23 results on '"Sinn Fein"'
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2. Spoiling the peace?: The threat of dissident Republicans to peace in Northern Ireland
- Author
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Whiting, Sophie A., author and Whiting, Sophie A.
- Published
- 2015
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3. Problems and prospects for democratic settlements: South Africa as a model for the Middle East and Northern Ireland?
- Abstract
In the 1970s, the political conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and the Middle East were often grouped together as among the world's most intractable. They exhibited profound racial and ethnic animosities, reinforced by linguistic, cultural, economic, and religious differences, and solidified by decades of more-or-less violent confrontation. They were often held out as paradigms of “divided” societies, and there seemed little chance of a transition to peaceful, let alone fully democratic, arrangements in any of them. Whether one focused on the players contending for power, the histories of the conflicts, or the capacities of outsiders to influence events, the prospects for negotiated settlements seemed dim. The conflicts have diverged remarkably in subsequent decades. South Africa, often depicted in the grim 1970s as the most intractable of intractables, moved through a comparatively peaceful four-year transition to majority rule in a unitary state. Democratic elections in 1994, 1999, and 2004 put the African National Congress (ANC) securely in power without civil war, economic collapse, or catastrophic white exodus. To be sure, the continuing economic and social challenges are enormous, with a third of the population unemployed and one in nine infected with HIV, but by most measures South Africa has weathered the transition well. Democracy may not yet be entrenched in South African politics, but it seems at least to have a fighting chance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
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4. Social radicalism and the revival of the Gladstonian ‘popular front’.
- Author
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Biagini, Eugenio F.
- Abstract
Gladstone in his old age seems to partake of the super-natural. I have seen him intimately during the last week, and I am daily more and more impressed with the greatness of his mind and character. The budget was a fair budget. It was an honest Budget – it paid its way. It laid down the important and far-reaching principle that extra taxation ought to fall on those who can afford to pay. It removed the unjust privileges which landlords have possessed in the past. support the party which carried this democratic budget. Liberalism must re-unite itself with the Labour interest. Until that is done we cannot look for much success … The programme of the Liberal party must, therefore, be so altered as to include those items of legislation for which the industrial classes are striving. Radicals parting ways Although Chamberlain was rapidly marginalized within the radical left after 1892, his ‘materialist’ approach to politics – the priority of social reform – and emphasis on parliamentary centralism, in the conviction ‘that the day of Local Parliaments and of small nationalities is past’, were to have enormous impact on twentieth-century radical politics. If ‘modern’ radicalism was about ‘the social question’, and if poverty was to be reduced by government action, then the country needed the rational reconstruction and empowerment of the imperial executive at its centre, rather than legislative devolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
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5. Democracy and the politics of humanitarianism.
- Author
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Biagini, Eugenio F.
- Abstract
[Tories and Whigs] are full of class prejudice, blind and selfish, and do not appear to understand what Christ came into the World for. It was to destroy selfishness and unite the whole human race in one holy brotherhood. Priests, Pashas, Sultans, Emperors and the privileged classes generally in all lands do not yet appear to comprehend this, but the people do or will very shortly. [T]he Irish controversy … affects much more even than the relations between England and Ireland; it touches those great difficulties for which Socialism is endeavouring to suggest a remedy; it is but one of the many phases of the conflict between privileged classes and the people. Home Rule and the politics of humanitarianism In 1876–80 Gladstone shifted popular liberalism towards emotional crusades for humanitarian causes ‘above’ party politics. The Palmerstonians within both the parliamentary party and the rank and file were distressed by the GOM's apparent disregard of national interest. As an ‘Independent Liberal working man and one who loves his country better than Mr Gladstone & party’ wrote to the People's William, ‘your speeches have converted me and many of my Liberal friends to the Conservative party, as we cannot but think that your foreign Policy is unsafe’. However, whether or not foreign policy was ‘unsafe’ in Gladstone's hands, these people were mistaken if they feared that he was prepared to pursue the politics of humanitarianism to the detriment of what he regarded as the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
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6. Home Rule as a ‘crisis of public conscience’.
- Author
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Biagini, Eugenio F.
