Search

Paper Proposal for the 45th Annual ISA Convention, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, March 17-20, 2004: European Security after September 11 and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq Heinz Gärtner Traditional security thinking dominated the Cold War. Reliance on military capabilities was the primary strategy adopted to achieve greater security. In the new post-1989 world, and in particular post- 9/11, a broader and more complex concept of security has emerged. With the end of the Cold War, attention was thus given to building more sophisticated and integrated security concepts and developing frameworks designed to embrace a more comprehensive construct for security. The dramatic shift in threat perceptions brought about by the fall of communism have been confirmed by a wide variety of post-September 11 development: Wars between competing political ideologies and inter-state conflicts are no longer seen as the prime dangers to international security. The real security risks in the near future seem to come not from strong and stable governments but from failed and collapsed states. This paper examines both the impact of the developments before and after September 11 on both NATO and European Security, in particular on the concept of collective and territorial defense. By far the greatest proportions of the operational efforts of NATO and the European Union (EU) have already shifted away from collective defense. Crisis management is the paradigm that forms the cornerstone of the post-Cold War security system. Since the end of the East-West conflict NATO underwent a significant transformation process that has been speeded up by the terror attacks of September 11. Founded as a collective defense organization at the onset of the Cold War, NATO has revised its strategic concept to respond to the broader spectrum of the threats. The invocation of its Art. 5 security commitments for a war that took place not on NATO-territory changed the meaning of this article together with Art. 6 that prescribes this area. With NATO enlargement, a greater role for Moscow, NATO’s small military role in Afghanistan and Iraq, NATO seemed likely to lose military significance in international significance. NATO was at risk of becoming totally irrelevant in a world in which terrorism has become the principal strategic threat. So it had to give up more and more the old NATO, a collective security organization designed to protect Western Europe against Soviet invasion. At the Prague summit the heads of governments approved the formation of a Rapid-Response force of around 20,000 troops that would be deployable within 30 days wherever they are needed. In the framework of the Prague Capabilities Commitment individual countries will also have to commit themselves to provide specific equipment and expertise within set deadlines. In the case of Iraq Germany, France and Belgium blocked the start of NATO military planning to protect Turkey against the threat of an Iraqi missile attack. Subsequently, Turkey has requested consultations under Article 4 of the North Atlantic Treaty, that states that NATO’s members will consult together whenever, in the opinion of any of them, the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any NATO country is threatened. With the post-cold war era NATO’s traditional role as a collective defense organization was coming to a close. NATO together with its PfP could become a military toolbox of allied forces. The European Union launched a 60,000-strong Rapid Reaction Force in 2001, is supposed to be up and running by 2003, but is struggling amid budget restrictions and affected by post-September 11 events, the war in Afghanistan and the pending war against Iraq. After the end of the East-West Conflict European deficiencies of military capabilities became more and more visible, however. One important reason lies in the legacy of the Cold War. During this period the European armies prepared for a confrontation with the major threat from the East in a collective effort to defend their territories. The conflicts and challenges after the end of the military bipolarity do not require massive, heavy-metal European armies, not suited for transport and projections to distant places, but rapid reaction forces with flexible structure and light weapons, deployable over great distances, equipped with modern communication assets to coordinate their actions, surveillance and reconnaissance facilities. A draft report of the Presidium the European Convention provided recommendations and the wording of new articles for the Treaty of The Convention. The report recognizes that the concept of security is very broad, by nature indivisible, and one that goes beyond the purely military aspects covering not only the security of States but also the security of citizens. On the basis of this broad concept of security, the common foreign and security policy and the European Security and Defense Policy. It allows the Union military options over and above the civil instruments of crisis prevention and management. Within this broad concept of security, disarmament occupies an essential place. In the area of crisis management there is the danger of duplication of NATO and EU capabilities and missions. Division of labor and role specialization could avoid it on the one hand, and cooperation in certain areas such as common command structure for crisis management on the other. There must be appropriate division of labour. The wars in Kazoo, Afghanistan and Iraq showed that the overwhelming U.S. contribution is war-fighting capability - what is by comparison a limited European contribution. In this the gap between the military capabilities of the U.S. and the rest of the world is huge and is growing. However, a capability to act does not only imply war fighting. Europeans are more designed for peacekeeping, humanitarian action, disaster relief and post-conflict reconstruction rather than the rapid deployment of larger forces over long distances. The United States will need to continue to project forces in high-intensity conflict. There should be some risk- and responsibility sharing, however. European states should keep a minimum level of participation in all phases of an operation. As Europeans should keep and develop some war fighting capability U.S.