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Five demographic characteristics-education, income, sex ratio, age, and percentage of children-were compared with the percentage of vote pro-integration. Higher income and education were found to correlate positively at a very significant level with a higher vote percentage. Significant correlations with sex ratio, age, and percentage of children were found only in the moiety of precincts highest in percentage of vote pro-integration. A TOPIC of major interest at the present time is that of liberal-conservative differences. Analyses in this field have outlined a number of consistent variations in the attitudes of different groupings and classes, making understandable some of the political behavior of these groups which is not directly tied to interest. For example, the lower classes tend to be liberal in their attitudes on economic issues, but less liberal concerning race relations.' This paper is concerned with some of the nonethnic demographic correlates of pro-integration voting by white precincts in a metropolitan southern county as a means of determining the differing attitudes of different types of precincts. The method of analysis used, that of correlation of demographic and voting data, is a departure from the usual practice of obtaining information from a sample survey such as that which underlies Melvin M. Tumin's study of attitudes toward desegregation in Guilford County (GreensboroHigh Point), North Carolina,2 but it has a major advantage over the survey method. Surveys measure what people say they have done or what they will do rather than what actually occurs, and at least one study has demonstrated that the tendency is to give a socially acceptable answer.3 In the case of an issue as controversial as integration is in the South, one would have to accept any survey data with extreme caution, but casting a vote is an anonymous and concrete action. Unfortunately, the use of voting data does have some limitations. The major one is that aggregate data cannot be linked to specific individuals except in rare cases.4 However, through the use of demographic data for the voting units, it can still be used for comparisons among precincts with different characteristics as is done in this paper. One other objection to the use of voting data is that elections are rarely so clear-cut as to the issues involved that one can determine which questions, if any, are being resolved. But, through the careful selection of elections for analysis, some important questions can be isolated. The election under study in this paper is of this type. * I am grateful to Dr. Richard L. Simpson of the University of North Carolina for the suggestions he made concerning this paper. I S. M. Lipset and R. Bendix, "Political Sociology," Current Sociology, VI (1957), 90. 2 Desegregation: Resistance and Readiness (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1958). 3H. J. Parry and H. M. Crossley, "Validity of Responses to Survey Questions," Public Opinion Quarterly, XIV (1950), 61-80. 4W. S. Robinson, "Ecological Correlations and the Behavior of Individuals," American Sociological Review, XV (1950), 351-357.

T HE studies of race relations on the Pacific Coast' furnish excellent case studies of public opinion. The cominlg of Japanese immigrants to American shores has created dynamic public opinion situations. At once there may be noted several different overlapping phases of human reactions, which taken together constitute what is commonly known as public opinion. It is to be hoped that many case studies of public opinion will be made, not only in connection with race relations, but also in industrial relations, in religious relations, in social disorganization relations. In each instance there would doubtless come distinctive findings, and out of the whole a better grasp of the nature of public opinion than is now available. i. A cross section made roughly for the year I900 finds the people of the Pacific Coast curiosity-interested in "the little brown men," who were migrating in small numbers from the Land of the Rising Sun, a tiny empire that had shortly before delivered a sharp crisp blow upon the staggering Russian giant. As the Japanese immigrants made their quiet, rather insignificant appearance on the Coast, there were only interested comr menlts. However, there was a definite but sleeping mores. The Japanese immigrants were Orientals, of course, and as such, were in danger of arousing the dormant mores. Previously, the Coast had gone through an anti-Chinese whirlpool of public opinion. The subsidence of this whirlpool had been brought about by decisive anti-Chinese and anti-Oriental legislation. The stirring experiences relative to the Chinese had left in their wake definite elements in the mores of the Pacific Coast, for example: (i) Orientals shall not become citizens of the United States, (z) Orientals possess unwelcome, pagan religions, (3) Orientals possess unconceivably low standards of living and easily drive out "good labor," (4) Orientals have so high a birth-rate that natives will be quickly out-populated. To understand what is called public opinion in any social situation it is essential to know the underlying culture traits. A knowledge of the related antecedent experiences and resultant attitudes of the people is vital. It would seem that on no other basis could a complete case study of public opinion be made. The basis of public opinion is an apriori culture or mores stagc, highly potential but not in I Inaugurated in 1924 under the direction of Dr. Robert E. Park.