- Abstract
Ireland can no longer be governed by the suspension of the safeguards of popular liberty, unless we are prepared to make their suspension the rule rather than the exception. During the past five years … [he] has been regarded as the loyal Liberal, and he alone, who followed Mr Gladstone w[h]ithersoever he went … The great Liberal Party has no creed but Gladstoneism [sic]. This is at once its strength and its weakness. Crisis? What crisis? ‘I need scarcely mention that the ministers and religious bodies of all denominations were against us … Perhaps, after all, the strongest force against me in the fight was that … it was decided that the Irish vote should go Liberal.’ The frustration expressed in these words by a disgruntled candidate reflected a common experience among Independent Labour Party (ILP) parliamentary candidates during the thirty years following the 1886 Home Rule crisis. Yet most historians have argued that the Gladstonian campaign to secure Irish self-government failed to move working-class electors. Indeed, Gladstone's adoption of this cause is generally regarded as one of his worst mistakes, brought about by his wish to retain the party leadership and resist the rising tide of social reform – which Joseph Chamberlain and other ‘advanced Liberals’ felt to be absolutely necessary if the party was to retain its popular following. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
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7. Boredom: reviving an audience in Dubliners.
- Author
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Nash, John
- Abstract
It might be said of Joyce, as is said of Jimmy Doyle in ‘After the Race’, that he ‘felt obscurely the lack of an audience’ (D 41). In writing his early stories, of course, Joyce had few readers to draw upon: what readers he had at this stage were, mostly, a private rather than a public readership, such as those who had received his hand-delivered satirical verse, ‘The Holy Office’. This lack of an audience – indeed, its impossibility – is one of the principal preoccupations of Joyce's work. Such a lack would remain with him throughout his career as, paradoxically, one of the constituent characteristics of reception: whereas his work refers to particular readers and scenes of reading, it is unwilling to foresee an audience for itself. Unlike Yeats, for instance, who at various points imagined differing visions of an ideal audience, Joyce refuses the possibility of this prospect. Instead, a dual concern with the need for readers, but also an unwillingness to write for a readership, can be detected in Joyce's work from the earliest stages. Although Joyce shared many of the concerns and even some of the aims of revivalist writers such as Yeats and Synge especially, his well-known estrangement from both the Abbey and the Gaelic League, as well as from both the Anglo-Irish establishment and the Catholic hierarchy, presented formidable barriers to securing a readership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
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8. White skins, black masks: Celticism and Négritude (1996).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
The late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century programme of cultural decolonisation in Ireland is an important precursor of a related struggle in Africa more than forty years later. Undoubtedly England's only European colony differed from imperial territories in Africa, most obviously as a result of Ireland's centuries of enforced intimacy with England – an intimacy based on proximity and affinities of climate, temperament and culture. And while Europe's race for empire in Africa occurred in the latter half of the nineteenth century, England had occupied Ireland for more than 700 years. Thus at the time of Irish decolonisation, the imperial culture had penetrated far more deeply than in Africa or Asia. Despite such differences, however, the shapers of modern Africa (as well as India) looked on occasion to Ireland for guidance. But if Ireland once inspired many leaders of the ‘developing world’, today the country has much to learn from them. In spite of episodic involvement with India's decolonisation, Irish nationalists and writers were slow to identify with other resistance movements, preferring to see their own experiences as unique. Moreover, a strain of white triumphalism, running from John Mitchel to Arthur Griffith, would never countenance Irish solidarity with the anti-imperial struggles of other racial groups. And although many nineteenth-century Irishmen, serving in the British army, had assisted in the conquest of India and Africa, the English colonisers imputed many of the same qualities to natives in these remote territories that they were attributing to the Irish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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9. The city in Irish culture (2002).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
In its heroic phase, the city was a site of pluralism, an example of the uses of diversity. It was in such a period that Dr Johnson could observe that when a man is tired of London, he is tired of life. The celebration of urbanity was not confined to cities – even the greatest of all Lake Poets could join in: Earth has not anything to show more fair: Dull would he be of soul who could pass by A sight so touching in its majesty: This City now doth like a garment wear The beauty of the morning; silent, bare, Ships, towers, domes, theatres, and temples lie Open unto the fields, and to the sky; All bright and glittering in the smokeless air. Never did sun more beautifully steep In his first splendour valley, rock, or hill; Ne'er saw I, never felt, a calm so deep! The river glideth at his own sweet will: Dear God! the very houses seem asleep; And all that mighty heart is lying still! Wordsworth (1807) here explicitly says that no valley, rock or hill can bring out natural beauty as well as does Westminster Bridge. The city still in sleep becomes an illustration of that romantic definition of poetry which sees it as might half-slumbering on its own right arm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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10. The Celtic Tiger: a cultural history (2003).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
