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In the 1990s, the ethnic conflicts incited by Russia were directed against the secession and formation of Georgia from the Soviet Empire as an independent state. The negative consequences of these ethnic conflicts still have a negative impact on Georgia. The purpose of writing this paper was to investigate whether the ongoing ethno-demographic processes in Georgia were one of the causes of the conflict. For this purpose, based on the historical and modern statistical information related to the problem, we have established that the ongoing ethno-demographic processes in Georgia from the 19th to the 1990s cannot be the cause of ethno-conflicts. Historically, the population of Abkhazian and Ossetian nationalities lived in a better demographic situation than Georgians. According to the latest statistics of 1959-1979 years, Georgians were characterized by low birth rates and high mortality rates compared to Abkhazians and Ossetians, which led to a high natural increase in them compared to Georgians. Due to the demographic situation, Georgians had more conflict situation. It is clear that neither Abkhazians nor Ossetians had limited their demographic development. Consequently, ethnodemographic processes could not be the cause of ethnic conflicts. These conflicts were not ethnoconflicts. This was Russia's aggression against Georgia's state independence. After the 2008 military conflict between Russia and Georgia, Russia openly occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region, which is still under the control of Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While modern gestational surrogacy technology has existed for almost forty years, surrogacy is viewed as a matter of state law because the United States has yet to regulate it at the federal level. Many have advocated for either federal legislation or their own individual states to enact legislation addressing surrogacy, but Georgia is one of many states that still lacks any laws regulating-- or even mentioning--surrogacy agreements. To make the process more uncertain for couples contemplating surrogacy, Georgia also lacks any case law that could provide parties to surrogacy agreements with guidance on how to proceed or how any dispute may be resolved. To provide Georgia citizens with legal stability and certainty, the Georgia legislature should pass legislation addressing traditional surrogacy agreements and acknowledging the technology and use of surrogacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sixth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution guarantees criminal defendants the right to counsel at critical stages of a proceeding. While the U.S. Supreme Court has not addressed whether initial bail hearings are critical stages of a proceeding, several states have elected to provide greater protection for criminal defendants by holding that bail hearings are critical stages. However, Georgia has avoided this question, as Georgia has held that initial appearance hearings, in which questions of bail are often decided, are "not often" critical stages of a proceeding. Logically, it follows that initial appearance hearings must sometimes be critical stages of a proceeding. This Note argues that initial appearance hearings, insofar as they encompass questions of bail, should be considered critical stages. In so doing, this Note examines Georgia's history of providing greater protection to criminal defendants than the federal government and the implications of bail reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017, Georgia's controversial campus carry bill was signed into law despite protest from the state's Board of Regents, university officials, and students. Georgia is one of ten states that has implemented campus carry. Georgia's campus carry statute is unique in that it may conflict with Georgia's Constitution, which vests the powers of "government, control, and management" of the University System of Georgia in the Board of Regents. Georgia courts have not yet addressed what this provision of the Constitution means. This Note applies general principles of constitutional interpretation to the provision. This Note analyzes the framers' intent when drafting the provision in the 1940s and amending the provision in the 1980s. The history surrounding this constitutional provision is particularly informative because it was adopted after Governor Eugene Talmadge attempted to take over the university system in the 1940s. Some states have developed a university autonomy jurisprudence, which provides a preview of limits that a Georgia court may impose on the Board of Regents' powers. After analyzing the effects of the campus carry statutory scheme, this Note concludes that one portion of the statutory scheme conflicts with Georgia's Constitution, meaning the Board of Regents can implement further exceptions to campus carry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In the historic 2018 Georgia gubernatorial election, which for the first time featured a black Democratic woman against a white Republican man, we assess opinions toward voting‐related concerns and their impact on voters' preferences. Methods: We surveyed political behavior with a representative sample of likely Georgia voters to gauge their perceptions of voting‐related improprieties and their possible effect on vote choice. Results: Our analysis makes it clear that not only did voters divide over election‐related concerns, which dominated the narrative of the gubernatorial contest, but opinions on this matter strongly influenced the choice for governor. Conclusions: Reflecting a national development, but amplified in Georgia because demographic changes and growing minority participation are increasing competition, election administration has become highly politicized and it was the focal point of the 2018 gubernatorial campaign and the principal short‐term factor shaping mass voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Review of Public Law is the property of European Public Law Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article informs of the politics of the Georgian government directed towards the engagement of the Georgian Orthodox Church in the implementation of the European project in 2004–2012. It examines agonism as a state policy for engagement of church. It also informs on identity politics led by both the president and the Catholicos Patriarch, along with Former President of Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili's policy of integration into the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

