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Australia was once a world leader in parliamentary oversight of delegated legislation. Today, parliamentary scrutiny has been undermined by a number of factors, including overly wide delegations, uncritical bi-partisan support for measures, party discipline restraining oversight, abuse of the disallowance procedure and parliamentary recesses to avoid parliamentary scrutiny, and interest-group capture within government. One of the reasons for the current state of affairs has been the constitutional orthodoxy in Australia that the courts do not intervene in the relationship between Parliament and the Executive. This article develops an alternative to that orthodoxy. I argue that the courts have a proper and necessary role in prodding parliamentary oversight of executive power, specifically in the delegated legislative sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an annotated bibliography of government publications for the 1999 to 2000 parliamentary session in Great Britain. Publication of several reports by the Procedure Committee; Reiteration of support on delegated legislation; Endorsement of the legislation by the Royal Commission of the House of Lords.

The UK parliament's role in the Brexit process has been closely scrutinised and fiercely contested. Despite this, we still have relatively little systematic evidence about parliament's role in shaping Brexit legislation. This article therefore analyses the extent and nature of parliamentary influence on Brexit-related legislation between 2017 and 2019. Using new data on the legislative passage of 13 different bills, including over 3000 proposed amendments, we measure the prominence of three different kinds of parliamentary influence, and compare this to findings from earlier periods. We show that some Brexit bills had a fairly typical parliamentary experience, with very few successful non-government amendments but numerous government concessions. However, a dramatic change from earlier periods was the large number of Brexit-related bills that were simply paused once the government encountered parliamentary difficulties. Parliament's influence over Brexit legislation in this period therefore showed elements of both continuity and change. This finding contributes to our understanding of the Brexit process, and of parliament's role in recent British politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quality of law is ultimately shaped by the scrutiny it receives in Parliament. But the tidal wave of often hastily prepared, deficient legislation that the UK Parliament has been asked to scrutinise over the last decade and more has severely stretched the capacity of parliamentarians to perform their constitutional function effectively. There is little incentive for the executive to address this situation and restrain its almost untrammelled power of legislative initiative, and therefore Parliament needs to assert its right to receive adequately drafted legislation and the time to scrutinise it thoroughly. To this end, Parliament should establish a Legislative Standards Committee to act as a gatekeeper against insufficiently prepared legislation, and a range of other reforms to improve the scrutiny of bills once they pass that test. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The UK's decision to leave the European Union in 2016 threatens to open up a range of territorial management issues that have long remained unexplored. Since 1999, the UK's devolution settlements have allowed divergent constitutional narratives to develop and to co-exist. This 'constructive ambiguity' has led UK territorial governance to take the form of 'Schrodinger's devolution', where Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have and have not experienced fundamental constitutional change. However, the technical requirements of Brexit will mandate the need for exact decisions where 'constructive ambiguity' has existed up to now. The UK's unwritten constitution, limited intergovernmental relations and a lack of shared rule mechanisms mean that these technical decisions have the potential to lead to ongoing political instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A set of departmental select committees was agreed by the UK House of Commons in 1979 and has become a core feature of British parliamentary life. This introductory survey examines the genesis of the committees and the extent to which they constituted an evolutionary or radical change to the way that the House of Commons conducted itself. Proposals for such committees were not new, but achieving their realisation was possible only when a reform agenda was complemented by ministerial leadership and, fundamentally, by political will favouring change on the part of MPs. The development of the committees, their membership and work and engagement with those outside Parliament, forms the basis of this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this first comprehensive study of House of Commons departmental select committees and Brexit, we analyse the incidence of divisions (i.e. formal votes) on Brexit-related issues in select committees, showing that unanimity remains the norm with the exception of the Exiting the EU Committee, which is the most divided select committee of recent times. We add to the literature on select committee influence by adapting Russell and Benton's (2011) methodology to examine government responses to committee recommendations on Brexit. We show that most have been partially accepted but that the level of policy change, rather than divisions on recommendations, is the main factor explaining variation, with greater success for recommendations suggesting a lower degree of change. Committees have also had indirect influence, shaping the agenda and bringing information into the public domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2010 Wright Reforms are the most significant changes to the Select Committee system in the UK House of Commons since their inauguration in their modern form in 1979. We use interrupted time series techniques (ARIMA) to test the impact of the Wright Report on the level of parliamentarians' engagement with those Select Committees covered by the Wright Reforms using proxy measures of membership attendance and turnover rates. We find little or no evidence that the Wright Report had an impact on these outcomes. In light of these findings, we argue that some of the claims made regarding the successes of Select Committees and the Wright Reforms are overblown or, at least, premature and inadequately supported by evidence, and that further reforms may be needed if the aims of the Wright Committee are to be realised more fully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British Westminster parliament is frequently dismissed as a weak policy actor, in the face of dominant executive power. But through analysis of 4361 amendments to 12 government bills, and over 120 interviews, we suggest six reasons for doubting the orthodox view. These fall into three groups: overstating government success in making