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espanolEl articulo ofrece una lectura politica de los Col·loquis de la insignia ciutat de Tortosa (1557) del autor catalan Cristofol Despuig. Estudia algunos de los temas politicos e historicos y mas concretamente la guerra civil catalana entre Juan II de Aragon y la Generalitat de Catalunya a finales del siglo XV, asi como la disputa entre Felipe II y el Papa Pablo IV a proposito de los territorios italianos de la Monarquia espanola en el siglo XVI. El articulo estudia las representaciones de la figura del rey, la guerra, la ley y la relacion entre el rey y su reino. EnglishThis paper offers a political reading of the Col·loquis de la insigne ciutat de Tortosa (1557), by the Catalan author Cristofol Despuig. It is dedicated to a study of some of the political and historical themes, especially the Civil War between John II of Aragon and the Generalitat de Catalunya at the end of the fifteenth century, as well as the quarrel between king Philip II of Spain and pope Paul IV about the Italian territories of the Spanish monarchy in the sixteenth century. The paper studies the representation of the king figure, the war, the law and the relationship between the king and the realm. francaisL'article offre une lecture politique des Col·loquis de la insigne ciutat de Tortosa (1557) de l’auteur catalan Cristofol Despuig. Il s’attache a etudier certains des themes politiques et historiques et plus specifiquement la Guerre Civile catalane entre Jean II d’Aragon et la Generalitat de Catalunya a la fin du XVe siecle, ainsi que la dispute entre Philippe II et le pape Paul IV au sujet des territoires italiens de la Monarchie Espagnole au XVIe siecle. L'article etudie les representations de la figure du roi, de la guerre, de la loi et de la relation entre le roi et son royaume

Can Catholic clergy be considered as a social, political, and even pastoral category, reconstructed within certain historical and historiographical circumstances, outside of its ecclesiological definition? Are the clergy a body or a social group whose overarching identity would erase differences of situations and constraints? The present article explores this avenue in the framework of the composite monarchy of the Habsburgs in seventeenth-century Central Europe. It will take into account the scales of interactions and conflicts between actors and structures. It will also draw attention to the effects of the clergy’s double-allegiance to the Catholic Church and to a local political body. In each land composing this monarchy, then, the question arises of the existence of a category that is also a border, constitutional or statutory, that historians and jurists readily perceive as stable: that of the political representation of the clergy as a body. At the end of the fifteenth or at the beginning of the sixteenth century, all the lands over which the younger branch of the Habsburgs were to find themselves reigning, from 1526 on, possessed their own diet, each with its own dynamics and particularities, with its own history. As practices and rules differed, this clergy of a composite monarchy is therefore taken here as a transversal object, indissociably linked to local settings in which its members’ possibilities of action lay. Le clergé catholique peut-il être considéré comme une catégorie sociale, politique, et même pastorale reconstruite dans certaines circonstances historiques et historiographiques, en dehors de sa définition ecclésiologique ? Les clercs sont-ils un corps ou un groupe social, dont une identité surplombante viendrait effacer les différences de situation et de contraintes. Cet article suit cette piste dans le cadre de la monarchie composite des Habsbourg d’Europe centrale au xviie siècle. Il propose de tenir compte des échelles d’interactions et de conflits entre les acteurs et les structures et appelle l’attention sur les effets de la double appartenance de clergé à l’Eglise catholique et à un corps politique local. Dans chaque pays composant alors cette monarchie se pose la question de l’existence d’une catégorie, qui est aussi frontière, constitutionnelle ou statutaire, volontiers perçue comme stable par les historiens et les juristes : celle de la représentation politique du clergé comme corps. À la fin du xve ou au début du xvie siècle, tous les pays sur lesquels la branche cadette des Habsbourg allait se trouver régner à partir de 1526 possédaient leur propre diète avec une histoire propre, des dynamiques et des particularités. Les pratiques et les règles différent, ce clergé d’une monarchie composite est donc pris ici comme un objet transversal indissociablement lié aux cadres locaux dans lesquels ses membres inscrivaient leurs possibilités d’action.