This article examines the movement "No to Khudoni Hydropower Plant," as an example of the longest and continuous civic movement in Georgia. Within the theoretical framework of structural functionalism, it claims that structural changes happening in Georgia's political system during the last 30 years have caused this movement. The opening of an "window of possibilities" during Perestroika and Glasnost made it possible to start the discussion on the sustainability of the project, which later caused the updating of the project and then, structural changes in 2003, and the strengthening of the civil society made it possible to resume this social movement. This paper aims to analyze the various actors, which are involved in the discussions as opponents or proponents of the Khudoni HPP construction and their arguments are the same despite of the period of 30 years; government and investors are the main proponents of the construction while the academia and civil society are opposing it through various types of strategies. The data collected in the field research allows this article to show how the resistance has managed to survive for more than three decades; what are the arguments of a great number of agents involved with the resistance movement and how its resources are amassed and followers recruited and what makes the movement so unique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discuss the judicial history of partisan gerrymandering and provides an overview of the Efficiency Gap's (EG's) mechanics and the development of Georgia's reapportionment scheme. Topics include the EG's strengths and weaknesses, factors to Georgia's current districting map, analyzes the map's constitutionality; and proposes changes to Georgia's plan, and ensures adherence to constitutional principles.

Anthropologists have long reminded us that mythological cosmologies are regularly recruited to help make sense of the present. But how key mythologies perform such labour is remarkably less attended to in many studies. In this article I take up the long life of Medea, one of the principal female characters of Greek mythology surrounding the Argonauts, who is very much alive today in the Republic of Georgia. The character of Medea mediates contradictory imaginations, affects, and narratives attendant upon Georgia's recent political changes. For some varied sections of Georgian society, the Medea mythology conveys Georgia's connection to Europe, but it also channels the experiences of economic dispossession associated with postsocialist transformation and revolution. By exploring Medea as a profoundly flexible figure who can move across narrative and media forms, this article proposes new ways of conceptualizing contemporary mythological cosmologies that threaten to exceed and sometimes even overwhelm their political intentions, generating ambivalent outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on proslavery politics and the failure of the Know-Nothing Party in Georgia between 1854-1856. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; Establishment of the just principle of non-intervention in regard to slavery; Rift between the Whig and Democratic parties; Free state forecasts; Promises to protect slavery and Southern rights.

Some 200 foreign fighters from Georgia were among those who left their homes and traveled to fight in Syria and Iraq. The Georgian case is interesting due to the large number of foreign fighters but an apparent lack of previous direct experiences with terrorism. This article examines the profiles of Georgian foreign fighters and discusses the patterns that emerge. The analysis is based on an original dataset of 54 foreign fighters. The examination of their profiles reveals that even foreign fighters who share national origins differ in motivations for departure, group affiliations, and the way they arrange the journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: With the resurgent interest in coproduction, questions arise around who joins with government in coproducing services and why. This article reports an exploratory study of these questions using data from Atlanta, Georgia. To guide the research, the article first proposes a set of hypotheses on involvement in coproduction based on theories of political participation, where psychological motivations and social factors dominate, and citizen‐initiated contacting, where perceived needs for public services are usually primary. The hypotheses are tested using survey data on the engagement of 797 neighborhood organization participants in various forms of local coproduction in Atlanta. The findings provide some support for both theories along with evidence for significant idiosyncratic variations suggested by neither theory. A concluding section considers implications of the findings for future research and for public management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the democracy aid practices of the Czech Republic and Poland in Georgia. These two countries have recently emerged as promoters of democracy, and have argued that their own transition experience puts them in a unique position to support democratization and the consolidation of democracy in the European Union's eastern neighbourhood. The article evaluates how these two countries provide democracy aid to Georgia along three criteria, derived from the aid effectiveness literature: supporting locally driven change, learning from results, and coordination. The results indicate that both countries have plenty of space to improve the way their democracy aid is delivered. Neither country has formal systems in place to ensure that they actually support Georgian priorities; evaluations are ad hoc and feedback loops missing; and there is significant scope to improve coordination with other donors. Nonetheless, there seems to be a general perception among stakeholders that the democracy aid provided by the Czech Republic and Poland is relevant to Georgia's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on John Penrose. Topics discussed include history of political infighting, administrative mishaps, and defensive struggles in Georgia; challenges surrounding humanitarian assistance in the country; and efforts taken by Penrose in addressing the challenges of colonies in the country.