-troops also should participate at least at a minimal level in lower end peace support operations. They should not be reduced to war fighting alone but demonstrate that they are able to do humanitarian and rescue and peacekeeping operations. Hence, despite the transatlantic differences, there is clearly consensus among some of the EU Member States and the United States on the need to develop force planning and strategies for ‘ad-hoc’ coalitions of the willing that can have access to NATO and EU economic, military and human assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, in the fields of civil-military relations and development, engagement between donor and recipients, has taken place based on the twin concepts of conditionality and what donors have termed ‘good governance.’ State actors, aid agencies and international organisations have used the idea of ‘good governance’ as a new way of conceptualising reform processes. It has been viewed by donors as a means to embed norms, values, procedures and practices in recipient states and is widely considered by donors to be a particularly effective mechanism to create circumstances that make these changes durable. Recipient states have often been critical of the idea of good governance, but since much transition assistance has been based on conditionality, their criticisms are rarely aired in public. Examining changes since 1989, this paper explores engagement between West European governments, NATO and governments in central and eastern Europe in the process of transition of postcommunist armed forces. It explores how ‘good governance’ has been applied to the reform of postcommunist armed forces in two areas: democratic civilian control of the armed forces and professionalisation of armed forces. In examining these two issues, this paper highlights the ways in which ‘good governance’ has broadened the agenda of the reform process, extended reform from ‘first’ to ‘second’ generation reform issues and located these changes within a liberal democratic value system. However this paper also examines the extent to which the concept of ‘good governance’ is being used by donors to transfer inappropriate and often dysfunctional policies onto recipient states and it goes on to examine the motivations and range of benefits to donors of using ‘good governance’ in the transformation of postcommunist armed forces. This paper concludes by exploring the extent to which the concept of ‘good governance’ is being used to reinforce existing power relationships of both state and military networks in a new European security regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers some critical reflections on the governance of population, mobility and citizenship in terms of "illegal immigration". It pays particular attention to the EU’s programme for what it calls a "fight" against this issue. The paper argues that such problematizations of migration can be read in terms of how they construct the identity of the governed as well as the governors, in this case European member-states. It concludes with a discussion of certain parallels between the the discourse of illegal immigration and the analysis of "delinquency" which Foucault undertakes in Discipline and Punish. In both cases we find the production of certain economy of illegalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Western European hegemony and power. The focus, however, is not European hegemony over other parts of the world but over non-European immigrants INSIDE of contemporary Europe itself. The paper is a case study of recent Danish legal, educational, and political attempts to better the integration of particularly Muslim immigrants in Denmark. My focus is on how Europe is constructed through these discourses on Muslim immigrants - and how the immigrants in turn are often constructed as alien to European values and norms. By denaturalizing the concepts which these discursive representations rely on (the citizen, the European, the immigrant, etc.), I tease out the silencing or forgetfulness of these representations (for example that Europe is complicit in creating a world of inequality). And based on a close textual reading of the law, the political initiatives, the mandatory civic courses for immigrants, etc., I argue that non-European immigrants in Denmark are kept in a state of eternal Diaspora inside of Europe - despite an official rhetoric of integration. The ambition is to unpack and politicize the Euro-centrism which informs discourses on Europe and which naturalizes the idea of Europe as a moral, acting subject under extreme pressure from Muslim immigrants. Finally, I discuss the theoretical implications of my study which transgresses the national (Danish) and speaks to the construction of regional or international identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of international institutions such as the Council of Europe, the IMF, the EU, the OECD and the World Bank, have recently developed strategies and mechanisms to deal with corruption in states. This paper investigates how such institutions cooperate and sometimes compete in promoting their anti-corruption policies in East and Central Europe. It argues that the anti-corruption issue is somewhat unique because, none of the institutions that deal with it were specifically designed for this task. The paper discusses how international institutions have found ways to cooperate by carving out somewhat separate tasks, based on their perceived comparative advantage. By doing so, a hierarchy has emerged and some of the global institutions have allowed the EU and Council of Europe to lead their common efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that EMU should be seen as part of a broader strategy to transform the mode of operation of the European economy. The overall aim of this strategy is to revitalise the European economy by creating a strong European base within a broader global regime of finance-led restructuring. The implications of this strategy are discussed in applying the Coxian conceptual triangle of