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This paper provides an introduction to the book symposium on Julian Culp’s Democratic Education in a Globalized World. In this paper we introduce the themes and core claims of Culp’s book, sketch the contributions made by authors of this symposium, and highlight the plausibility of the book’s significance for debates in political philosophy, philosophy of education, educational public policy, as well as for the practice of political education. The issue includes three critical essays by Michael Festl, Martin Beckstein, and Michael Geiss as well as a response to the critics by Culp.

Purpose: The aim of this country report is to offer an overview of civic and citizenship education in Spain. Approach: The report analyses the Spanish curriculum and the current legislative framework, examining the way social and civic competences are integrated in both primary and secondary education. Additionally, the paper also examines the latest educational reform, establishing a comparison between how citizenship education was addressed in the curriculum until 2013 and the way a cross-curricular approach has been adopted since then. Findings: The paper has been able to establish a clear difference between two political and educational conceptions. On one hand, from 2006 to 2013, the Spanish government introduced “Citizenship and Human Rights Education” as a core subject linked to a broader approach to traditional civic education. After the 2013 reform, the new government favoured instead a cross-curricular orientation that avoided references to the idea of citizenship and limited the scope of civic education. A discussion is provided regarding what policy reforms can be expected in the near future in Spain., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, Vol 19 No 1 (2020): Outlining Similarities and Differences in Civics Education in Europe

IJAB - Fachstelle für internationale Jugendarbeit der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Hrsg.]: Forum Jugendarbeit International 2011-2012. Bonn 2012, S. 137-148, Am Beispiel eines multilateralen Comenius-Projektes wird in diesem Aufsatz dargelegt, welche interkulturellen politischen Kompetenzen Schüler durch die Zusammenarbeit mit Schülern aus anderen europäischen Ländern im Rahmen eines Theaterprojektes erwerben können. In Anlehnung an Dewey’s Konzept des ›learning by doing‹ wird hierzu das Prinzip ›Learning european by doing European‹ zugrunde gelegt und als Lernen im Wechselspiel von Aktion und eflexion beschrieben. Zugleich wird davon ausgegangen, dass die Arbeits- und Entscheidungsprozesse eines solchen europäischen Projektes sich mit den Verfahren der ›großen Politik‹ vergleichen lassen und die Devise »Eigentlich sind wir hier schon das Vereinte Europa« in diesen Projekten praktiziert wird. Außerdem wird für viele Schüler von heute, die Tag für Tag lernen, in multikulturellen Kontexten zu agieren, in Anlehnung an den Begriff der ›digital natives‹ die Bezeichnung ›intercultural natives‹ eingeführt. Denn die ›Intercultural natives‹ erwerben implizit und intuitiv ihre Kompetenzen und trainieren und erweitern diese in Maßnahmen der interkulturellen politischen Bildung. Da diese Trainingsmöglichkeiten allen Schülern Europas, die daran interessiert sind, zur Verfügung stehen sollten, und weil die EU ein eigenes Interesse an europakompetenten Bürgern hat, können diese Maßnahmen nicht im Status eines speziellen EU-Programms belassen werden, sondern sollten auf Dauer zu einer Regelaufgabe der schulischen und außerschulischen Bildungseinrichtungen werden, die auch strukturell abgesichert gefördert wird. (DIPF/Orig.), Using a multilateral Comenius project as an example, this paper illustrates how pupils can develop intercultural political competences in the context of a drama project involving peers from other European countries. The project emulates Dewey’s learning-by-doing principle. Essentially, the pupils “learn European by doing European” and alternate between action- and reflection- oriented activities. The underlying premise is that the activities and decision- making processes in a European project such as this one are comparable to those in higher- level politics, and that they bring to life the idea that the project participants “form a united Europe”. The paper also discusses the use of “intercultural native”, a term inspired by the existing concept of the “digital native”, to refer to the many young people who experience every day what it means to live in a multicultural context. These intercultural natives acquire their skills and abilities intuitively and implicitly and can enhance them further when they take part in intercultural political activities. Since projects of this kind should be open to all interested pupils across Europe, and since the European Union has a vested interest in being a home to citizens who were raised as genuine Europeans, they should not be given the status of a special EU programme. Rather, they should become a long-term standard element in formal and non-formal educational institutions, along with the requisite support structures. (DIPF/Orig.)

