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The article analyzes the possible occurrence of a new civil war in Congo as the conflict between government forces and rebel groups intensifies. The conflict is attributed to corruption allegations against the administration of President Joseph Kabila and his decision to delay the supposed election in 2016. Also discussed is the intervention by the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force in the conflict.

The article informs that Malawian soldiers, working for the United Nation (UN) peacekeeping mission, known as Monusco aims to disband militias, protect civilians and stabilise the countries and the U.S. President Donald Trump's decision to cut America's contributions to UN peacekeeping . It mentions that Congolese have been displaced by violence with the bloodiest fighting has taken place in Ituri province, and Congo's former president, Joseph Kabila, and his successor, Felix Tshisekedi.

The article explores the possibility to put a definitive end to the War in Darfur being waged by the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) against the government of Sudan. Topics covered include emergence of optimism toward the Darfur conflict following the Sudanese revolution which led to the ouster of President Omar al-Bashir and the establishment of a transitional democratic government and the ceasefire with rebels declared by the transitional government.

The article reports on the violence among ethnic groups in the province of Ituri in the Republic of Congo, including the Hema and Lendu. People in the province have experienced civil war, mass killings, gang rapes, looting and cannibalism. Foreign powers and United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces have intervened in order to curb violence in the province.

Discusses peacekeeping operations of the United Nations (UN). Need for a Security Council mandate to begin humanitarian intervention in a country; Question of intervention by the UN in a country's sovereign affairs; Discussion on regional peace-making; Role of the UN in Kosovo's civilian affairs; Suggestion of ways for the UN to become a more efficient peacekeeper.

The article discusses the effects of U.S. president Donald Trump proposing to cutt off 40 percent of the country's contribution to the intergovernmental organization United Nations (UN). It has been pointed out that U.S. pays for about a quarter of the organisation's costs. Apart from that, U.S. has contributed a lot for UN's 16 peacekeeping missions which are striving to mitigate violent conflicts in the world. The U.S. State Department has been asked to make budget cuts regarding the same.

The article discusses the United Nations' Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic (CAR) with the help of peacekeeping force. Topics discussed include the attack on the refugee camp by members of Seleka, the Muslim militia group, air strike conducted by United Nations on Seleka, and views of Jean-Christophe Carret, the World Bank's country manager, on CAR.

The article discusses the United Nations' (UN's) peacekeeping mission known as MONUSCO in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The peacekeeping forces' role in combating armed groups and preventing atrocities is discussed. An overview of Congo President Joseph Kabila's relationship with the UN peacekeeping force is provided.

The article discusses the Syrian peace talks which lead by Staffan de Mistura, the United Nation's special envoy for Syria. The aim of the talks which is to end the five-year civil war and it's calling by the UN Security Council resolution that would lead to a transitional government should be started on January 25th in Geneva are discussed. Also emphasized the immediate cause of the talks postponement.

The article discusses China's relationship with the United Nations (UN), including China's dispatching combat troops for a UN peace-keeping (blue helmet) mission in South Sudan. An overview of Chinese President Xi Jinping's relations with the U.S. under President Barack Obama, including their negotiation of an environmental treaty, is provided.

The article discusses the territorial dispute between Morocco and the people of Western Sahara, including Sahrawis' attitude towards Morocco and the United Nations' (UN's) role in peacekeeping in the Western Sahara following the 1975-1991 Western Sahara Conflict. An overview of the Western Sahara nationalist movement the Polisario Front's tensions with Morocco is provided.

The article presents an overview of Mali's politics and government as of July 6, 2013. The article discusses al-Qaeda terrorists' or jihadists' efforts to establish an Islamist state, a coup d'état in 2012 by Mallian army officers that was led by Captain Amadou Sanogo, and the July 28 election that has been scheduled to give legitimacy to the new government. France's role in the United Nation's (UN) peacekeeping mission in Mali is noted.

The article examines United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces in Democratic Republic of Congo. The 2103 introduction of a force of 3000 soldiers equipped with military helicopters and armored vehicles into the eastern region of Congo is discussed in relationship to a UN Security Council resolution authorizing the force to conduct active counterinsurgency operations.

The article focuses on the United Nations (UN) blue helmets, which are peacekeeping forces working to prevent violence and conflict in Africa. Information is provided on the various jobs the peacekeepers have, which includes teaching computer classes and protecting political leaders. It is noted that the UN has attempted to quell ongoing violence in Congo.

The author considers the remuneration received by United Nations (UN) peace-keeping forces in Africa as of June 2012. Their work in the African nations of Libera, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and Congo is discussed. The author acknowledges that the forces are expensive for the Western countries who provide most of the support, but that the conflicts that would result without the peacekeepers would create a larger economic burden.