Charles Stewart Parnell, the great man whom we commemorate here, was a believer in an inclusive, agreed nation: ‘we cannot afford to lose a single Irishman’ was a favourite rallying cry. Another was his call, repeated on occasions when things seemed to be going wrong, that ‘we must resign ourselves to the cursed versatility of the Celt’. Perhaps this was just a colourful version of the better-known English political mantra to account for the inevitable frustration of plans – ‘events, dear boy, events’ – but I like to think that Parnell in those cryptic sentences was proclaiming the link between the ideal of a pluralist nation on the one hand and the expressive potential of the individual on the other. In the very year of Parnell's death, after all, Oscar Wilde straight-facedly told his disciples that the only way to intensify personality was to multiply it. That, for me, is the true significance of Parnell's career – that he opened up a debate about cultural sovereignty. Although the yearnings which he articulated seemed solely political in their language, they were also implicitly cultural: he wished for a form of sovereignty in the cultural domain so that Irish people might once again become interesting and metropolitan to themselves. The poet W. B. Yeats had the shrewdness to sense this point: in his writings Parnell is presented as an image of great conflicting passions marvellously controlled, whether the picture is of Parnell holding Kitty O'Shea over the turbulent sea-waters of Brighton or facing down his enemies at Westminster, the lesson is one of self-conquest, self-command, self-reliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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11. Reinventing England (1999).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
‘Virtues are individual; vices are national.’ That witty Enlightenment formulation gained added authority through the twentieth century, as nationalists of one kind or another wrought havoc. By the 1980s the very notion of international solidarity had changed its meaning, having ceased to denote the pooling of national resources and become instead an alternative to nationalism, an international style. All talk was of ‘world novels’ and ‘world music’ in a global economy. Yet by 1998 cricket fans celebrated a famous victory in the test series with South Africa by waving English flags rather than Union Jacks. The Cross of St George flies ever higher on these occasions, while cultural nationalism enjoys a new vogue even among exponents of left–liberal Critical Theory. John Rutherford's Forever England concludes with a lament that ‘England’ remains as yet undefined. Only rare contemporary thinkers such as Tom Nairn have registered the fact that, far from being only a backward-looking philosophy, nationalism might also be the sign and shape of the future. The collapse of communism in 1989 simply speeded up a process which had marked a growth from about fifty recognised nation–states in 1945 to something more like two hundred as the century ends. Critical Theory is now becoming open to the suggestion that many ‘international’ arrangements from Great Britain through the European Union to the Organisation of African States may be little more than mechanisms for reinforcing the hegemony of one strong power at the expense of all others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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12. The Elephant of Revolutionary Forgetfulness (1991).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
1991: WHO FEARS TO SPEAK OF EASTER WEEK? On Easter Sunday 1991, the leaders of the Irish Republic gathered at the General Post Office in Dublin to remember the event that led to their state's foundation. The ceremony was spare. Five surviving veterans of the Rising attended (a sixth stayed away as a protest at what he saw as the current politicians' betrayal of the ideals of 1916). A revelation in the Irish Press during the previous week that no special travel arrangements had been made for the veterans, some of whom were infirm, had the desired effect. The former rebels were given seats near to state dignitaries. Later, the Taoiseach, Charles J. Haughey, was featured in an interview on the six o'clock news. The reporter did not ask whether such a brief, sheepish ceremony was an appropriate way to mark the seventy-fifth anniversary, or whether it might be contrasted unfavourably with 4 July celebrations in the United States or Bastille Day in France. What transpired was far more interesting than that: the leader of a sovereign state was asked why he was holding a ceremony at all. If privately he considered the question insulting or stupid, he concealed his feelings with great skill and gave a civil answer. The reporter suggested that IRA terrorists might derive comfort and succour from the festivities. Mr Haughey quietly denied this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
- Full Text
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13. The war against the past (1988).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
The best women, like the best nations, have no history. The greatest sin a man can commit against his race is to bring the work of the dead to nothing … We all hope that Ireland's battle is drawing to an end, but we must live as though it were to go on endlessly. We must pass into the future the great moral qualities that give men the strength to fight … It may be that it depends upon writers and poets such as us to call into life the phantom armies of the future. Just after the triumphant production of the play Cathleen ni Houlihan in 1902, W. B. Yeats wrote the above words. Like so many nationalists before and since, Yeats there seemed to extol the notion of the fight as a self-sustaining tradition, rather than the more humane idea of the culture fought for. It is the mark of many conservative thinkers to see in sacrifice not the highest price a man may pay to assert his self, but an end in its own right. Even more sinister is Yeats's implied view of the Irish Revival not as a restoration of personal freedoms but as bleak revenger's tragedy, in the course of which this generation will get even with England on behalf of Ireland's patriot dead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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14. Introduction.