Mit dem Recht von Kindern auf Politische Bildung und deren praktische Umsetzung befasst sich der Beitrag. Der Autor fordert, dass die Realisierung Politischer Bildung im Elementar- und Primarbereich evidenzbasiert sein muss / sollte und gibt einen ��berblick zum aktuellen Stand empirischer Forschung. Sich daraus ergebende Folgerungen und Desiderata f��r zuk��nftige empirische Untersuchungen und die Ebenen der Vermittlung werden aufgezeigt und es wird ein eigenes Forschungs- und Entwicklungsprojekt vorgestellt. (DIPF/Orig.), Day care centers and elementary schools are places of democratic and at least basic political education ��� at least according to the relevant position papers of the KMK and the corresponding educational plans for these educational institutions. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child also contains the inviolable right for children to concern themselves with issues of the political world and to participate in it. First taking civic education as a children���s right means nothing else than practicing it ��� and that is best based on evidence. Against this background, the article deals with the state of empirical research on political literacy by children up to the age of ten, asks about the implications that arise from this for further research and the mediation tasks in day care centers and schools, and provides a concrete research and development project that takes on the methodological challenges. (DIPF/Orig.)

(English abstract below!) *das kollektiv versteht sich als Ort der kritischen Bildungsarbeit in den Bereichen Basisbildung, Nachholen des Pflichtschulabschlusses und Begleitung zur weiterführenden Bildung mit migrierten und geflüchteten Frauen*. Bildungsarbeit in das kollektiv ist kritisch-politisch und parteilich. Sie soll dazu beitragen, gesellschaftliche Ungleichheitsverhältnisse durch die Erweiterung der Handlungsfähigkeit von Frauen* zu bekämpfen. Diese Positionierung von das kollektiv entfaltet sich im Beitrag eindrücklich entlang eines offenen Briefs von afghanischen Frauen* zum Weltflüchtlingstag 2018, zu dem sich Mitarbeitende von das kollektiv in Kommentaren positionieren. So werden Frauen*stimmen hörbar, die aus verschiedenen Positionen sprechen: „Wir sind angekommen und warten hier nur auf ein Papier, das bestätigt, dass wir Menschen sind. Und wir bekommen es nicht […] Wir wollen wie Menschen behandelt werden“, appellieren die Frauen* im Brief an die österreichische Bevölkerung. Die Frauen* aus dem kollektiv – viele davon selbst mit Migrations- oder Fluchtgeschichte – antworten: Wir kämpfen dafür – und zwar gemeinsam! (Red.)* *** *The collective sees itself as a place for critical educational projects in the areas basic education, later completion of compulsory schooling and accompaniment of secondary education of migrant and refugee womxn. Education in the collective is critical, political and biased. It should lead to combating social inequality by increasing the ability of womxn to act. This positioning of the collective is developed clearly in the article over the course of an open letter from Afghan womxn on World Refugee Day 2018 to which members of the collective take a position in comments. Thus the voices of womxn speaking from different positions become audible: “We have arrived and are only waiting here for a piece of paper that confirms that we are human beings. And we haven’t got it […] We want to be treated like human beings”, wrote the womxn in a letter appealing to the Austrian population. The womxn from the collective – many of whom have a migrant or refugee background – respond: We are fighting for it – together! (Ed.)*

Das 3. Ranking Politische Bildung 2019 misst den Stellenwert der politischen Bildung in Schulen der Sekundarstufe I und liefert einen quantitativen Vergleich der Bundesländer. Der empirische Indikator für die Relevanz schulischer politischer Bildung ist die Stundentafelquote des Leitfaches der politischen Bildung. Sie erfasst, vereinfacht gesprochen, den Anteil politischer Bildung an der gesamten Lernzeit eines Bildungsgangs. [...] Die Bundesländer schneiden im Ranking Politische Bildung sehr unterschiedlich ab. [...] Das 3. Ranking vergleicht erstmals die Lernzeit für politische Bildung mit der verbindlichen Zeit für Berufsorientierung einschließlich Schülerbetriebspraktikum, die zur ökonomischen Bildung zählt. [...] Für die Demokratiebildung existieren weder verbindliche Maßnahmen noch verlässliche Zeitkontingente. Die Analyse der Daten zeigt erneut, dass die Bildungspolitik die sehr große Ungleichheit beim Erwerb von politischer Kompetenz und demokratischen Einstellungen in der Schule beseitigen muss. Das gilt auch hinsichtlich der Zeitressourcen für die politische Bildung und die Demokratiebildung im Vergleich zur obligatorischen Berufsorientierung. (DIPF/Orig.)