[EN] The representations of cities viewed from the sea have had, since the fifteenth century, a great success in urban iconography. From 1911, Le Corbusier began drawing urban landscapes in his sketchbooks, which he discovered during his trip to the Orient. Cities, fortifications or significant monuments are often depicted from the sea or rivers, because the arrival by boat allows a gradual and overall perception of the site. After his stay in South America in 1929, the architect openly expressed his appreciation for the panoramic view obtained from the boat in the middle of the bay. This point of view allows him to contextualize his urban development proposals immediately. This iconographic practice is no longer a simple function of knowledge, but it has become an instrument for realising the project. However, the horizontal view was soon accompanied by the process of flying over urban centres to understand the magnitude of the man-made and natural landscape. Through the analysis of the many images – drawings, sketches, photos – developed by Le Corbusier using different means of transport, of comments accompanying these iconographic documents and of some published texts, the paper aims to better understand the relationship between the scale of these panoramic visions and the new territorial approach developed by Le Corbusier from the Thirties onwards., [ES] Les représentations des villes depuis la mer ont eu, à partir du XVe siècle, un grand succès dans l’iconographie urbaine des voyageurs. Depuis 1911, Le Corbusier a pris l’habitude d’esquisser dans ses carnets de croquis les paysages urbains découverts au cours de son voyage en Orient. Villes, remparts ou monuments significatifs sont souvent représentés depuis la mer ou les fleuves, car l'arrivée en bateau autorise une perception progressive et globale du site. Suite à son séjour en Amérique du sud en 1929, l'architecte exprime ouvertement son appréciation pour la perspective obtenue depuis le bateau au milieu des baies, car ce point de vue lui permet de contextualiser immédiatement ses propositions d’aménagement urbain. De simple connaissance des villes, cette pratique iconographique devient, chez Le Corbusier, un instrument d’élaboration du projet. Mais la vue horizontale est bientôt accompagnée du procédé de survol des centres urbains pour appréhender la grandeur du paysage naturel et construit. À travers l’analyse des nombreuses images – dessins, croquis, photos – élaborées par Le Corbusier à partir des différents moyens de transport, ainsi que des commentaires accompagnant ces documents iconographiques et de quelques textes publiés, on essayera de mieux comprendre le rapport entre l’échelle de ces visions panoramiques et la nouvelle approche territoriale mise au point par Le Corbusier à partir des années Trente.

The article focuses on the Byzantine empress and the court in the empire of the Lascarides and under the Palaiologoi. It studies the arrival of the Byzantine imperial princess, the ceremonial of her marriage and her coronation. All sources emphasize the prokypsis of the newly crowned bride and the role of the mother-in-law. Orthodox ceremony remains in force and the latitude granted to the early fifteenth century Latin princesses to dispense appears not to be respected. Then the author examines clothing and insignia of the Empress of the time of the Palaiologoi, then questions the role of the Empress in the march of the empire: receiving the women at the court, assistance at the counseling, at last in her presence in urban life. Finally it seems that the empresses from the West kept with them the retinue that had accompanied them from their country of origin and practiced a way of life freer than the princesses that came from the Orthodox world. The author concludes with the ?noise of the Gynekeion?.

The comparative study of the written sources, of the literary, architectural, artistic and archaeological data has highlighted a Frankish identity in Cyprus between the late twelfth and early sixteenth century. The question that arises here is whether the Frankish identity appeared also in the pottery used in the island at the time of the kingdom of Lusignan. To measure the impact that the Latin presence has had on the production and the supply of pottery in Frankish Cyprus, it is necessary to examine the situation before the arrival of the Latins when the island was a Byzantine province in which the potters did not manufactured glazed ceramic. Considering this situation, the creation ex-nihilo of workshops in the middle of the thirteenth century asks the question of the origin of artisans. Until now the Medieval Cypriot pottery was considered as a production under Byzantine influence. However the fine glazed wares were probably more connected with the Christian Levant than with Byzantium. We shall also consider the evolution of the pottery trade after the conquest of the island by the Venetians in the late fifteenth century. Thus, in this well-defined framework, we will try to give a definition of the “ Frankish Pottery” in Cyprus, terms that refer to different realities during the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries., François Véronique. Vaisselle de terre et pouvoirs politiques à Chypre aux époques comnène, franque et vénitienne. In: Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes. Volume 43, 2013. pp. 423-454.