This article investigates variation in the governing strategies of wealth-seeking autocrats. Why do some kleptocrats grant political opponents significant leeway to organize, while others enforce strict limits on such activities? Through detailed analysis of post-Soviet Georgia and Kazakhstan, I trace variation in the intensity of repression back to differences in the sources of rulers' illegal wealth. I argue that where rulers' wealth is accumulated from society, they are constrained in their treatment of wealthy opposition leaders. In contrast, rulers who can extract bribes from foreign companies based on natural resource wealth can pursue aggressive repression without jeopardizing their illicit profits. The findings underscore the importance of rulers' motives and informal institutions in shaping non-democratic regime outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called "historical memory" during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the "new Georgia," implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The "politics of memory" became one of the key factors of reconstructing of "new, democratic, western Georgia". This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called "memory politics" is the integral part of one's legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity's future and mobilization of population under the "citizenship" umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on Constitutional Agreement approved by Georgian government for Constitution of Georgia and Orthodox Eastern Church. Topics discussed include risks of the domination and religious issues, Civil Integration Committee and international law, and religion of Orthodox Christianity.

The essay discusses the concepts of liberty and black slavery among British colonists in Georgia between 1732 and 1770 as a case study. It argues that British colonists saw liberty and slavery as significant and essential elements in the function of Georgia in particular and British America in general. It also discusses Georgia's prohibition of slavery prior to the American Revolution, Georgia's governance by a group of trustees including James Oglethorpe, and the relationship between Georgians and the trustees.

This article assesses how the involvement of European party federations (Europarties) in the politics of Eastern Partnership (EaP) states relates to the objectives of the EU in the region. Under specific scope conditions, Europarties can promote EU interests and values and help EU neighbourhood policy overcome some of the inconsistencies created by the lack of the enlargement tool. The article conceptualises Europarties as transnational actors whose external activities match the pathways of EU influence in EaP states. Empirically, by examining political developments in Georgia and Moldova, the article demonstrates how Europarties function as a conduit for EU strategic influence over pro-European elites, as well as a normative influence on the functioning of party politics in EaP states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a part of research about evaluation natural disasters influence on citizens political attitudes reviewing Georgia 2012 parliamentary election case - election result in the eastern part of Georgia, taking into consideration 2012 summer flood, which preceded voting in four districts of Kakheti. Paper aim is to answer theoretically and empirically important question: How social welfare is related to the district-level election outcomes. Theoretical framework is a theory of retrospective voting. Research is based on a qualitative research methodology, basic methodological approach being the method of case study. In the frame of the research two alternative hypothesis are tested. Present paper will contribute to the academic debates around the issue of citizens retrospective voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Georgia can be characterised by its turbulent history, centuries-old traditions, and a great ethnic diversity. This makes it necessary to include historical determinants, in addition to geopolitical and economic factors, when making a regional analysis of its territory and contemporary governance issues. Five stages of the development of the present territorial division of Georgia are distinguished. They have been identified by means of an analysis of key events (critical junctures) of significance in the formation of its historical regions. Additionally, their influence at each of the three levels of the current territorial division of independent Georgia is discussed, in particular in the context of territorial governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement is a long and complex process that will have a great impact on the Georgian legal system. In the paper an attempt will be made to identify the main challenges of legal, constitutional and institutional nature related to implementation of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement. For this purpose, the relevant institutional and legal frameworks and instruments existing in Georgia will be analysed. Furthermore, considerations about the identified problems related to implementation process will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October of 2012, youth organizers from the immigrant justice and climate change resistance movements in the southeastern US metropolitan region of Atlanta, Georgia, coordinated a direct action tactic framed by a unified narrative justifying collaboration between immigrant and climate justice activists on equal terms. In a continuing collaborative relationship, these organizers embraced mutually strategic narratives rooted in local civil rights history, but rejected common 'global climate justice' narratives used to frame social and environmental collaborative organizing. We examine the departure from 'global climate justice' narratives, which was exemplified by coalition building in Georgia, to argue that scholarship articulating 'global climate justice' as a new context for integrating social and environmental movements must anticipate barriers to these solidarities, especially historical, regional and racialized dynamics of power among organizations engaged in these developing alliances. Based on an investigation of strategic alliances between anti-racist, immigrant justice organizers and climate change activists in the metropolitan areas of Atlanta and Athens, Georgia, we argue that climate justice narratives in both activism and scholarship would benefit from more attention to the particular political and cultural geographies in which diverse forms of climate justice organizing can take hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the government of Georgia which has improved its image from being most corrupted to most cleaner governance between 2004-2012. Various other topics discussed includes increased public-sector reforms, the Rose Revolution, improved management of public finances and a table on Georgian elections between 2003-2013.