Ausgehend vom Stellenwert digitaler Medien und sozialer Netzwerke im Alltag junger Menschen werden in diesem Beitrag fachwissenschaftliche Zugänge aus den Citizenship Studies mit lerntheoretischen Überlegungen zum Bürgerbewusstsein verbunden. Hervorgehoben wird dabei das Verhältnis von digitaler Erfahrungs- und analoger Reflexionswelt für die Entwicklung des individuellen Bürgerbewusstseins. Abschließend werden daraus Konsequenzen für politische Lernprozesse in der digitalisierten Welt abgeleitet. (DIPF/Orig.), Based on the importance of digital media and social networks in the everyday life of young people, this paper combines approaches from citizenship studies with learning theory approaches on citizen awareness. The relationship between digital experiences and its analogue reflections for the development of individual citizenship awareness is emphasized. Finally, consequences for political learning processes in the digitized world are deduced. (DIPF/Orig.)

Dieser Beitrag möchte nicht in den Chor derer einstimmen, die den rechten Nationalismus als die "große Regression" beklagen und dem gegenüber die liberale Demokratie als ideale Realisierung der europäischen Aufklärung hochhalten. Er postuliert vielmehr, dass die Problematik einer demokratischen Bildung heute darin besteht, zwischen der Skylla eines "regressiven" Nationalismus und der Charybdis einer neoliberalen "Weltoffenheit" zu navigieren. Weltbürgerlichkeit ist nicht per se ein Gegenkonzept zu Nationalismus. Wie postkoloniale Theoretiker/-innen gezeigt haben, ist vielmehr die europäische Weltbürgerlichkeit ein begleitendes und ideologisierendes Element der kolonialen Unterwerfung des Globalen Südens. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert für eine Bildung zur Demokratie aus dekolonial-kosmopolitischer Perspektive. (DIPF/Orig.), This paper refuses the idea that (neo-)liberal democracy is the only alternative to the "great regression", the rise of right-wing nationalism. Education for democracy, the author argue instead, has to criticize both, the open racism of the "new nationalism" as well as the "cosmopolitan" liberalism that is at the origin of business globalization and a growing divide between haves and have-nots. In order to help building democracy at a worldwide scale, a truly democratic education has to adopt a decolonial global citizenship perspective, as a concrete utopia. (DIPF/Orig.)

Das zweite Ranking Politische Bildung misst den Stellenwert der politischen Bildung in Schulen der Sekundarstufe I und liefert dazu einen Vergleich der Bundesländer. Der empirische Indikator für die Relevanz schulischer politischer Bildung ist die Stundentafelquote des Leitfaches der politischen Bildung. Vereinfacht gesprochen erfasst sie den Anteil politischer Bildung an der gesamten Lernzeit eines Bildungsgangs. Die Bundesländer schneiden dabei so unterschiedlich ab, dass von einer bundesweiten Gleichwertigkeit des Rechts von Kindern und Jugendlichen auf politische Bildung in der Schule keine Rede sein kann. [...] Das diesjährige Ranking vergleicht erstmals den Stellenwert des Leitfachs der politischen Bildung nicht nur für die Stundentafel insgesamt, sondern auch mit einzelnen Fächern, konkret mit Geschichte und mit Geographie. Darüber hinaus berechnet es den Anteil politischer Bildung am Lernbereich Gesellschaftswissenschaften. [...] Aus der Analyse der Daten ziehen die Autoren den Schluss, dass bildungspolitische Maßnahmen erforderlich sind, um die gravierende Ungleichheit beim systematischen Erwerb von politischer Kompetenz und demokratischen Einstellungen in der Schule zu beseitigen. (DIPF/Orig.)