state-civil-society complexes, social relations of production and world orders (transatlantic relations). As the reconfiguration of European state-civil-society complexes is concerned, the paper shows in a first step inasmuch the European Union has built up ? material and organisational ? capacities for a more comprehensive governance of the new European economy, particularly in terms of economic, monetary and financial policies. Secondly, with respect to the social relations of production, it points out that despite overall public support for the Lisbon strategy ? i.e. accelerated financial market integration, technological innovation and structural reform of labour markets and social security systems ? socio-economic transformation is cumbersome and increasingly conflict-ridden. Finally, in terms of transatlantic relations, it will be explained that the material and organisational capacities of the EU are still much too weak to transform the global Dollar Wall Street Regime and challenge the US dollar as the global key currency. Nevertheless, transatlantic co-operation will probably become more problematic, as under conditions of economic recession and trade imbalances European and US-American economic interests seem to diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is portrayed by some analysts as forcing convergence to a liberal norm, while others argue for the continued efficacy of organized market forms of capitalism, to use Peter Hall’s description, despite globalization. Has there been a general move toward liberal market structures among European economies? And are there discernable differences in economic performance that can be traced to these transformations (or lack thereof)? This paper seeks to explore these questions empirically through an examination of institutional change and economic performance in six advanced industrial economies that offer a mix of liberal and coordinated economic structures (i.e., the United States, Britain, and Ireland on the liberal side; France, Germany, and the Netherlands as coordinated economies). The convergence question is often posed strictly in economic policy terms, an unfortunate limitation given that globalization reduces states’ ability to control economic change. The key question is how the broader institutions of economic and social regulation -- society rather than government -- respond to globalization. As such this paper first produces an empirical index based on capital mobility, labor relationships, economic regulation, and social attitudes for gauging whether markets in these states have largely liberalized or remain relatively coordinated. Comparative economic performance since 1989 (marking both the fall of the Berlin Wall and the introduction of the World Wide Web) will then be examined to see if there is any correlation between political-economic responses to globalization and economic outcomes. The hypothesis is that there will be more diversity among European capitalist economies than the mainstream reading of globalization would predict, but that more coordinated economies face rising opportunity costs that will comparatively hinder economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to look at some of the discursive links between security and the eastern enlargement of the European Union and their implications for the renewed emphasis on external borders in Europe and their functions. It argues that it is primarily non-military security concerns that have been important in the context of enlargement, and utilizing the concept of security as a ?speech act? suggests that perceived threats, such as immigration and organized crime, have been securitized. These discourses emanating from the European Union, in combination with non-discursive practices by relevant actors in the security field, have led to the implementation of internal security policies, whose effects are sometimes conflicting with the overall objective of peaceful and stable Europe. One of the outcomes has been a renewed emphasis on the new eastern border of the European Union and its permeability as a potential ?importer? of criminality into the EU. The paper also suggests that the strengthening, and even militarization, of this external border has implications for the political and economic evolution of those left outside the European Union, and possibly for identity formations on both sides of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper posits that financial crisis has been a driving force in the creation of state sponsored economic institutions. It focuses on the evolution and development of central banks throughout the 19th century to show how the need to respond to financial crisis has had two effects. First, central banks being primary in crisis response has expanded the duties and powers of these institutions. Second, the need for crisis response actors led to an expansion of central banks throughout Europe. In addition, this paper reviews the recent literature on the development of central banks and argues that financial crisis has been an under-represented variable in trying to understand the role, expansion and proliferation of this state sponsored institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that what we call ?development? must be understood as part of a post-World War II project to reconfigure the circuit of capital that, during the nineteenth century, linked the export sectors of Europe?s dualistic economies to those in other regions of the world. This project, a massive and coordinated campaign by Western, newly independent, and ?developing? states worked effectively to eradicate social democracy and to consolidate dualistic structures throughout what has become, as a result, the vast, global ?third world?. Immediately after World War II a scholastic programme emerged in the U.S. academy to support this endeavour. Section I of the paper argues that this academic ?development project? has had a profound impact on post-war historiography and social science. The research and writing produced under its auspices was characterised by a tendency to sever social scientific inquiry from issues relating to historical agency and social change, class