The paper covers and explains how the "Islamic Caliphate"/DAISH has been posing a threat not only to international community at a global level but also to Georgia at local level. Georgia lays on the most prominent geopolitical crossroad, linking West (EU+USA) and East (China+CIS states) and with its location Georgia has played double gamble with its nation's future geopolitical destiny. The location attracts positive as well as negative factors in defining Georgia's security provisions and in some cases it could cause the so-called "security dilemma" for Georgia's geopolitics. Hence, Georgia's security is facing with a new phenomenon, the so-called "asymmetrical threat" that could be really dangerous to national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between the Confederate States of American and Coca-Cola Co. in the 19th century. Topics include the 1885 launch of the Pemberton's French Wine Coca in Atlanta, Georgia, the roll out of alcohol prohibition in the city in 1866, and the first bottling of the company at the Biedenharn Candy Co. in Vicksburg, Mississippi in 1891.

Exploring the idea of a social movement, and its effect on political struggle, provides a method for putting organizing strategies into historical context. If we wish to understand how past political processes occurred or how to build successful new projects, we must understand the similarities and differences between historical eras. This work yields applicable lessons, specifically basic principles necessary to navigate the difficult political landscape of the day. Using "The 'Long Movement' as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies" by Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang as a theoretical framework, this essay studies the Atlanta efforts to fight police brutality during the political crisis of 1973 and 1974. I conclude that the radical approach to organizing opened up political space allowing for working-class people to build their own analysis of their problems and develop a critique of the larger political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 1796 treaty negotiations between Creek Indians, representatives of the U.S. Federal government during the administration of President George Washington, and representatives of the government of the state of Georgia held at the federal post of Coleraine, Georgia. Notable people discussed include Georgia Governor George Mathews, U.S. Secretary of War Timothy Pickering, and Indian agent James Seagrove. Topics include Creek-federal relations, Federalist Indian policies, tribal relations among Creeks, and competing treaties between Native Americans, states, and the federal government.