We have held that American liberal-intellectual attitudes toward the Soviet Union have been formed largely in terms of two major liberal basicvalue orientations-"freedom" and ethical universalism. Between 1917 and 1941, the USSR appeared to American liberals as a negation of the former and an affirmation of the latter in certain areas of society, or as "totalitarian dictatorship" and "egalitarian reform" respectively. The relative importance attached to each of these two opposing symbols seems to have varied closely with changes in the liberals' domestic situation, with changes in the international scene, and with changes in Soviet behavior as seen through American eyes. The emergence of the Soviet Union as a highly developed bureaucratic state with definite and rigid patterns of stratification, authority, functional differentiation of role and property relationships, has fundamentally altered the value of the Soviet symbol in relation to egalitarianism. At the same time the continuance in the Soviet Union of a tight dictatorship, continued close surveillance of the arts and education, has tended to maintain the negative value of the Soviet Union as a symbol fundamentally antithetical to the liberal value of "freedom." Barring revolutionary changes in the Soviet State, it may be held that these two aspects of the symbol of the USSR have assumed a relative permanency in relation to the liberal-intellectual movement. A continued liberal negative valence toward the Soviet symbol may, then, be safely forecast. Domestically, the position of the American liberal-intellectual movement is in a state of flux. It may be assumed that liberals will not abandon their adherence to the value of "freedom." In relation to the goal of an universalistic society, the liberal-intellectual movement is on the defensive almost everywhere. Liberals are deeply split among themselves as to how to proceed in that defense and how to recapture the initiative. Being forced on the defensive, the liberal-intellectual movement has at least momentarily ceased to concentrate on attempts to create a state more equally balanced between various interest-groups. Whether, as the domestic climate again begins to favor liberal-intellectual aims, there will be a return to a greater interest in, or sympathy with, the Soviet model, especially in the light of the changes in the relevant aspect of the Soviet symbol, must remain a matter of speculation.

emerging personality. On the basis of the earlier experimental studies and theory building with regard to the development of achievement motivation, the present paper takes the position that the development of n A ch, if it is dependent on what has been called independence training, must take place in a social setting in which there are stable norms on the basis of which parents may judge (and thus reward or punish) a child's behavior. In the case of the Chippewa, anomie rather than a stable normative structure seemed to be the dominant pattern. The findings of this study can thus be interpreted to indicate that populations in which a stable normative structure is lacking will not produce individual personalities with high levels of n Ach and that within such populations those individuals who have been least successful in defining a consistent self-image vis a vis a major population segment will be least likely to develop high levels of n Ach. The present data also offer some evidence relative to the controversial question of the pattern of development of n Achz during the life of the individual. The data here seem to indicate that n Ach development continues into the 10th to 14th years of the individual's life, at least for the subjects studied. The study reported here is not, of course, a sufficient basis for making definitive statements about either of these matters. It has too many "unknowns" of its own. It does give some indication, however, that the whites express more n Ach than the Indians, that within the Indian group those with mixed or ambivalent group identifications indicate the least n Ach, and that in both groups older children show more n Ach than younger children. All of these findings are consistent with what has been called a genetic social psychological conception of achievement motivation, but further data and theory building are required before a completely clear conceptualization can be developed.