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
To write – as to read – is to enter a sort of exile from the world around us. But to go into exile from the world around us may well be a signal to write. Although Ireland has produced many authors, it has on its own land-mass sustained less writing than one might be led to believe. Even a great national poet like Yeats managed to spend more of his life outside the country than in: and the list of artists-in-exile stretches from Congreve to Edna O'Brien. Nor was exile solely a condition of those who wrote in English. Much of the literature produced in Irish during the ‘revival’ in the early decades of the seventeenth century was composed and published in the cities of continental Europe. It is almost as if Irish writers found that they had to go out into the world in order to discover who exactly they were. The problem faced by many was the discovery that an ‘image’ had preceded them to their first overseas encounter. There may be no essence of Irishness, any more than there is of Jewishness, but both peoples have had a common experience – that of being defined, derided and decided by others. If you want to know what an Irishman is, ask an Englishman, for the very notion of a unitary national identity, like that of a united Ireland as an administrative entity, is an English invention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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15. The fall of the Stage Irishman (1979).
- Author
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Kiberd, Declan
- Abstract
In Shakespeare's Henry V we are given a fleeting glimpse of an Irishman named Macmorris, a captain in the king's army. In this splenetic figure, we find those traits of excitability, eloquence, pugnacity and strong national pride which would later become the stock-in-trade of the Stage Irishman. For Macmorris was, despite his fierce loyalty to the king, a figure of fun on the London stage. For some strange reason, generations of Englishmen, including the open-hearted Shakespeare, have found it amusing that the Irish should be proud of their own nationality. Some of the soldiers in the Globe audience would already have had grim experience of the Elizabethan military campaigns in Ireland, a campaign conducted in treacherous boglands into which the agile Irish repeatedly lured the enemy forces before battle. Hence the endless references to Irish bogs, bogtrotters and bogmen in the subsequent literature of England. Hence, too, the phrase ‘wild Irishman’ which was used as early as 1608 by the playwright Dekker in Lanthorn and Candlelight. By the time the theatres of England were closed under the Puritan ban of the 1640s, the rudimentary image of the Stage Irishman had been formed: he wore trousers, drank endlessly, swore wildly, and spoke a broken but colourful brand of English, salted with Gaelic exclamations. In the eighteenth century, new features were added: now the character invariably carried a shillelagh under his arm, ate potatoes as a staple diet and frequently appeared with a pig in close attendance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
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16. Parading memory: peace day celebrations.
- Author
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Johnson, Nuala C.
- Abstract
Life springs from death; and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations This extract from Patrick Pearse's renowned oration of 1915 at the graveside of the Fenian, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, reminds us of the powerful political and symbolic role of public commemoration in the politics of everyday life in early twentieth-century Ireland. The previous century had provided several important precedents for commemorating the death of political leaders as the funerals of O'Connell, Parnell and MacManus testify. Commemoration, however, was not confined to individual leaders. The politics of memory generated by the centenary celebrations of the 1798 rebellion, represented through the fusion of the heroic priest-leader and the archetypal peasant in public statuary, illustrates that collective memory could also be aroused through the remembrance of an anonymous rebel soldier. As Whelan puts it, in his examination of official and popular readings of the rebellion, ‘besides its Catholic-nationalist reading, the centenary was pivotal in knitting together the strands of nationalist opinion which had unravelled in the acrimonious aftermath of the Parnell split’. Over two decades later, commemorating the dead who served in Irish regiments in the First World War would similarly challenge cultural allegiances in Ireland, both in nationalist and unionist quarters. The peace parades of July 1919 established the initial framework for commemoration. The public spectacle staged in cities and towns around the country in 1919 provides insights into how the war was calibrated in the popular imagination at a moment when the Home Rule crisis was not yet resolved and the Easter rebellion of 1916 was fresh in the public's memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
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17. A call to arms: recruitment poster and propaganda.
- Author
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Johnson, Nuala C.