The article focuses on Minustah, the United Nations' peacekeeping forces, that are working in Haiti in 2012. Topics include the cholera epidemic that was allegedly caused by poor sanitation from a peacekeeping base, the accusations of sexual assault by Haitians against Minustah members, and questions on the effectiveness of the Minustah workers.

The article discusses Brazil's armed forces. The country's role as a significant contributor to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, particularly its command of the 13,000 UN troops in Haiti, is mentioned. The peacekeeping responsibilities have led to attempts to modernise the armed forces, especially its command structure.

The article presents information on the efforts of the United Nations Africa Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) to quell violence in the Darfur region of Sudan as of August 14, 2010. UNAMID is composed of some 22 thousand peacekeepers under the joint authority of the UN and the African Union. Information on the several combatant groups involved in the Darfur Conflict is also presented.

The article discusses Canada's plans to increase the amount of soldiers and police in the United Nations' (UN's) peacekeeping forces' missions, including the Canadian Prime Minister and leader of the Liberal Party Justin Trudeau's role in this regard.

The article discusses the relationship between Fiji's participation in the United Nations' (UN's) peacekeeping forces operations throughout the world and the political conditions and stability in Fiji. An overview of the leadership of the Fijian Prime Minister of the political party FijiFirst Frank Bainimarama is provided.

The article focuses on Haiti. The country has had a United Nations peacekeeping force in place since 2004, which has led to a significant reduction of political violence. Huge economic and social problems remain. Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, and its economy has been damaged by the global recession and hurricanes which left widespread damage. Its government remains largely dysfunctional.

The article examines civil war in the northeast of Congo. Rebels led by General Laurent Nkunda have seized control of most of the region, and hundreds of thousands of civilians have been displaced. United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces are too few to control the situation. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon will host a summit conference between Congo and Rwanda in an attempt to end the fighting.

The article examines a report by the non-governmental organization Save the Children which found sexual abuse of children by aid workers and United Nations peacekeeping forces commonplace in regions of conflict in developing countries. The social and psychological aspects of these crimes by authority figures in what are essentially lawless areas are discussed. The legal difficulties in prosecuting offenders are described.

The article reports on prospects for an international peacekeeping force, the United Nations African Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), amid continuing warfare in the Darfur region of Sudan. The peacekeepers' job is becoming harder as the rebel groups, government-backed militias, and cross-border armed groups from Chad become harder to distinguish from one another.

The article examines two peacekeeping missions in Eastern Africa, one by the United Nations in the Darfur region of Sudan, and the other by an African Union (AU) force in Somalia. A 26,000 man force in Darfur has yet to deploy because helicopters essential to its operations have not been supplied as promised by Western nations. In Somalia, the only 1600 troops of a proposed 8000 are on the ground, far too few to half the fighting between Islamic insurgents and Ethiopian forces.

The article reports on marginally improving conditions in impoverished and crime-ridden Cité Soleil, a sprawling slum in Port-au-Prince, capital of Haiti. United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces have taken a more aggressive posture in the city, taking on criminal gangs and restoring a measure of order and peace.

The article examines political, economic, and social conditions in Congo. The nation is still on the verge of collapse following the 1998-2003 civil war which left millions dead. President Joseph Kabila, who was elected in 2006, has been unwilling or unable to undertake reforms in the desperately poor country. Tutsi tribe rebels under Laurent Nkunda still hold power in the east of Congo. A United Nations peacekeeping force maintains a shaky stability,

This article reports on the results of elections in Serbia and the controversial issue of Kosovo. The greatest share of the vote was won by the ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, whose leader, Vojislav Seselj, is on trial before the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague. The conservative and nationalist Democratic Party of Serbia, led by the outgoing prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, took 16% of the vote.

This article analyzes the future prospects for United Nations peacekeepers. Despite heavy criticism of the institution, there are 74,000 soldiers currently performing U.N. peacekeeping duty in 18 different countries. Some see the rise in peacekeepers as a sign that conflicts are ending. But with the calls for the U.N. to intervene in Sudan increasing, many wonder if they will become overstretched.

The article reports that the United Nations is delaying sending peacekeeping forces into the Darfur region of Sudan. Amid international uproar over the genocide in the region, the UN seemed poised to send in troops. But the Sudanese government remains quietly hostile to a UN peacekeeping presence. While attempting to enter Sudan, the UN is organizing the 20,000 troops it will require to subdue the region. Violence by the janjaweed continues.