[A short astrological treatise about the properties of the planets in the zodiac, called De motibus / iudiciis planetarum and attributed to Ptolemy (inc. Sub Saturno sunt hec signa Capricornus et Aquarius et sunt eius domus), appears from the thirteenth century onwards in two distinct traditions: in the encyclopedias of Bartholomew the Englishman and Arnold of Saxony, both written around 1230–1240, and in astronomical miscellanies copied in the fifteenth century either in or around Basel and in Northern Italy. These fifteenth-century manuscripts fall into two distinct groups of astronomical texts: the first is copied together with the De signis of Michael Scot, the second together with a part of the third book of Hyginus' De astronomia. The present article aims to describe the characteristics of the distinct textual filiations of De m. / iud. pl. and gives the first critical edition of the text., A short astrological treatise about the properties of the planets in the zodiac, called De motibus / iudiciis planetarum and attributed to Ptolemy (inc. Sub Saturno sunt hec signa Capricornus et Aquarius et sunt eius domus), appears from the thirteenth century onwards in two distinct traditions: in the encyclopedias of Bartholomew the Englishman and Arnold of Saxony, both written around 1230–1240, and in astronomical miscellanies copied in the fifteenth century either in or around Basel and in Northern Italy. These fifteenth-century manuscripts fall into two distinct groups of astronomical texts: the first is copied together with the De signis of Michael Scot, the second together with a part of the third book of Hyginus' De astronomia. The present article aims to describe the characteristics of the distinct textual filiations of De m. / iud. pl. and gives the first critical edition of the text.]

In the late Middle Ages, despite its oligarchic, not to say monarchic, government, there existed within the Church the practice which gave its members the freedom to express their choice. This was particularly true for the collegial chapter, an ecclesiastical institution whose internal order was based on acollegial decision-making process. It is possible to see how these decisions were made in everyday life in the capitular registers left by the chapter of Saint Germain l’Auxerrois in Paris dating from 1382. The common method of appoining the dignitaries and officers of this small community was by election. Largely reduced by papal centralization in the fourteenth century, this expression of the local liberties of the clergy flourished again in the context of the Withdrawal of Obedience from the pope in 1398, in the early-fifteenth-century councils and the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges in 1438. Sources show that the modalities of election underwent modification in Saint Germain as they did elsewhere.. In the second half of the fifteenth century, when popes and kings attempted again to control clerical appointments, this elective practice was directly threatened. The canons of Saint Germain then tried to defend their rights, but without much success. With this local and very small-scale example, we shall try to understand the place and meaning of election within an ecclesiastical body at a time when the rules of the institutional function of the Church were becoming blurred and in the process of redefinition.

The universal chronicle of Isidore of Seville was abundantly used as a source during the Middle Ages. This article studies 37 works from the seventh to the fifteenth century in which extracts of the work appear, identifying in each case the branch of the manuscript tradition to which it belongs., Martín Iglesias José Carlos. La traduction indirecte de la Chronique d'Isidore de Séville. In: Revue d'histoire des textes, bulletin n°31 (2001), 2003. pp. 167-225.