- Abstract
If, as some authors argue, the First World War marked a ‘satire of circumstance’ for the young men and women of Europe in the second decade of the twentieth century, for Irish people the events of 1914–18 marked no less a panoply of contradictions. Characterised as the first modern war where technology and communications enhanced, on scales heretofore never witnessed, the capacity to obliterate life with extreme regularity and ferociousness, the recruitment needs of all sides in the conflict implicated sections of the population which, until then, were immune from military experience and modern warfare. Enacted, to a great extent, by a volunteer army, recruited and trained ‘for the duration’ and whose commitment to military life was to extend no longer than the conflict, the war necessitated the state to undertake a massive drive to enter into the hearts and minds of young men and women whom it sought to recruit. While to ‘fight for one's country’ or one's empire, was not in itself a new phenomenon (indeed the heroic soldier of the literary consciousness had entered the imagination of the young long before the war), the call to arms nevertheless was a structured, planned activity which, through a variety of means, sought to tap into a suite of cultural and political prejudices of the day. Despite the common references found in recruitment propaganda of all participating states, there are, equally, strategies in this literature which reveal the different recruitment policies observed by individual combatant states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
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18. United Kingdom.
- Subjects
POLITICAL rights ,POLITICAL science ,CIVIL rights ,INTERNATIONAL law ,POLITICAL autonomy - Abstract
This article highlights issues related to political rights and civil liberties in Northern Ireland. The new Northern Ireland Assembly based in Belfast was officially handed power by the British parliament. The inauguration of a shared-power arrangement between the Ulster Unionists and Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, stems from the Good Friday agreement of April 10, 1998. Northern Ireland comprises six of the nine counties of the Irish province of Ulster. Negotiations for a peace settlement began in June 1996.
- Published
- 2000
19. The New Politics of Sinn Féin
- Author
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Bean, Kevin, author and Bean, Kevin
- Published
- 2007
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20. Religion and identity in the British Isles: integration and separation.
- Author
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Hempton, David
- Abstract
Thus far our analysis has consisted of a religious tour of the British Isles in the modern period with a number of stopping off points on the way. These have included the investigation of elite and popular Anglicanism at the peak of the Church of England's influence in the long eighteenth century; the spectacular rise of evangelical Nonconformity, particularly Methodism, in the period of the French and industrial revolutions, which increased religious pluralism, but also contributed to the relatively ordered transitions of British society in the nineteenth century; the rise of evangelical Nonconformity in Wales and its relationship to Welsh identity and Liberal politics; the attempts to realise the old sixteenth-century ideal of the godly commonwealth in Scotland and the unwillingness of the British State to fund this ideal; the rise of the Irish Catholic nation as the most conspicuously successful fusion of faith and identity anywhere in the British Isles; the role of religion in creating an Ulster Protestant world-view in opposition to a vigorous Catholic nationalism which has led to one of the most intractable problems of the modern world; and the growth of religious pluralism in urban Britain, and its consequences for national homogeneity, social class and popular belief and practice. Above all, the aim has been an attempt to bring to life the cultural power of living religious traditions and to explore the ways in which religion has interacted with other frameworks within which people in Britain and Ireland sought to express meaning and identity. What has been done so far has been relatively straightforward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1996
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21. The making of the Irish Catholic nation.
- Author
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Hempton, David
- Abstract
The chief irony of this subject is the fact that probably no church in the British Isles started out from a more unpromising position in the first half of the eighteenth century than the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, yet no church was in a stronger position, both in terms of its popular allegiance and its social and political influence, by the middle of the twentieth century. The aim of this chapter is to offer a series of five historical snapshots in the development of an Irish Catholic nationalism, combined with some observations on the long-term structural changes in the shape of the Catholic Church, which enabled it to become so deeply embedded in the social, political and cultural fabric of the nation. The result of these processes was the emergence of a powerful fusion of religion and identity unequalled in any other part of the British Isles with the possible exception of Protestantism in Ulster, which in turn drew strength from its implacable opposition to Catholic nationalism. ‘PROTESTANT ASCENDANCY’ AND CATHOLIC PENALTIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY The success of William of Orange's Irish campaigns paved the way for further land transfer from Catholics to Protestants and for four decades of penal legislation against Irish Catholics. After the turbulence and uncertainty of the half century from the Rebellion of 1641 to the conclusion of the Williamite campaigns in 1691 it seemed that out of a powerful mixture of revenge and self-defence, Irish Protestants, with the support of the British State, were determined to control the country through landed power, legal coercion and the Protestant Established Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1996
- Full Text
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22. Irish Regiments in the Great War: Discipline and Morale
- Author
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Bowman, Timothy, author and Bowman, Timothy
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
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23. The IRA and Northern Ireland: aims, policy and tactics (b3270274).
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