T HIS paper presents a conceptualization of racial prejudice within the framework of an ideal-type dichotomy. For our purposes a "race" is a human grouping which is culturally defined in a given society. This grouping is considered different from other groupings similarly defined by virtue of innate and visible physical characteristics. In the extreme case these groupings are considered, rightly or wrongly, as biologically separate subgroups. Thus the same terms, such as "Negro" or "white," cover objectively dissimilar groupings in Brazil, the United States, and the Union of South Africa. It is not the anthropological distinction which is socially important, but the cultural definition given in each society. If the term "race" as we use it is found misleading, the words "physical appearance" may be substituted. "Racial prejudice" is a system of reciprocal relations of stereotypy, discrimination and segregation existing between human groupings which are considered as "races." Racial prejudice is a special case of prejudice which may assume many forms (cultural, ethnic, class, religious, etc.). Two or more forms of prejudice may, and often do, operate simultaneously. Our thesis is that, historically, racial prejudice has polarized around two ideal types which we shall call for taxonomic purposes the "paternalistic" and the "competitive." Each type is characterized by a cluster of interrelated features.

TH E introduction into Congress in the winter of 1948 of the Civil Rights Bills precipitated on the part of many southern party leaders action which resulted in a dramatic walk-out from the Philadelphia nominating convention of the Democratic Party the following July. It was not an unexpected excursion, for its roots went back at least as far as the Macon Grass-Roots Convention of 1936 and perhaps farther. But for the first time there was "somewhere to go" for the dissatisfied: the States Rights Democratic Party was organized in Birmingham and its candidates carried four southern States in November. This paper has been limited, however, to a study of the 1948 manifestations of the movement. The idelology of the party has been extracted from books, speeches, articles and letters by persons who were associated with the conservative southern viewpoint, whether actually adherents to the party or not. In the belief that the party aims could be better understood by a sociological study of the backgrounds of its leaders,' information was gathered concerning those named in the press as serving on committees, as candidates, and as financial backers of the party. It is hoped that from this study some implications can be drawn concerning southern politics, in the light of the sociology of knowledge.

A negative aspect of the cult of the average man has been the resistance of Americans to the development of expertness, especially in public service. But the more complex a society grows, the greater its need for specialization. Folk controls no longer work in such a situation. American society has developed to a unique degree professionalization for the self-policing of groups with highly specialized skills and attitudes, and for the protecting of the public welfare against a group's own private interests. Ordinary people need to understand their position in relation to the professionals whose services they increasingly employ. Social workers have gone far in the democratization of the professionalclient relationship. They have realized, too, the desirability of making clear to their "employers" just what the possibilities and the limits of such service are. The client of a social agency ought, by that very fact, to understand better the importance of professionalism in our society and to be better. able to make constructive use of experts in other fields.

O N the cold night of January 26, 1953, 162 persons who considered themselves overweight, met at City Hall. in Lightburgh. They came in response to newspaper stories announcing the formation of an organization called The Calorie Collectors whose objective was to help each other lose weight.t Why did so many people from an urban industrialized community of 100,000 turn out on a wintry night to attend the first meeting? After this auspicious beginning, the group rapidly lost members until there were fewer than six actively meeting nine months later. Instead of collapsing, however, The Calorie Collectors made a surprising recovery. How did the group develop its organization and what conditions and circumstances led to its breakdown and eventual reconstitution?

Based on a framework suggested by Charles Glock that religiosity should include ideological, ritualistic, experiential, intellectual, and consequential dimensions, data from 362 college students were analyzed for scalability. Five Guttman type scales were constructed-one for each dimension. Interrelationships among the five dimensions were tested by computing correlation coefficients. The ideological dimension was unmistakably of pervasive importance. At the other extreme in size of correlations was the consequential dimension, suggesting that this dimension may reflect a qualitatively different measure of religious involvement. The diversity in the degree of relationships examined lends empirical support to the view that religious involvement is characterized by several dimensions-some of which are more closely related than others.