The saimon of the Princes of the Earth analyzed and translated in this article comes from a poor mountain village, Monobe-mura, on Tosa Island, in Kōchi prefecture, Kami district. It was chosen as the subject of an article honoring the memory of Anna Seidel because of its significance in the history of mythico-ritual representation in Japan. Coming probably from the time of the transition to the modern era (in the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries), this text shows that the acceptance by the peasant elite of Chinese structural principles of cosmogony and political ideology proceeded hand in hand with an extraordinary wealth of mythico-ritual creativity. The text under consideration was apparently compiled by local ritual masters, tayū, who were inspired by the Japanese version of the legend of Pan K'ou (Banko) in which this figure was identified with the deity Dokkū of the ommyōdō and the god Kōjin, who occupies a central place in various religious currents emerging from medieval civilization. The original nature of this saimon lies in the way it presents a theory of ritual as the basis of the socio-cosmic order; (a) Pan K'ou and his five sons, as the King and Princes of the Earth, give shape to both space and time, especially the morphology of the chief's house and the kagura dances that recapitulate the history of the creation of Japan told in the saimon; (b) the ancient kagura pattern called that of the iwato-biraki, the "opening of the grotto," is given a new sense, with the hot/cold syndrome representing the yin/yang balance that controls solar energy, dividing the political and natural order; (c) the polarity between political chiefs and ritual masters, is presented as homologous to that between exoteric and esoteric practice, with the local priestly caste thus holding the keys to peace among men and among the five cosmic agents; (d) mastery of the teaching allows the achievement, by means of ritual, of the incarnation of the originally undifferentiated cosmic energy through the "royal" individual and the head of the agnatic family on the one hand, and, through its secret double, the guardian deity of esoterism on the other. Banko is the primordial model revealing this possibility, that is to say, the passage from chaos to a diacritical hierarchical order., Mauclaire Simone. Le saimon des Princes de la Terre à Monobe-Mura (Kōchi). In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, vol. 9, 1996. Mémorial Anna Seidel. Religions traditionnelles d'Asie orientale. Tome II. pp. 463-494.

Of Cruelty as a Principle of Government. The « Iniquitous » Princes of the Italian Renaissance Reflected in the Mirror of French Romanticism - This paper proposes a study interrelating two subjects : the anthropological structure of the tyranny of the Italian princes at the close of the Middle Ages, and the fascination they inspired in several nineteenth-century French writers. Starting with Stendhal's works, the study endeavors to define the cruel energy exerted by the Italian princes, whose evil deeds were only equal to their debauchery. Striving solely toward their own pleasure, tyrannies worked toward their own ruin : the dreaded prince was thus a prisoner of his own power. Nor did the calculating prince of the fifteenth century cease to be cruel ; although he cast aside futile turpitudes, he still used cruelty for the good of the State. What fascinated Stendhal and Victor Hugo was the distant, abhorred power of the tyrants. In this they are the inheritors of the late Middle-Age French thinkers, who had already made the distinction between fear of the tyrant and love of the king., Boucheron Patrick. De la cruauté comme principe de gouvernement. Les Princes « scélérats » de la Renaissance italienne au miroir du romantisme français. In: Médiévales, n°27, 1994. Du bon usage de la souffrance, sous la direction de Piroska Zombory-Nagy et Véronique Frandon. pp. 95-105.

The entire text of the Book 1 of the Antiquitates Romanae by Dionysius of Halicarnassus is to be found in ten Creek manuscripts. Funthemore, we have four other manuscripts presenting only fragments, and an Epitome, written during the Byzantine period. The author, who has elsewhere studied the relationship between the two oldest manuscripts (tenth and eleventh centuries), the Chisianus R VIII 60 (A) and the Urbinas gr. 105 (B), describes here all the other documents (recentiores from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries) and presents a complete and original stemma., Fromentin Valérie. Les manuscrits récents du livre I et l'Épitomè des Antiquités romaines de Denys d'Halicarnasse. In: Revue d'histoire des textes, bulletin n°24 (1994), 1994. pp. 93-115.

Che manza fichi, semina rogna : Problems of Identifying a Dermatosis in the Middle Ages - The evolution of medical concepts and of nosology often render the identification of diseases difficult in medical literature. This is notably the case with texts on dietetics, more concerned with suggesting rules for good health than with describing symptoms. Thus the mention of a specific affection, the rogna, in Libreto de tutte le cosse che se magnano by Michèle Savonarola, raises doubts as to the identification of the disease. Is it a case of scabies or of some other dermatosis ? To answer the question, one must endeavor to define the meaning of rogna and of its Latin equivalent, scabies. To this effect, a list of classical and medieval authors who have mentioned this particular affection has been constituted, since in the Universities medical knowledge was founded upon the reading of, and commentating on, the authorities. This approach, however, does not lead to a definite conclusion as to the meaning implied by the term rogna, the etiology of scabies being obviously far from clear in the fifteenth century., Nicoud Marilyn. « Che manza fichi, semina rogna » : problèmes d'identification d'une dermatose au Moyen Age. In: Médiévales, n°26, 1994. Savoirs d'anciens. pp. 85-101.