amendments, overstating non-government failure, and overlooking parliamentary influence before and after the formal passage of bills. We demonstrate that Westminster in fact has substantial influence in the policy process, not readily visible through commonly published data. Uncovering influence requires careful tracking of amendments, but also qualitative analysis of actors' motivations and the power of 'anticipated reactions'. Because Westminster is often seen as being at the weak end of a comparative spectrum of parliamentary influence, these results are important for demonstrating both the dynamics of British politics, and of parliamentary systems more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patrick Dunleavy et al. established some years ago that Prime Ministers have engaged less and less with Parliament. This article updates their work and extends it to all party leaders in the House of Commons since 1945. Prime-ministerial participation has continued to decline, has become increasingly institutionalised and is matched by the Leader of the Opposition and the Leader of the Liberals/Liberal Democrats, whose activity appears largely reactive. However, this contrasts with the parliamentary activity of the leaders of other parties in the Commons, whose activity is invariably greater and more varied. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the assistance provided to Italian Members of Parliament (MPs) both by officers of the parliamentary administrations and their own staff in order to enhance their autonomy in selecting the information to be used in pre-legislative scrutiny. A focus has been directed on the committee stage, where the role of the individual MP is much more relevant than in plenary sessions, and the selection and collection of informative sources are crucial. The aim is to underline how the contribution of parliamentary officers and MPs' staff can be of great help in the construction of a well informed and thoroughly thought through legislative decision that is also stable over time and politically strong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Members of Parliament (MPs) in Zambia need to have certain knowledge, skills and abilities to perform their parliamentary role effectively. The question is: how should these skills and abilities be determined? When parliamentarians are elected they do not find a list of tasks for which they can be held accountable. This article discusses the determination of the training needs of parliamentarians by examining levels of education, professional background and prior knowledge of parliament and ways to measure the impact of the training. Evaluation of training including the usage of different parliamentary tools following training is considered. The article gives an insight into how the Zambian Parliament determines the training needs of its members from a practitioner's perspective, focusing on the practical efforts made by parliament to equip its MPs to perform their role in the most effective manner. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the few days between the calling of a general election and the dissolution of the Westminster Parliament, outstanding legislation is expedited through the Commons and Lords on the basis of deals made privately between the government and main opposition party. This process, known as the wash-up, has been criticised for restricting parliamentary scrutiny and marginalising backbenchers, crossbenchers and the other parties. While not a new phenomenon, it has received greater attention this year, with the passage of the wide-ranging Constitutional Reform and Governance Bill and the controversial Digital Economy Bill both attracting considerable concern and criticism. This article examines the political, legislative and constitutional questions raised by the wash-up process, assesses the adequacy of the measures utilised to offset them, and explores what reforms might be considered in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The House of Lords is recognised as unusual among modern party-dominated parliaments for its method of composition—comprising appointees, hereditary peers and Bishops of the Church of England. However, equally interesting but less often noted is the presence in the chamber of around 200 members who do not take a party whip. Drawn from various walks of life, including the law, civil service, academia, science and the voluntary sector, these 'Crossbenchers' have their own group organisation and ethos. Given their numbers, they potentially hold the balance of power in the chamber. In this paper we examine the backgrounds, organisation and political activity of the Crossbenchers, asking what impact they have on the policy and culture of the House of Lords. We also examine the recent changes in the Crossbench group following reform of the chamber in 1999-including an influx of more active peers, resulting in changing beliefs and style. We find that the Crossbenchers have a subtle and changing influence, much of which is difficult to quantify. Their presence is widely valued, and most proposals for House of Lords reform suggest that an independent element should be retained. But this raises difficult questions about how political independence should be defined, and where such members are to be found. The paper provides some reflections on the challenges to independent membership of modern party-dominated parliaments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Government first proposed the creation of the Control Order, many commented on its apparent similarity with the Anti-Social Behaviour Order. Looking beyond the obvious similarities, the aim of this paper is to draw out two deeper themes which marked the development of both remedies. For each theme an apparent contradiction will also be identified. The paper concludes by arguing that these two recurring themes and two apparent contradictions cast doubt upon New Labour's professed commitment to nurturing a culture of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive in 2002 meant the restoration to the Westminster Parliament of full responsibility for Northern Ireland matters. This article examines the impact that suspension has had on Westminster's handling of Northern Ireland business, especially following the short experience of devolution operating alongside devolution for Scotland and Wales. It focuses on the consequences of the suspension of devolution for the legislative process and the role of parliamentary committees and also examines the continuing impact of the parliamentary modernisation agenda. An assessment is made of the significance of the extent of changes that have occurred compared to the procedures that existed during direct rule prior to 1999. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an annotated bibliography of government publications for the 2002-2003 parliamentary sessions in Great Britain. Modernization Committee's review of the programming of bills in its 2002-2003 report; Published reports of the Commons Procedure Committee; Publications by the Standards & Privileges Committee.

