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Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research objective of the paper is to highlight the prospects for the implementation of the main directions of the reform of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of the European Union until 2025. The caesuras of the work are marked by two events: the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union by the European Council on 28 June 2016 and the decision of the European Council of 24 March 2022 on the adoption of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defense. First of all, the research hypothesis should be established that the full implementation of CSDP reform, which was initiated with the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and the resulting projects can significantly strengthen the position of the EU in the international arena. This will lead to the establishment of the European Security and Defense Union and the EU Rapid Reaction Force (5,000 troops) by the end of 2025. However, since many of the planned reform elements have not yet been completed or initiated, much will depend on the political will of individual member state governments, the level of spending on reform implementation by member states and the EU, and the progress of other reforms already underway (including addressing the economic and social consequences of the pandemic crisis and implementing eurozone systemic reform). The following research questions should then be asked: (1) How has the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy gone so far? (2) How has the implementation of new projects (including the European Defense Fund, PESCO, and the Strategic Compass) affected EU-NATO relations? (3) How do selected EU member states assess these projects? (4) To what extent can the project to establish a European Security Council with the participation of Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Poland compete with and usefully complement the EU Strategic Compass project? The first part of the analysis presents the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union until 2022. The second part analyzes the goals, priorities, and assumptions of the Strategic Compass, the implementation of which is intended to lead the EU to strategic autonomy by 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to provide a critical perspective on the concepts of the international security of Poland as defined by the policy makers responsible for the international policy in 1918-1932, that is, before Józef Beck became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which gave rise to the doctrine of balance between Germany and the Soviet Union. The author's main conclusion is that the attempts to provide the Polish state with real "material" security in the reality of unstable international order were like squaring the circle. The hopes for alliance with the victorious superpowers of the Entente were not fulfilled because the United States had returned to isolationism and Great Britain did not give any guarantees to any state of continental Europe except France in Locarno. The multilateralism offered by the League of Nations did not yield any fruit because the idea of the collective security turned out to be an illusion. Both the Central-European Bloc and the Intermarium project were merely theoretical concepts. Basically, it is impossible for a historian to provide an ex post outline of a convincing alternative to the activities of Polish diplomacy in relation to those of which we know, no matter how critical their assessment of those actions would be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego is the property of University of Lower Silesia / Dolnoslaska Szkola Wyzsza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales UMCS, Sectio K (Politologia) is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the problem of the withdrawal of multinational forces from the territory of Afghanistan in 2021. An attempt is made to answer the question: What has caused the failure of the international intervention and what could the further consequences of the withdrawal of the NATO coalition forces be? The paper also presents the problem of the decay of Afghanistan and threats to Polish military contingents during the ‘Enduring Freedom’, ISAF and ‘Resolute Support’ operations. The study takes advantage of the results of unique research conducted by the author in the zones of war and stabilization in Afghanistan and previously unpublished source documents. The field research was carried out in the area of responsibility of the Polish Task Force stationed in the Ghazni province in March and April 2009. Moreover, the non-confidential part of the documentation from the activities of individual organizational units of the Polish military contingent was used. The chapter may be of interest to researchers of international and national security, academics (teachers and students) of military and civilian universities as well as activists of governmental and non-governmental organizations providing aid in areas of armed conflicts and after their end.

The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is a relatively young format of regional cooperation, partially implemented by the instruments of the European Union. The areas of the Initiative’s activity declared in Dubrovnik (2016): logistic and transport cooperation, energy cooperation as well as IT and telecommunication cooperation are immanent components of national and international security. At the same time, they implement security postulates directly or indirectly, increasing the potential and possibilities in other areas. The aim of the study is to demonstrate the relationship between the activities carried out in the TSI format and security understood today – both in its „positive” and „negative” dimensions. The leading hypothesis is the assumption that by increasing the civilizational and infrastructural potential, levelling the development backwardness and the competitiveness of the region, it increases the level of security of the whole region, as well as of international institutions such as the European Union and NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan faces many internal and external challenges and remains a major point of reference in contemporary international security analysis. This article examines selected issues relating to Pakistan's foreign policy contextualized within the transformations in the security dynamics of South Asia. The specificity of the security environment in South Asia, the least politically and economically integrated region of the world, engaged in the protracted Kashmir conflict, serves as the starting point for the multi-dimensional study of the key objectives of Pakistan's foreign strategy towards its neighbouring states, such as India, China and Afghanistan. Methodological approach for this research is based on offensive realism, which seems to present the appropriate explanatory tool for studying the South Asian securityrelated specificity. The naya (new) Pakistan narrative, promoted by the Prime Minister Imran Khan seems hardly a game-changing chapter in the history of the state. Analysis of Pakistan's current policies, persistent domination of the army over the state's bureaucracy, increasing dependency on external loans and bailouts provokes rather opposite conclusions. Pakistan's strategic goals vis-à-vis Afghanistan and India exploit its own resources and strongly affect the regional security system whilst the country has no adequate means to achieve them. Consequently, there is a vital need of a paradigm shift in Pakistan's regional security calculus from ideologically motivated, unfeasible claims to a more cooperative posture, supplemented by campaigns for de-radicalization. This research study was conducted during seven trips to Pakistan during the last decade; the results and conclusions of this study were discussed and debated with academics and other South Asia experts both in Asia and in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of disintegration of the Soviet Union has led not only to the geopolitical changes in Europe and in the world, but also to the fact that the issue of the Kaliningrad Region became the subject of interest from countries and international organizations. The Russian exclave has been the subject of debate and political controversy both in Russia and in Europe. Initially it was a result of the militarization of Kaliningrad Region and speculation regarding the change in its status. Later, the issue of Kaliningrad Region appeared primarily in the context of the enlargement of the European Union to the east. The importance of the Russian enclave should be considered not only in terms of geopolitical location, but mainly in the context of political, economic or military conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article serves as an introduction to the set of papers that are devoted to the issue of ballistic missile defence as seen from the Polish perspective. It therefore refers in the most general terms to the key problems of the technology and the organization of missile defence. First of all, ballistic missiles and their strategic roles are considered as it is necessary to understand the threat before the defence against it is analyzed. Secondly, the nature of the ballistic missile defence is described, together with extensive reflections on its effectiveness. Further on the paper depicts in short missile defence systems of the world with the special attention to the United States.

