eggs in Quebec, including egg imports from other provinces. The new board disrupted egg sales in Manitoba and Ontario, and it was not long before a series of legislative retaliations among the provinces took place, including strict import controls on broiler chickens and eggs and the seizure of out-of-province produce. Although predominantly contained to the neighbouring provinces of Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec, this event was significant because it resulted in appeals to the Supreme Court of Canada, claims made concerning the rights of provinces vis-à-vis the federal government, and the restriction of agricultural goods, in this case, poultry and eggs, across provincial boundaries. This episode also had serious political ramifications, including fractured relationships among farmers, consumers, other industry stakeholders, and politicians and heightened tensions surrounding the legality and authority of provincial agricultural marketing boards. Ultimately, this "war" provided a significant impetus for the federal government to establish a national system of supply management in the egg and poultry sectors, a system that remains today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Governance Review / Revue Gouvernance is the property of University of Ottawa, Center on Governance and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CLIVATGE is the property of Universitat de Barcelona - Facultat d'Economia i Empresa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Today more than ever, the Herculean task of designing a democratic state capable of dealing with the complex contemporary social fabric and the subjectivities that comprise it is presented. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the federal republican representative form of government from a dynamic perspective. In this way, the value of the federal system as a regulatory model will be postulated as a basal intuition insofar as it allows the strengthening of a radical democratic republican ideal through the adequate correlation of the internal sociodemographic forces of the modern national state. Thus, it is intended to make a contribution in the deliberation for the best constitutional design to respond to the demands that the new social phenomena present and thus strengthen the republican democratic system of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Le droit commun (jus commune) est la toile de fond intellectuelle sur laquelle toute normativité juridique se construit au sein d'une société et dont tout droit, même constitutionnel, ne peut faire l'économie au moment de son interprétation. Le droit commun emportant une série de valeurs structurantes, il convient de s'interroger sur l'interprétation à donner au droit linguistique d'une société minorisée, pour laquelle la préservation linguistique est un enjeu littéralement existentiel au sein d'un cadre constitutionnel fédéral plus grand, à la lumière de son droit commun. L'auteur avance que la Cour suprême du Canada n'aurait peut-être pas adéquatement tenu compte de cette donnée importante au Québec au moment d'invalider les pans de la Charte de la langue française traitant de la langue officielle de la législation et de la justice au Québec dans le cadre de l'affaire Blaikie en 1979, par laquelle elle imposait à la province francophone enclavée un bilinguisme législatif et judiciaire obligatoire, et qu'il conviendrait de réévaluer la justesse en droit de cette décision.

Waqf is a noble practice that has been established in the history and culture of Islam. In the era of a rapidly developing world, waqf is no longer limited to providing a land for development. In fact, today waqf has been expanded to develop waterways for the benefit of the local community. This also coincides with the current situation since rapid development and industrialization often cause rivers to be polluted and disturb water supplies. This article examines the concepts and principles related to waqf and its application in the context of water waqf, as well as the development of legislation related to water waqf in Malaysia. This study is important since jurisdiction in the water sector is divided between the state and the federal government in Malaysia. Thus, the state’s law on water and waqf needs to be refined so that there is no conflict in the implementation of water waqf in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Switzerland has chosen not to adopt the current dominant model of integrated water resources management. Its type of federalism justifies it: decentralized, participatory and economically independent of international funding agencies. This article discusses, through literature review, the main features of the Swiss water management model according to its federal system. On the one hand, water policies are multiple, unique, decided and implemented locally. On the other hand, the main challenge refers to the horizontal interplay, related to the need for regionalization and coordination between uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We examine the roles of sub-national and national governments in Canada and the United States vis-à-vis the protective public health response in the onset phase of the global coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. This period was characterized in both countries by incomplete information as well as by uncertainty regarding which level of government should be responsible for which policies. The crisis represents an opportunity to study how national and sub-national governments respond to such policy challenges. In this article, we present a unique dataset that catalogues the policy responses of US states and Canadian provinces as well as those of the respective federal governments: the Protective Policy Index (PPI). We then compare the United States and Canada along several dimensions, including the absolute values of sub-national levels of the index relative to the total protections enjoyed by citizens, the relationship between early threat (as measured by the mortality rate near the start of the public health crisis) and the evolution of the PPI, and finally the institutional and legislative origins of the protective health policies. We find that the sub-national contribution to policy is more important for both the United States and Canada than are their national-level policies, and it is unrelated in scope to our early threat measure. We also show that the institutional origin of the policies as evidenced by the COVID-19 response differs greatly between the two countries and has implications for the evolution of federalism in each. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article analyzes the resistance strategies adopted by French-Canadian traditionalist intellectuals towards the Canadian welfare state project from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. The article traces the political, legal, and media strategies put forward by François-Albert Angers (1909–2003) in his fight against the Canadian federal government. An economist by training, an academic, and an influential leader of Quebec's nationalist networks, Angers notably fought a legal battle with Canada's Department of National Revenue for nearly a decade (1947–57). Through this saga based on the constitutionality of family allowances, the analysis focuses on central themes of traditionalist discourse, not only in relation to issues of federalism and respect for civil rights, but also in relation to the place of Catholicism within Canadian society. This study thus aims to shed light on the ways in which conservative thinkers in Quebec reacted to the advent of a modern, interventionist Canadian state in the aftermath of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Koinon of Athena Ilias and the Koinon of the Ionians provide two instances of supra-civic religious associations gathering several Greek cities of western Asia Minor, according to different criteria. In the first case we propose to focus on, ethnical dimension seems totally missing, whereas in the second one, it is clearly claimed. The compared study of these two koina allows to confront both of their differences and common points, regarding their nature, origin and composition. This will lead us to consider how the Greeks from Asia Minor have been able to define and stage their collective identity, in a way that do not necessarily match with the ethnicity concept.

Federalism and social participation are relevant themes in public policy studies. However, there is little dialogue between these themes, a gap that this article aims to minimize when analyzing the effects of fiscal centralization of social assistance on the functioning and results produced by the councils. Would the federative dynamics of this policy also be reproduced in the councils, differentiating national and subnational institutions? To answer this question, the article adopts qualitative analysis to identify the strengthening or the constraint of fiscal centralism in excerpts of 658 minutes and 2,364 resolutions of five cases: CNAS; the state councils of Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul; and the municipalities of Belo Horizonte and Porto Alegre. The results indicate that the strong regulation of social assistance and the concentration of expenditures at the central level have important effects, promoting the strengthening of CNAS and constraints to the work of subnational councils in the definition and control of this policy in their financing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada reiterated in 2015 the Indigenous people's aspiration of renewing the relationship with the Canadian state. This article is a theoretical reflection on the possibilities offered by federalism to renew this relationship. The article confronts the arguments by the advocates of federalism as a framework for the relationship between the Indigenous peoples and the state and the critical arguments against the setting of nation-to-nation federal relationship between the two parties. The article then presents a theoretical proposition for modeling a new relationship between the Indigenous peoples and the state through a federalism based on autonomous indigenous regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the 2000s reforms of the Russian administrative divisions and the implications of the reforms for the institutional structure and related discourse through institutional and discourse analysis. The authors reach the conclusion that the "special status" of the newly formed territorial entities remains undefi ned, while the representation norm is highly uneven, since the competences of governing bodies in the merged entities lie predominantly in the ethnic and cultural sphere. The reform was not a single and coherent policy measure but rather a number of incoherent initiatives. This can be seen from the presence of diff erent (re)integration models in respective amalgamation cases, diff erent models of a "special status" and a variety of reactions to the reform emanating from the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)