In this paper, the authors address the youth as a research phenomenon and present the current position of young people in the Croatian society. The authors exhibit interesting results of a recent study of youth in Croatia and present the results of their research conducted among Croatian students aiming to explore the attitudes of young people and to discover how young people in Croatia develop resilience in times of crisis. They continue with remarks on citizenship education in Croatia and provide an overview of the Curriculum of civic education. Authors discuss whether we are dealing with education for democratic citizenship or rather, with the consequences of the non-existence of education for democratic citizenship in times of crisis in Croatia. Autorice u ovom radu obrađuju mlade kao istraživački fenomen i predstavljaju trenutni položaj mladih ljudi u hrvatskom društvu. Autorice donose interesantne rezultate recentnog istraživanja o mladima u Hrvatskoj te prezentiraju rezultate vlastitog kvalitativnog istraživanja provedenog među hrvatskim studentima s ciljem da ispitaju stavove mladih ljudi o krizi i otkriju kako mladi ljudi u Hrvatskoj razvijaju otpornost u vremenu krize. Nastavljaju s opažanjima o građanskom odgoju u Hrvatskoj i pružaju pregled Kurikuluma građanskog odgoja. Autorice otvaraju pitanje da li se govori o građanskom odgoju ili radije o posljedicama ne postojanja građanskog odgoja u vremenu krize u Hrvatskoj. In dieser Arbeit diskutieren die Autorinnen Jugend als Forschungsphänomen und präsentieren die aktuelle Position der jungen Menschen in der kroatischen Gesellschaft. Die Autorinnen bringen interessante Ergebnisse einer aktuellen Studie der Jugend in Kroatien und präsentieren die Ergebnisse ihrer eigenen qualitativen Studie, welche sie unter kroatischen Studenten durchgeführt haben, mit dem Ziel, die Einstellungen der Jugendlichen zu untersuchen und zu entdecken, wie junge Menschen in Kroatien die Belastbarkeit in Krisenzeiten entwickeln. Sie setzen mit Bemerkungen über Lernen für Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft in Kroatien fort und bieten einen Überblick über Kurrikulum des Lernens für Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft. Die Autorinnen öffnen die Frage, ob wir über das Lernen für Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft oder, besser gesagt, über die Folgen der Nicht‐Existenz des Lernens für Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft in den Zeiten der Krise in Kroatien reden., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 3-2014 Young Europeans in an Era of Crises: Citizenship Education in a New Perspective

This paper discusses results from a small scale qualitative study of how primary and secondary schools in three English local authorities responded to the introduction and subsequent inspection of a legal duty to promote community cohesion, following a series of ‘race’ riots in 2001 and the London bombings of 2005. The policy itself is seen as reflecting wider discourse and is shown as shifting in focus during the period it was officially inspected between 2008 and 2011. Schools responded differentially to the duty and its inspection, with those in more multi-cultural areas responding with higher degrees of confidence than those in mono-ethnic areas. Some policy ‘slippage’ is seen to occur in the way schools re-framed the duty. Over time, most schools came to identify the curriculum and the school’s ethos as the most important weapons in their armoury. Teachers embraced the new duty with different degrees of enthusiasm – for some it confirmed the importance of holistic approaches to education which they felt had been sidelined in recent years, whilst other showed various forms of resistance. Teachers encountered some subtle and challenging professional dilemmas in the course of discharging the duty. Overall, the respondents in this study felt that the imposition of the duty and its inspection had been more of a benefit than a burden., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 3-2012: Citizenship and Community

This paper aims to introduce new theories and practice in Social Studies in Japan since the 1990s, to outline some trends and characteristics relating to the question ‘Is Citizenship Education the aim of Social Studies as a school subject?’ and to identify ‘Applied’ and ‘Academic’ Social Studies as two separate categories. The Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sport, Science and Technology has long advocated the merits of Applied Social Studies, but recent trends have seen educational researchers and local education administrators actively supporting the reformation and promotion of Social Studies from an ‘applied’ perspective. Going even further, several schools and districts are so in favour of this development that Citizenship Education has been incorporated as a subject or topic into the school curriculum. However, defence of Academic Social Studies is also deeply rooted; its argument being that Social Studies means Social Sciences. According to this view, Geography, History and Civics (comprising politics, economics and sociology) are treated as distinct fields of Social Studies., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 2-2012: Different Cultures in Education for Democracy and Citizenship