Discusses the issue on the proposal to reform the British House of Lords in Great Britain. Recommendation to create a second chamber composed of majority elected members; Factors causing the delay in the reform process; Occurrence of procedural change to accommodate a more active House.

The constitution received official recognition in 2003 with the creation of the Department of Constitutional Affairs, but the year was spent mopping up unfinished business from the reform programme started in 1997. This article covers developments in freedom of information, the regulation of the civil service, House of Lords reform, devolution in Scotland and Wales, preparations for devolution to the English regions, and electoral systems and fixed-term elections. A number of themes have become apparent. There is an increasing role for the various constitutional watchdogs outside Parliament, adding to the general shift away from parliamentary sovereignty. The constitution is becoming more visible, with more being written down. Most importantly, the government tends to see constitutional reform as part of pragmatic politics with no clear vision of the final product. Without an all-embracing theory, constitutional change continues to be piecemeal, and both the need and calls for further reform will continue to rumble on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lists some publications about British politics and government. 'British Commons' Procedure Committee Reports'; 'Standards and Privileges Committee Reports'; 'Parliamentary Review of Senior Salaries Review Body.'

Focuses on the constitutional democracy in Great Britain. Action of the Labour government on major constitutional reforms; Concerns over the ability of the members of the parliament to regulate their political conducts; Information on the changes in the House of commons and the reforms on the House of Lords.

Discusses the constitutional reforms in Great Britain in 2000. Reflections on the devolution settlement; Organizational landscape at the regional level in England; Plenary meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee on Devolution; House of Commons and devolution; Enactment of the Freedom of Information Bill.

Presents an annotated bibliography of government publications in Great Britain for 1998-1999 parliamentary sessions. Reports published by the Procedure committee; Fourteen reports published by the Standards and Privileges committee; Annual report of the House of Commons Commission.

Examines the regulation of lobbying activities in Germany. Role of lobbying and lobbyists in the political process; Relationship of government to other sectors of society; Scope of regulation; Dimensions in the regulation of lobbying in public policy-making; Legislators as lobbyists; Status of lobbying associations.

Presents information on the publication of three reports by the Select Committee on Procedure, detailing the recommendations contained in the reports. Details on the Nolan Report from the Privileges Committee; Information on the House of Commons Commission's annual report; Assessment of the annual reports of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Adminstration (PCA); Implications of these reports.

Examines parliamentary and political procedures in Germany from the Middle Ages through to 1997. Information on the first national parliament in Frankfurt 1848-49; Introduction of the Weimar Constitution in 1919; Details of activities under the National Socialist dictatorship.

Assesses the changes taking place in politics and government in Britain. History of politics throughout the United Kingdom; Problems facing politics in 1990; Use of management consultants by political parties; Disadvantages of hiring consultants.

Traces and seeks to account the gradual process through which the British judiciary took several steps away from the constitutional roles of the Parliament and the courts. Jurisprudence of both British and European Courts of Justice; Changes in traditional political alignments; Restoration of a modified version of the Parliamentary sovereignty.

Looks at the state and parliament and government in Great Britain. Publication of parliamentary paper; Role of Select Committee on Procedure; Nature of three reports in publication; Reports from Home Affairs Committee; Status of government reports on developments in European Community; Introduction of Intelligence Services Bill; Inquiry of Treasury and Civil Service Committee; Status of report from Representation of European Parliamentary Constituency.

Discusses proposed and actual changes in the British House of Lords. Parliament Act of 1949; Life Peerages Act 1958; Peerage Act 1963; 1968 Parliament Bill; Legislative work of the House; Need for reforms.

Relates the story of the workings of the British House of Commons. Point of view of the story; Changes and developments in the House of Commons since 1945; Effects of European legislation; Opening of Parliament to the public; Need for reforms; Performance.