Situated at the intersection between histories of urban politics, civil rights, and the rise of neoliberalism, this article explores the changing dynamics of mayoral politics in Atlanta, Georgia, during the first two decades of black governance. In particular, it charts the efforts of Atlanta’s first two black mayors, Maynard Jackson and Andrew Young, to negotiate the changing economic, political, and social climate of the 1970s and 1980s. Compelled to abandon a pro-labor, community control politics in favor of policies favoring Atlanta’s tourism industry, Atlanta’s mayors worked to craft a new liberal politics that appealed to the city’s diverse electorate, investors, and other outside spectators. In doing so, they relied on and appropriated the city’s civil rights legacy to help them forge new alliances—as well as rebuild old ones—and provided an example for liberal politicians across the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At the current conjuncture of neoliberal urbanism, when more than 20 years have passed since scholars identified the retrenchment of the federal state from urban affairs and the shift from urban government to urban governance, those of us engaged in questions of urban politics have much yet to learn about the power relations in American cities. At the same time, we must recognize those key concepts and frameworks that have shaped our ability to understand both the processes involved in urban politics and the expressions of those processes, as they are manifest in concrete places and often, literally, in places made of concrete. The urban regime, as explained by Clarence Stone a quarter century ago in Regime Politics, is one such concept, as illustrated in a very compelling empirical investigation, that has shaped the lexicon of how we understand cities. Stone’s contribution came along at a time when geographers were grappling with understanding the local and the global and their relationship to capitalism. Geographers engaged regime theory in fits and starts with other conceptual innovations in the field, including the regulation approach, flat ontologies, and relational sense of place. If we apply these three conceptual innovations to the regime approach, as I argue we should, then we get a much more robust conceptual tool to understand the contemporary urban political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With hindsight covering a quarter of a century of Regime Politics, this reflection calls for refashioning the concept of an urban regime into a more encompassing idea of a multitiered political order. As an approach to political change, cross-time comparisons suggest that periodization can highlight how forces conjoin in different ways as political development unfolds. From this perspective, there is little reason to expect to find in today’s cities a stable and cohesive governing coalition held together around a high-priority agenda. Yet the need for resources to be commensurate with policy goals and the strength of purpose in the face of an established mind-set are key lessons to be retained from the past experiences of Atlanta and other cities. While systemic inequality continues as an overarching reality, mitigating responses can be worked out in the middle ground between structure and agency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the status of Georgian press during the postcolonial Georgian-Abkhazian conflict which escalated into a serious military confrontation that affects all ethnic groups in Abkhazia, highlighting media discourse and its performance in the 2000s.

Planning scholars have cited state growth management programmes as a critical outcome of the ‘quiet revolution’ in the regulation of land use in the United States, a phenomenon that Fred Bosselman and David Callies identified in 1971. Typically referring to a collection of state-level laws that provide support for planning, mandate local land-use plans, require coordination among adjacent jurisdictions, and enhance protections for fragile natural resources, the academic understanding of growth management has tended to be based on the experiences of a few environmentally ‘progressive’ states. The US state of Georgia has rarely been lauded for its efforts to regulate development. Yet in 1989, the state enacted a law that instituted new tools to improve coordination between local governments and the state, but stopped short of mandating local land-use planning. Like policies in other states, Georgia's growth management scheme was designed to strengthen state control over the local planning process. Unlike other states, Georgia's system did little to determine the location of that growth. This paper provides a detailed account of the political process by which an idea for reigning in ‘abusive’ land development hatched by Governor Jimmy Carter in the course of a government reform movement in the early 1970s was repurposed by Governor Joe Frank Harris in the 1980s to support urban sprawl. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Journal of Social Sciences / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the efforts of the Georgia state geographer John Ruggles Cotting to conduct the state's first geological survey during the late 1830s. The role that Georgia's state government played in Cotting's geological survey, including in regard to providing of funding for the survey and the Georgia Governor William Schley's role in its creation, is discussed.

An essay is presented on efforts by archivists and other concerned citizens to advocate for the Georgia Archives in the face of state budget cuts. Particular focus is given to tools strategies used by these advocates which the author believes can be useful in similar situations. The author emphasizes that archives advocacy is a continuous process and that continued the Georgia Archives needs additional funding to increase staff.

An essay is presented on debates surrounding the budget for the Georgia state archives during the first decade of the 21st century. Particular focus is given to the author's experiences and observations as the Georgia State Archivist. Details on the construction of the archives building and on political attitudes towards the building are presented. The author stresses the importance of the state archives to Georgia's civic and economic health.

The article presents photographs of a 2012 rally in support of the Georgia Archives, following budget cuts which would result in the Archives' closure to the public if they remained unchanged.