The world is living in a state of constant psychological warfare, technological advances and development; in the 21st century Internet governance has become a puzzle for scientists and practitioners. Virtual warfare is an alternative to real warfare, one of the biggest threats to global security. In discussing the issue, we must consider the capabilities of the world’s leading countries, and first of all, identify the threat posed by Russia, which is the core of unpredictable aggression. This state is trying to influence almost the whole world with large-scale cyber-hacking attacks and continuous disinformation and fake news. Today it is difficult to find out where the theoretical war begins and where the practical military aggression ends, so new research, recommendations, scientific papers, and defence strategies are needed. Defensive mechanisms are created for cyber-attacks and this is always followed by more powerful attacks; that is why NATO enacted Article 5 of the Washington Treaty or the principle of “collective defence.” The article discusses Russia’s aggressive policy towards Georgia during and after the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008. The features of the Russian hybrid war and cyber attacks are discussed.

The aim of the article is an analysis of statements of the European union's foreign affairs and security policy high representatives during the Munich Security Conference in years 2009 until 2019. The diplomats' activities resulted from their roles as high representatives, which are programming, initiating action and representing the European Union outside. The Munich Security Conferences were a platform to present activities and stand points concerning contemporary challenges in the field of international security. The conferences contributed to the extension of contacts of the EU from Javier Solana's, Catherine Ashton's and Federica Mogherini's points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the importance of the migration of people and its selected forms for the international and national security of the transatlantic community located on the European and North American continents. The thesis is that the phenomenon of migration in the first half of the 21st century increasingly determines the security of these countries, including transatlantic ties and international activities undertaken or not in this formula. Along with political, military, social and economic issues, migration will determine the policy of the transatlantic community. It becomes the leading domain for international activities undertaken individually and collectively by the countries of the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance. Moreover, the discourse between the supporters and opponents of migration not only affects the shape of the migration policies of these entities, but also those of the areas adjacent to NATO and the EU. The analysis included in this articles focuses on the period between 2015 and 2019 and prospects up to 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research Papers of the Wroclaw University of Economics / Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wroclawiu is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosiuszko Military Academy of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, „responsibility to protect“ -- international security and human rights norm addressed to the international community -- failure to prevent and stop genocides, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity has caused remarkable controversy in the international arena. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China advocated: „responsible protection“. Ruan Zongze proposed new concept which in his point of view can more authentically reflect the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and the basic norms of international relations, and is more in line with the trend for peace and development. The idea of "responsible protection" is an endeavor made by China in actively participating in the solution of hotspot issues and in building a reasonable new international political order based on Confucianism as an ethical and philosophical system. China shall continue to undertake its due responsibilities in upholding, together with the vast developing countries, the purposes of the UN Charter, and the basic norms governing international relations, but in the same time we have to consider if RP is not just a hybrid of R2P, as well as Brazilian RwP. Both concepts indicate that de lege ferenda governments should contribute to the global promotion of appropriate behavior towards its citizens and the organizations responsible for international peace to critical appraisal of events. In the future, instead of criticizing the theoretical shortcomings of the responsibility to protect international community should effectively seek a diplomatic solution to the tense situations, and seat earlier at the negotiating table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article presents the analysis of the Egyptian internal and international affairs after the presidential elections of 2012. Special focus was put on the internal changes effects on the international situation in the area of security and stabilization in the region. Social revolt which lead to the revolution in the January of 2011. Started by the young people, using internet for gathering for the demonstrations in order to try to keep control over the new rulers, was the first (beside the Tunesia) such movement in the Middle East, changing the politics of the regional powers as well as the key global powers in this region also. Very important for the new situation of Egypt in international affairs is the role of its Armed Forces and Secret Services. Both have great influences in every sphere of Egyptian life and possibility to change this country’s future. Changing of the internal situation in Egypt reflects on the many international factors such as in first row Arab‑Israeli conflict (and within it also Palestinian-Israeli conflict) and through this it impacts the peace in the region of Middle East and North Africa. Egypt during the rule of Muslim Brotherhood seemed to build an alliance with Turkey and Qatar which would make their stance much stronger in case of cooperation with USA or UE. If those countries will not fall into the extremism it is a occasion to build new kind of international relations in the region and much stronger system of international security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]