The ancient way of cooking : Apicius in the Middle Ages - Assembled in the late fourth century, the cookbook which tradition has attributed to Apicius had a predominantly medieval destiny. Serving as a practical and living text until the sixth century, it became known from that time onward as a purely literary and dead work. This was notably the case during the Carolingian Renaissance, when the scriptoria of Tours and of Fulda produced manuscripts of the cookbook and where, it seems, Loup de Ferrières, as well as all those who were inspired by it, used Apicius' text. It was afterwards practically forgotten, until its rediscovery in the fifteenth century by the humanists. The credit for this is due not to Poggio, but to Enoch of Ascoli, who brought a manuscript back to Italy. The rediscovery, however, had only a limited influence, with the exception of the Roman Academy of Pomponio Leto, where Apicius was used notably by Platina to define his humanist gastronomy., Laurioux Bruno. Cuisiner à l'Antique : Apicius au Moyen Age. In: Médiévales, n°26, 1994. Savoirs d'anciens. pp. 17-38.

Suffering to Music - Although, in its relation to suffering, music is generally reputed for possessing therapeutic virtues, several iconographie and written sources dating from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries attribute a harmful influence to music. This ambivalence was based on the correlation between the intensity of suffering and that of the sonorous quality of musical instruments, which in the Middle Ages were divided into two great families in accordance to the sound volume they produced. Consequently it was according to their high and strident or low and soft sonorities that the instruments were thought to act on suffering, either amplifying it or alleviating it., Clouzot Martine. Souffrir en musique. In: Médiévales, n°27, 1994. Du bon usage de la souffrance, sous la direction de Piroska Zombory-Nagy et Véronique Frandon. pp. 25-36.

The Idea of Folly in Text and Image : Sebastian Brant and the insipiens - The concept of folly underwent its most important evolution between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. When tracing an iconographie and literary course from Sebastian Brant's Narrenschiff to Psalm 52, by way of Notre Dame of Paris and the Psychomachia, the contradictions present in the idea of folly become evident. The term insipiens used in Psalm 52 was figuratively represented to illustrate the text, and gave rise to various iconographic interpretations. The representation generally took the form of a symbolic figure, and it is precisely the exceptions to this tradition which mark a step by step evolution leading to a portrait of the court jester. On the threshold of the 16th century, by a fusion of fiction and portrait, Sebastian Brant used the image of the court jester to present a new form of critique demonstrating the differences between each person's real or presumed role in life. Yet by applying the term « folly » to his personal vision of the world as well, Brant gave a new dimension to the dilemma set forth by the insipiens of Psalm 52., Gross Angelika. L'idée de la folie en texte et en image : Sébastian Brandt et l'insipiens. In: Médiévales, n°25, 1993. La voix et l'écriture, sous la direction de Michel Banniard . pp. 71-91.