An essay is presented on the efforts of the Georgia Genealogical Society (GGS) to advocate for the continued operation of the Georgia Archives following a 2012 announcement that it would be closed to the public due to budget cuts. Particular focus is given to the authors' roles in organizing and communicating with supporters and educating the public and members of the Georgia legislature about the value of the Georgia Archives.

The article discusses conflicts between civil and military authority in colonial Georgia from 1732 to 1749. It focuses on the role of British general and civilian leader James Edward Oglethorpe. The author also reflects on the Georgia Trustees, colonial Georgia's founding body. Other individuals examined include bailiff Thomas Causton, Trustees president William Stephens, and military leader Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Heron. The article particularly comments on the Georgia settlements of Frederica and Savannah and examines conflicts with Spanish Florida.

A biography is presented of Georgia legislator and Confederate officer Augustus Romaldus Wright. It discusses his professional career as a circuit court judge, belief in the doctrine of white supremacy, and his service in the Confederate Congress. Emphasis is given to Wright's shifting allegiances regarding the Union cause, secession, and peace during the U.S. Civil War.

The article discusses the political career of U.S. Senator James Gunn. The author reflects on his origins in Virginia and his military service during the American Revolution. Emphasis is given to his representation of Georgia in the Senate and his impact on military policy, bank centralization, and the purchase of territories in western Georgia. Gunn's commitment to Federalist politics and patronage in relation to the Yazoo sale is discussed. Other topics include relations with Georgia governor James Jackson, Gunn's militia service, and relations between state and federal government.

The article presents an examination into the political debate over the drinking of alcoholic beverages in colonial Georgia in the first half of the 18th-century. Details are given noting the place of distilleries and the alcohol trade in colonial life, the initial mandates of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America prohibiting the sale or consumption of hard liquor in the 1720s and 1730s, and the drawn out civil resistance to the move. An in-depth account of the public debate and controversy which eventually overturned the law is then given.

The article relates the conflict between William Stephens and his son, Thomas Stephens, in colonial Georgia. William oversaw the colony's northern division of military forces during the War of Jenkins' Ear. The struggle between the Malcontents and the colonial administration divided the father and son. The feud between William and Thomas Stephens provides a window into early Georgia history and specifically into the Malcontent controversy.

Privatization research lacks an understanding of the scope and nature of informal service delivery relationships between nonprofits and local government. This article reports on a study of local service delivery partnerships in Georgia using survey and interview data. In addition to assessing the frequency of noncontractual partnerships, this study builds on B. Guy Peters’s definition of public–private partnerships to delineate the control–formality dimensions of these partnerships more clearly. The agency theory notion that a trade-off occurs between formality and control is also tested. The findings show that most public–private partnerships involving nonprofits are led by government agencies, and they are only weakly collaborative in the sense of shared authority or resources. Often, community norms substitute for formal service agreements. The study concludes with suggestions for further research regarding trust and behavioral norms in public–private partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The black political experience in all of its totality or in terms of its causal realities flows from the politics of race in America and its sundry manifestations in the American political process (Walton, 1997). V O. Key writes "In its grand outlines the politics of the South revolves around the position of the Negro. It is at times interpreted as a politics of cotton, as a politics of free trade, as a politics of agrarian poverty, or as a politics of planter and plutocrat. Although such interpretations have a superficial validity, in the last analysis the major peculiarities of southern politics go back to the Negro. Whatever phases of the southern political process one seeks to understand, sooner or later, the trail of inquiry leads to the Negro" (VO. Key, Jr., 1997). Until Carol Moseley-Braun's nomination for the U.S. Senate in the State of Illinois, no black woman with major party backing had ever run for the U.S. Senate. Most Major party candidates have been white men. Chief among the problems limiting the electability of women as well as minorities is political incumbency (Tate, 1997). This paper sketches the checkered political landscape in Georgia during the past half century. Within this context, these writers explore the odyssey of two African American political candidates seeking their respective party's nomination as well as a seat in the U.S. Senate in Georgia's 2004 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]