The article discusses the impasse in the Darfur peace talks. The two main rebel groups have refused to sign peace agreements that the Sudanese government had agreed upon. The United States has considered sending both United Nations (UN) and U.S. troops to Darfur; this suggestion has been rejected by Sudan. A preliminary peace agreement, drafted in Abuja, Nigeria's capital, calls for a $200 million annual grant to Darfur from the government of Sudan to provide more water, food, fuel, and other resources.

The article reports on Côte d'Ivoire and relations with French peacekeeping troops. Since a failed coup in 2002, Côte d'Ivoire has been split. Rebels known as the New Forces control the northern half of the country, and dream of snatching the rest. President Laurent Gbagbo, who controls the south, makes no secret of his desire to crush them. The only thing keeping the two sides apart is a peacekeeping force of 6,000 UN blue helmets and 4,000 French troops. On April 4th, when their one-year mandate ends, there is a chance that the French will leave. That would probably mean renewed civil war. Starting this month, a pro-Gbagbo group called the Young Patriots is planning demonstrations to demand that the French leave. In February, President Jacques Chirac said that the French force in Côte d'Ivoire, known as Licorne (Unicorn), would stay on after April only if the UN, African leaders and President Gbagbo asked it to.

This article discusses the slow restoration of order via the presence of United Nations peacekeeping forces in Haiti. Haiti's portly interim prime minister, Gérard Latortue, is an amiable fellow, but he likes to speak his mind. Pro-Aristide gangs went into open revolt in late September, calling for the ex-president's return--apparently encouraged by the misguided idea that a Democratic victory in the United States election, coupled with popular clamour for Mr Aristide, would bring him back from exile in South Africa. Upon taking office Mr Latortue promised Haitians that donor money would be put to quick use by creating jobs and fixing roads, schools and health clinics. As a reward, officials say, Haiti should receive $140m in balance-of-payments support next year, equivalent to over one-third of government revenue. After Mr Latortue complained that international financial institutions were being slow to release donor money, World Bank officials had to point out he had cash sitting unspent in his own treasury.

This article discusses the inept and indifferent presence of the United Nations as Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo move towards war. Eighteen months after Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo agreed to stop fighting, the two countries are again on the verge of war. Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, has officially given notice that his troops will march into eastern Congo, and some reports suggest they already have. Congo's government is demanding UN sanctions against Mr Kagame and his entourage, and has vowed to send a large force to repel the invaders. Its army is hopelessly ill-disciplined, however, and no match for the Rwandans in a part of Congo that is much closer to Rwanda's capital than to Congo's. For the past decade, Rwanda's justification for meddling in Congo has been the need to crush genocidal Rwandan rebels hiding in the Congolese rain forest.

The article focuses on the United Nations peacekeeping force in Liberia and efforts to disarm Liberian child soldiers. After 14 years of on-off civil war, Liberia is probably west Africa's most destitute country. But since its chief warlord, President Charles Taylor, was toppled, it has had a chance to recover. With two rebel groups threatening his capital (and his life), and America ordering him out, Mr Taylor fled to Nigeria last August. The two rebel groups, LURD and MODEL, are now part of an interim government, which includes a rump of Mr Taylor's old supporters and is headed by a businessman named Gyude Bryant. The world's largest UN peacekeeping force--with 15,000 troops due to be in place by the end of February--upholds a sort of peace. In the towns it patrols, a strict "no-weapons" policy has prompted the gunmen who used to rob and rape with impunity to hide their guns and behave. Liberia's peace is extremely fragile, however, which is why the UN is so keen to disarm the country's multitude of drug-addled teenage killers. Next week, the UN's secretary-general, Kofi Annan, and Colin Powell, America's secretary of state, are to host a conference in New York for potential donors to Liberia. They are seeking up to $500m in emergency aid, to add to the $445m America has already pledged. The money is meant to help stabilise the country enough to allow elections to be held next year.

On September 1st, the French withdrew their 1,200 European peacekeepers from Bunia, the capital of Ituri, a mineral-rich province in north-eastern Congo. The UN Observer Mission for Congo (Monuc) took over, with a force from Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Uruguay, that will eventually number 4,800 men. The rivalry between the cattle-rearing Hemas and the crop-growing Lendus is manipulated by Uganda, Rwanda and the Congolese government, all of them hungry for Ituri's goodies, which include gold, diamonds and coltan, used in mobile phones. In June, French forces landed in Bunia to protect civilians from the militias that were rampaging through the town. The French enforced a no-weapons rule in Bunia, much to the chagrin of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), the principle Hema militia, now backed by Rwanda, which was left in control of the town after the Ugandan army withdrew in April. The UN force, currently patrolling the suburbs of Bunia, intends to push into the surrounding countryside.