The Universal Chronicle of Orleans : an illuminated historical manuscript. During the reign of Charles VII, after the one hundred years’ War, the production of works of history witnessed a considerable revival. Between 1457 and 1520-21, some twenty Universal Chronicles on scrolls were written and illuminated. The manuscript no. 470 at the Orleans Municipal Library is representative of such historical compilations of the period. It may be dated from the third quarter of the fifteenth century and probably comes from northern France, but we know nothing about who commissioned it, who produced it or who owned it. The chronicle deals first of all with the Old Testament, Ancient History and the life of Christ and then goes on to the succession of Popes, emperors of Rome, French kings, Breton kings and kings of Great Britain. Sixty-four miniatures in the form of medallions feature in the text at its articulations, sometimes in direct illustration of the text itself, sometimes adding information which is not to be found in the text. The illuminator uses the technique of « pourtraits », which allows him to use physionomies, backgrounds and costumes which are practically identical, repeating scenes and character types with only slight variations. Several of the medallions are analysed here : a representation of the infant Jesus with a cross announcing the Redemption, the murder of the Giants by Bruit (the origin of the foundation of Great Britain), the construction of different cities... The Universal Chronicle of Orleans allows for an in-depth study of the relations between image and text. It also raises the problem of the didactic or propagandist role of such texts. The genealogies and the description of the birth of nations are by no means innocent at this time when memories of the Anglo-French conflict were still fresh. Finally, the narrative confirms an idea of history which is still medieval, that is to say the facts and personalities — even contemporary ones — are always compared with the events and figures of Bible history., Hurel Nathalie. La Chronique universelle d’Orléans : un manuscrit d’histoire enluminé. In: Histoire de l'art, N°19, 1992. Varia. pp. 29-40.

The iconography of purgatory in liturgical manuscripts between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. Purgatory was invented by Parisian theologians. The researches of J. Le Goff allow us to date this invention from the turn of the twelfth century. It is interesting to follow the emergence of the imagery of purgatory through about twenty examples of liturgical manuscripts, dating from the end of the thirteenth century up to the early fifteenth century (the list of the illuminated manuscripts comprising the study corpus is appended to this article). The invention of purgatory during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries suggests the increasing importance of the individual dimension of salvation, and opens up a third possible alternative in the after-life. It is an invention which sets forth a place and a space which refute an earlier liturgical dualism, which had only allowed for judgment, followed by heaven or hell. The appearance of the image of the purifying fire in these liturgical manuscripts was encouraged by the development, since the fifth century, of the cult of the dead in the canon of the Mass. However, most of the images identified in the early iconography of purgatory are associated with texts that make no reference to a purifying fire after death. The image functions in an active manner, in order to guide the reading of the text. It pedagogical role is clear when the fire of purgatory is associated with the vision of God (known as the « beatific vision »). The image-makers of the Middle Ages had to invent the space and the place of purgatory, these details being left uncertain by the theologians. In these representations, the author of the present article has identified four main strands. He also underlines the image of the souls themselves : their attitude of prayer, for examples, suggests an identification between the living (the owner of the manuscript) and the dead. The belief in the beatific vision and in the opening of purgatory towards heaven both reinforce the belief in an individual salvation., Virgitti François. L’iconographie du Purgatoire dans les manuscrits liturgiques du XIIIe au XVe siècle. In: Histoire de l'art, N°20, 1992. Iconographie. pp. 51-65.

In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, theT. al-Sūdānand theT. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.

Démons et merveilles : the Vision of Nature in a fifteenth Century Painting. The Musée Guimet has in its possession an important collection of Chinese paintings (150 items), purchased in Peking in 1900 by Paul Pelliot for the École Française d'Extrême-Orient. These paintings were deposited in the Louvre in 1904. They include three sets of liturgical scrolls which despite being incomplete, are of the greatest importance. First, there is a set of thirty three paintings dated 1454 (Series A). A second set of seventy four paintings dates apparently from the nineteenth century (Series B). The third series is composed of seven scrolls (out of an original set of ten), depicting the ten courts of hell (Series C). None of these paintings were intended for purely " decorative " uses. On the contrary, they were meant to be hung in a prescribed sequence, in a ritual context. This fact has hitherto not been noted, since the religious paintings kept in western museums are usually detached from the liturgical series of which they originally formed part. Thus, even incomplete sequences of religious paintings are invaluable in the work of reconstructing the true function of liturgical art. The scrolls in sets A and B were created in conjunction with one of the largest of modern Chinese rituals, the Fast of Water and Earth (shuilu zhai) : a comprehensive, seven-day liturgy of universal salvation. In the present article, I study one painting from Series A, (N° EO 684 in the Pelliot collection), representing the " Deities of Nature ". In this scroll we find figures of the most diverse origins in close association : The " General of Desert Places " (an Indian god co-opted by Tantric Buddhism), spirits from ancient Chinese religion, and local deities of modern China. This composition is of great iconographie richness and stylistic magnificence. It illustrates in striking fashion the vast theological work of harmonization and synthesis undertaken by liturgists in concert with painters, in the all-embracing context of the Fast of Water and Earth., Gyss-Vermande Caroline. Démons et merveilles : vision de la nature dans une peinture liturgique du XVe siècle. In: Arts asiatiques, tome 43, 1988. pp. 106-122.