Referring to a critical review of eight international research initiatives (e.g. studies, surveys, research reports) conducted between 2001 and 2010 in the field of citizenship and citizenship education, this paper examines the relationship between different conceptualisations of citizenship and the nature, role and impact of citizenship education. I focus on the European aspects of these research initiatives and draw on the knowledge they disseminate to reflect on the theory of citizenship and the practice of citizenship education in Slovenia. First, I present an overview of the methodology used in the literature review and reflect on the significant limitations in conducting international and comparative research. Second, I reflect on the various relationships between different conceptualisations of citizenship and their effects on citizenship education practices as presented in the overviewed literature. On the basis of the knowledge and results of the literature review, I then make several observations which are relevant to the advancement of citizenship theory and citizenship education practice in Slovenia. Finally, I argue that different conceptualisations of citizenship can have a significant influence on the practice of citizenship education, as evinced by the analysis of the recent results on civic knowledge in Slovenia., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 1-2012: Comparative Studies of Civic and Citizenship Education

In contemporary democratic societies that deal with cultural and linguistic diversity, education faces new challenges such as how to promote a shared knowledge and competence framework about “citizenship,” how to prepare the young generation to enter a complex world, and how to help immigrant students to integrate into the school system. Some of the European recommendations focus on the importance of promoting “intercultural education”. However, so far little is known about concrete practices and their outcomes. This paper aims at documenting and providing elements of reflections about the difficulties and contradictions faced by both teachers and students involved in pedagogical intercultural activities in Switzerland. From the results of a qualitative research based on a sociocultural perspective, identity and institutional issues of addressing “otherness” in school are discussed. It stresses the importance of a frame in order to allow elaboration and transformation of personal and emotional experiences into thinking and reflexive processes., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 4-2011: Critical Civic & Citizenship Education

The present research on the development of citizenship education in (transformation) countries fails to ac-knowledge that systems of citizenship education are political organisations by nature. This research does not analyse citizenship education (CE) as a multi-level, multi-actor and multi-interest system with multiple envi-ronments. The diverse environmental and internal demands addressed to CE actors are also ignored. This paper sees CE as situated and developing in a tension field of diverse and contradicting demands to which each organised CE actor has to respond simultaneously. This especially holds for post-socialist transforma-tion countries but applies as well to “old” democracies which, like the aforementioned, are confronted with the challenges of Europeanisation and migration. A multi-level actor-centred approach, acknowledging actor-specific perspectives, as suggested in this article, is essential for understanding the complex interplay of demands and reactions (talk, decision and action) of different actors and hence the change of CE under the conditions of societal change or transformation., JSSE - Journal of Social Science Education, 1-2008: Transformation and Citizenship Education II

Die Autoren konzentrieren sich in ihrer Darstellung auf ein Land: Sie stellen vertiefende Analysen der Situation von Schülerinnen und Schülern dar, die in Luxemburg die Europa-Schule besuchen. Aufgrund der besonderen Zusammensetzung der Schülerschaft, so argumentieren die beiden Autoren, lassen sich die von ihnen vorgestellten Befunde auch auf andere Europa-Schulen übertragen, die unter gleichen Bedingungen in verschiedenen Ländern der Europäischen Union zu finden sind. Ihr Hauptaugenmerk richtet sich dabei auf die migrationsbedingte Heterogenität der international zusammengesetzten Schülerschaft. Hierbei legen sie Befunde zu Fragen der nationalen und auch der europäischen Identität der von ihnen befragten Schülerinnen und Schüler und deren Orientierung bei der Freundeswahl vor. Bemerkenswert erscheint, gerade vor der aktuell geführten Diskussion über die Zukunft Europas, die Einschätzung der Autoren bezüglich der Entstehung einer europäischen Gesellschaft. (DIPF/Orig.), This paper presents the starting point, the methodology and the findings of a research project carried out by the authors at the European School in Luxemburg and focused on the relationship between the European and the national orientations of the students. A questionnaire in the three main languages English, German and French and in two versions for the younger (class 2-4) and for the older pupils (class 5-7) was filled out by 1.670 secondary school pupils from all the European member states as well as from many other countries. The questionnaire contained questions about the relative strength of their national vs. European identities, about their knowledge of foreign languages, the nationalities of their close friends, book reading in foreign languages and other related subjects. Among the main findings was that the strength of European identity differed significantly between pupils from different member states. Similarly, concerning the choice of friends, marked differences were found in the choice of friends from their own or from other nationalities among pupils from different countries. In addition, it was found that linguistic and cultural affinities between countries affect strongly the choice of friends from these countries. (DIPF/Orig.)