This article examines the decision of United States President George W. Bush to ask the United Nations to approve the creation of a multinational force in Iraq. As The Economist went to press, a draft resolution was being discussed by the five permanent members of the Security Council. The resolution would create a UN force in Iraq that will be under American command but will also intermittently report back to the Security Council. It also invites the American-appointed Iraqi Governing Council to submit a plan to the UN for drawing up a constitution, establishing a provisional government and holding elections. Iraq has been Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's show while the Pentagon has provided nearly all the security forces. The secretary of state, Colin Powell, later managed to win a small, mostly advisory, role for the U.N.--through a mission headed by Sérgio Vieira de Mello. The death of Mr de Mello, with 23 others in a massive bomb blast last month, underlined how badly Mr Rumsfeld's strategy was working in practice. But so have a lot of other things: the failure to get electricity working in Baghdad, the recent killing of the main Shiite cleric in Iraq, the near-daily attacks on US troops and the stream of angry e-mails to wives at home. Bush's decision to side with Mr Powell and the generals over Mr Rumsfeld seems to be part of a pattern of sidelining the civilian hawks.

Reviews efforts to build peace within Afghanistan since the removal of the Taliban government. Positive developments include emerging government, financial plan, and infrastructure; Legacy of slain Northern Alliance leader Ahmed Shah Masoud overshadows popularity of president Hamid Karzai; Impact of three-year drought on agriculture, travel, and water supply; International efforts needed to ensure peace in Afghanistan will continue.

The article reports on the decision of Rwandan troops to withdraw from the Congo. For the past four years, this vast country has been torn and eviscerated by its smaller neighbors, but has been too weak to beat them off. At various times, no fewer than eight African states have sent their armies to take part in Congo's civil war. Previously, there was little point in sending many United Nations-backed peacekeepers to Congo, as there was no peace to keep. Credit is due to Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's president, who sees Congo's troubles as a huge obstacle to his plan to set Africa on the path to peace and prosperity. Donors can help by paying for peace- keepers, and finding ways to encourage the government's faltering steps towards democracy.

Discusses the regional war in West Africa, involving Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea, which has developed out of civil wars. Recommendations of the United Nations (UN) to end the conflict, which includes debt relief for several countries in West Africa; How UN peacekeeping in the region has been discredited; Suggestion that brokering peace should be done by the UN Security Council with the Economic Community of West African States.

Discusses Britain's and the United Nations involvement in Sierra Leone. Decision by Jordan and India to withdraw their United Nations troops from Sierra Leone; Plans of the British army to make a show of force in Sierra Leone's capital, Freetown, to deter the rebels from attacking; Outlook for the peace process.

Discusses the renewed efforts of United Nations (UN) peacekeepers to resolve the border war in Africa between Eritrea and Ethiopia, as of October 2000. Strategy of the unarmed observers deployed there during a ceasefire between the warring countries; The hope that Ethiopia will withdraw from the border and allow displaced Eritreans to return home; Slaughter that has taken place during the war; Optimism felt by the UN workers that their mission will succeed.

Discusses the war between Uganda and Rwanda in Kisangani, Congo as of spring 2000. Delay in deployment of United Nations (UN) peacekeepers to monitor a peace deal; Reasons for the fighting, including control of mineral wealth; Role of Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) rebel soldiers; How the battle for Kisangani became part of the rivalry for regional supremacy; Damage to the friendship of Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, and Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni.

Discusses the Congo ceasefire, as of late April 2000. Provisions of the disengagement plan developed by the United Nations (UN) and a joint military commission from the six governments and three rebel factions involved; Implications of the peace process for Congo President Laurent Kabila; Support of armed forces from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi for Congolese rebel forces; Timetable for the introduction of UN observers and support forces.

Discusses the outlook for Kosovo, in light of the role played by the United Nations in the country's infrastructure. Details of a June 1999 resolution passed by the UN ending Serbian rule in Kosovo yet recognizing Yugoslavian sovereignty in the province; Moves by the UN administration in Kosovo suggesting statehood for the province; Possible ramifications for the province if independence is not allowed.

Discusses conditions in East Timor as of October 2, 1999. Indonesian military and its effect on East Timor; Destruction and violence wreaked by the military through militia groups; Fears about Indonesian troops remaining in East Timor unofficially; Status of United Nations peacekeeping efforts; Wider role of the military in Indonesia; Their attempts to cow voters in East Timor; Military claims of a fraudulent referendum for independence.

Discusses the United Nations peacekeeping mission to East Timor, Indonesia. Conditions on their arrival; Beginning of aid airlifts; Killing of a Dutch journalist, Sander Thoenes; Confrontations between the UN troops, militia troops and Indonesian troops; Reception of the presence of foreign troops in Indonesia; Effects of nationalist sentiment; Calls for an investigation into the role played by the Indonesian military in the violence in East Timor.