Important in number and spread very evenly throughout the fifteenth century, the Norman rolls of the monneage are a very important source for statistical study of the population of Normandy. The information about names they provide allows one to grasp the importance of mobility of population in urban and rural areas. Information about the different categories of exempted persons permits a study of the problem of poverty. The region under scrutiny in this article is the vicomte or vice-county of Bayeux and the city of Caen. Documents concerning this region reveal a highly mobile population, a fact which war by itself cannot explain. The highest rates of mobility are to be found among the populations of the different parishes of Bayeux and Caen. As one might expect, the poor are amongst the most mobile of all. Moreover, the persistence of poverty throughout the fifteenth century, as seen in the rolls of the monneage, raises the problem of the continued stagnation of this part Normandy.

Fryde E. B. Anglo-Italian Commerce in the Fifteenth Century: Some Evidence about Profits and the Balance of Trade. In: Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, tome 50, fasc. 2, 1972. Histoire (depuis l'Antiquité) — Geschiedenis (sedert de Oudheid) pp. 345-355.

Une reliure sert avant tout à protéger l’ouvrage qu’elle recouvre. Elle doit aussi être considérée comme un élément autonome qui a son esthétique, ses techniques et son histoire propres. Cet article présentera d’abord, de manière générale, les reliures des neuf livres d’Heures manuscrits conservés à McGill, dont certaines sont d’origine et d’autres furent restaurées entre le XVIIe et la fin du XXe siècle. En second lieu, la remarquable reliure originale du manuscrit McGill, MS 101 sera décrite en détail. Cette reliure est la plus représentative du corpus au pour son vocabulaire stylistique de la reliure de la deuxième moitié du XVe siècle avec ses ais, ses fermoirs en laiton torsadé et son cuir décoré à froid de fers dit monastiques. L’analyse codicologique de ces livres d’Heures contribue à l’archéologie du livre médiéval et s’inscrit dans une perspective de mise en valeur de la reliure ancienne en Occident entreprise par de grandes bibliothèques européennes., A book’s binding, above all else, serves to protect the work inside. It must also be considered as an autonomous element that has its own aesthetic, techniques, and history. This article will present, in a general way, the bindings of nine Books of Hours preserved at McGill, some of which are original and others that were restored between the seventeenth century and the end of the twentieth. Secondly, the remarkable original binding of manuscript McGill, MS 101 will be described in detail. This binding is the most representative of the corpus when considering the stylistic vocabulary of book bindings during the second half of the fifteenth century with its panels, braided brass fasteners, and leather which was decorated freehand with a monastic design. The codicological analysis of these Books of Hours contributes to the archeology of the medieval book and follows a perspective of the development of ancient book binding in the West undertaken by great European libraries.

This article explores the tension between sensation and representation in Persian painting, and the role of the line in expressing and embodying the metaphorical possibilities of the medium. Persian painting from the fifteenth century has most often been approached as illustrative, a grid of figures and motifs representing fixed meanings. This paper argues that Persian painting’s system of representation, although seemingly articulated into differentiated signs, cannot be reduced to a pre-given text. Using primary sources that illuminate the terms in which Persian painting and drawing could be described by their historical audiences, I reveal that contemporary viewers were also attentive to the sensory work of the artist, especially visible in the line’s materiality. Examining the lyrical verve of each motif’s contour, the period eye uncovered the artists’ sensation, as well as a series of images linking the line to the artist’s bodily movements, the face of the beloved, and the pursuit of mystical desire.