aggregate passes from a mere polyp-like formation into a community of interdependencies; (2) the ways in which the developing community is affected by the size, composition, and rate of growth or decline of the population; (3) the significance of migration for both the development of the community and the maintenance of community stability; and (4) the relative numbers in the various functions composing the communal structure, together with the factors which make for change in the existing equilibrium and the ways in which such change occurs. Clearly, human ecology has much in common with every other social science. The problem with which it deals underlies that of each of theseveral specialized studies of human social life. Its data are drawn from the same sources and it employs many of the same techniques of investigation. The points of convergence are, in fact, too numerous to detail in this paper.24 There is no basis therefore to conclude from what has been said that human ecology is an autonomous social science: it is quite unlikely that there is any autonomy in science. The distinctive feature of the study lies in the conception of the adjustment of man to habitat as a process of community development. Whereas this may be an implicit assumption in most social science disciplines, it is for human ecology the principal working hypothesis. Thus human ecology might well be regarded as the basic social science.

and an unexpected pregnancy does not upset the whole system. Both marriage and residence arrangements after marriage are flexible and free adjustments to individual family circumstances. Much more work needs to be done, but it is suggested that the written and legally enforceable equality of siblings principle makes for fewer cultural "ifs," fewer over-rigid interdependences, and allows for flexibility and manipulation within defined reference points to fit individual and family requirements. Within this framework the individual has both a secure and an individual status.

B-DEHIND a radiant veil of statistical averages heralding the economic progress of the "new South" stands a threatening spector of agricultural stagnation and poverty. A member of a nationally known industrial consulting firm has recently advised his clients publicly that "The South's once plentiful supply of labor is diminishing." This is not even a halftruth. Southern labor is still plentiful. The high birth rate in rural areas of the South continues to supply more workers than can be absorbed within the region. A distinguished editor of a national magazine has recently advised young authors in search of a theme that the South of Tobacco Road has almost disappeared. The lines of Erskine Caldwell's famous play may have gone cold but the ashes of poverty remain warm. The last census showed that in more than half of the counties in the Southeast the typical farm family had an income of less than $1000 a year. That is not far from "Tobacco Road." When Secretary of Defense Wilson recently told a Detroit press conference that the surplus labor problem in Michigan would work itself out after "a few people go back South when it gets a little cold," he demonstrated a complete lack of understanding of the problem. The Alabama tenant farmer may have had the election in mind when he said it, but he put the matter more clearly: "Yup, last year Charlie Wilson sent my boy home from Korea. This year he's going to send him home from Detroit." During the last decade and a half the South has experienced the most rapid growth in industrial jobs and payrolls in its history. Industrial employment almost doubled and payrolls increased by more than five times.... But.... At least one third of the South's young men and women who entered the labor force for the first time were forced to find jobs outside the region because of lack of economic opportunity at home. To these young men and women the economic climate is far more important than the changes registered by the Detroit weather station. It is true, of course, that each year when the cold winds of winter sweep off the Great Lakes, a few southerners do return home. But when the economic climate turns "cold," as it did for a short time in 1949 and again in the spring of 1954, they come back in ever larger numbers. Many of the workers who return have no difficulty finding jobs. During the decade and a half between 1939 and 1954 many aspects of the South they had known before the war have completely changed. Urbanization-the growth of cities and suburbs-has proceeded faster in the Southeast than in any other section of the nation except the Pacific Coast. In many areas new types of industries-chemicals, aluminum, synthetic fibers, and auto assembly plants-have complemented the region's traditional textile industry. The worker who returns to these areas often finds employers who are eager to make use of the new industrial skills which he has developed in the North. In other areas, where industrial changes have not occurred, the only alternative open to the returning worker is to go to work. along with his father and brothers on an already over-manned cotton or tobacco farm or to add his signature to the already long list of job applications at the State employment office. The very real achievements of the past decade and a half would certainly seem to justify an optimistic appraisal of the South's economic future. But how do we square this optimism with the continued existence of what President Eisenhower has called "pockets of rural poverty"? Why, in the light of the progress that has occurred, can an Alabama plant with only 400 jobs maintain an active file of 9000 applicants? And why can this same situation be found in practically every State of the South? * This paper is based on material presented at the annual TVA-Valley States Land Grant College Presidents' Conference, August 30-31, 1954, when the author was a member of the TVA Government Relations and Economics Staff.