Presents an annotated bibliography of government publication for the 1991-1992 British parliamentary session. Parliamentary procedure; Broadcasting of parliamentary proceedings; Ombudsmen system; Civil Service; Elections and electoral reform; Freedom of Information Bill; Publication of Register of Members' Interests.

Discusses the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty in line with interpreting legislation. Compares and contrasts Britain and the United States' political system and enactment of legislation; Constitutional roles of the US Supreme Court and Britain's House of Lords; US Supreme Court's technique in searching for the Constitution's meaning; British courts' interpretation of legislation.

Features an annotated bibliography of the British government publications for the 1990-91 parliamentary season. Reports of the House of Commons Select Committee on Procedure; Annual report of the House of Commons Commission; Annual report of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (PCA) for 1990; Annual report of the Health Service Commissioner (HSC) for 1991.

The article investigates several judicial review cases in Great Britain, in which the judges have attempted to explain and justify the nature of their constitutional relationship with Parliament. According to the author, the courts had to examine the legislation in each of the cases that were validated by the House of Commons or Parliament. These cases include R versus Secretary of State for the Environment, ex parte Merton London Borough Council and R versus Registrar General, ex parte Charlie Smith. In connection, the article also provides information about the strategies in which the judges would use to interpret a Bill of Rights.

The article provides information on the constitutional and political events occurred in Great Britain in 1990. It traces the issues concerning the sudden removal from office of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher such as the resignation of British Conservative politician Geoffrey Howe, followed by his outspoken attack on the Prime Minister. In connection, the article also discusses the rules, conduct and propriety of leadership election on November 29, 1990 in which Thatcher lost her position to John Major who became the youngest Prime Minister of the century.

The article focuses on the special report by the House of Commons Select Committee on Procedure in Great Britain. The House of Commons Privileges Committee investigates the allegement of a misconduct affair, which affect the parliamentary agent involving a local government officer. Another report from the House of Commons Commission providing details of the establishment and numbers of staff in Department of House. In addition, the Select Committee the Proceedings of the House recommends to televise the Commons, passing the resolution and authorizing broadcasting for an experimental period.

The article focuses on the imposition of Direct Rule on the Westminster Parliament, which is responsible for Northern Ireland business. According to report issued by the Northern Ireland Assembly, complaint was regarded on providing an appropriate opportunity for proper evaluation on aspects of government activity. Moreover, discussions on the continue issue to have political implications regarding the risk in producing newly devolved institutions to change the term given and increase campaign of full integration in the European nation.

The article focuses on the restoration of the two-party system in Great Britain. Moreover, the event causes division of the opponent and the government to control politics which made the partnership define the existence on lawful authority of the organization. However, the existence of an Opposition offers strength and emphatic vocation to have the governance had an essential feature on the British constitution. It is stated that the written fundamental law brought that the activity, includes the tradition of state institution on providing a strong independent power towards the administration.

The article focuses on the implication of the British constitution on the legitimacy of its government. It is different from other democratic countries for its constitution has grown itself rather than being made as what other countries usually did. It depended on the sovereignty of Parliament where its courts recognized it as such and hold themselves bound by its output. It holds the legislative power and established itself as the constituent authority of the country and it can alter constitutional arrangements through a simple majority vote. Its rules for change are established in the documentary constitution and legalized by the constituent authority of the people.

The article discusses the debate involving the alteration of the traditional themes on the British Constitution of 1986. Dawn Oliver and Rodney Austin traced important details of the Westlands affair's events, focusing on the convention of collective responsibility, the convention of individual ministerial responsibility, and the function of civil servants. Questions made by the Treasury and Civil Service Committee and the rejection of the Commons Procedure Committee by the House of Commons brought out another constitutional concern relative to the Westlands affair followed by Head of the Civil Service Robert Armstrong.

The article discusses the Jewish population in Great Britain. The author points the problem of proper representation of Jews in Great Britain because their religious affiliation is not being asked in census which makes it hard to determine the number of Jewish settlers in Great Britain. He also mentions the different classifications of Jews and its congregations like the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregation, Liberals and Reformists. The article also reports that the board formed to represent the Anglo-Jewries does not properly represent it because it does not have all the Jews as members because of several misunderstandings. The functions of the board that shall represent the Anglo- Jewries are also discussed.

The article discusses the single chamber Parliament of New Zealand. It is stated that for more than a generation, the country has had neither an upper house nor a written constitution which set parameters to the powers of the Parliament. The country is considered to be unique among Western democracies in its rejection of both a formal written constitution and of checks and balances through government institutions. Reaction to such unique status after 1950 ranged from the acceptance that the country had developed a path suitable to its own particular environment to the concern at the undisguised naked power potential of the government-in-parliament.