and power; and this tendency eventually came to characterize U.S. social science, generally. Section II focuses on the larger ?development? project. It first discusses the trans-local interactions and connections that, beginning in the late eighteenth century, brought about the development of dualistic economies within and outside of Europe. It then describes the circuit of capital that was carried on by a trans-local network of elites, governments, and ruling groups throughout the nineteenth century. Section III focuses on how this circuit was reconfigured as a result of the world wars and by means of decolonisation, nationalism, ?first? and ?second? world development, and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international role that could be played by such a controversial polity as the EU has been hotly debated. From now, the debate has been mainly articulated between three main roles, which are, the Civilian power , Military power and normative power . To handle such a critical issue, this paper will draw on Ole Waever’s work on security, and from this perspective study the EU’s international identity through the link between security, integration and identity. Instead of having different kind of roles, Waevers proposes a distinction between three levels where the EU plays three different roles as a security actor. Based on the constructivist claim, that identity and action are inextricably related, and an approach to the construction of identity that is one which stresses the role of narrative structures within the process, this paper will try to identify a ‘constitutive story’ told for ‘Europe’ about EU’s international identity. In this framework, the first part will establish that EU’s identity is recognized by others, and identified as an actor by acting. It gains identity from without. Thus, the two next sections will focus on EU foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Signing of Dayton Peace Agreement of November 21, 1995 not only meant the end of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina but it also represented the beginning of a new trend in international relations. This trend is characterized by collapsing of traditional realist distinctions between security concerns on the one side, and state and nation-building policies, on the other. If the previous wisdom of the day demanded the primacy of the security agenda over institution and nation-building policies, the current understanding is that the international community (IC) plays a crucial role in fostering democratization and nation-building in the context of failed, multiethnic states. In other words, an active international engagement in ?rebuilding the ship at sea? is nowadays perceived as a security issue in its own right ? a necessary precondition for a more stable and peaceful international environment. This, however, begs the question as to what does the international toolkit of democracy and nation-building contain? Also, is there a gap between the international rhetoric of human rights, democracy and minority protection, on the one side, and the ways these principles are being perceived and acted upon by local elites and public in general in internationally run states? In dealing with theses questions, the paper?s focus will be primarily on the Southeast European experiences with the twin process of democratization and nation-building. First, the international blueprint of democratization will be presented. Then, the international toolkit of democratization will be evaluated from the perspective of the (in)compatibility between the processes of democratization and nation-building. Third section will offer a comparative evaluation of nation-building and power sharing arrangements in the region. Finally, I will critically evaluate why some of the most cherished techniques of power sharing yielded the unanticipated results that challenge the very project of internationally sponsored democratization. For the copy of the paper, please send request to dguzina@wlu.ca [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivism in IR, moderate and radical versions alike, suffers from a superficial understanding of language: Looking only at argumentation and content (what is being said), it overlooks that reality is also being constructed below the surface of texts: it does make a difference, how I say something. Style matters! The proposed paper will point to the crucial role metaphors play in this regard: Metaphors create reality by projecting everyday life-worlds onto international relations. They make sense of and give meaning to strange material phenomena such as the fall of the Berlin wall or the WTC-towers. My paper will come up with a method of analysing metaphors that builds on two strands of literature: post-structuralist theories of discourse on the one hand and sociology of knowledge on the other. In order to illustrate how the method works on the empirical ground, it will be applied to the discourse on EU-enlargement, showing that and how enlargement-metaphors construct European identity. Against this background the paper will finally reflect upon linguistic mechanisms of identity construction more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of world politics increasingly recognize the Eurocentric nature of theorizing in International Relations (IR). Yet they continue to lament the impossibility of any "inter-civilizational dialogue" taking place, not to mention the transformative impact it could have. Obstacles range from issues of language to translation to terms of debate to the unequal power relations that frame these exchanges. This paper argues that "inter-civilizational dialogue" occurs daily, intimately, substantively, and self-consciously. Fashion offers one such site. A sure sign of "modernization" for non-Western peoples, for example, is to change from "traditional" to "European" dress. Similarly, postcolonial revolution compels the reverse, as Gandhi and Nehru "disrobed" from Europe when they decided to fight for India's independence. Indeed, any area key to human relations (e.g., eating, speaking, singing, courting, and so on) demonstrates easily what scholars who fixate on "discourse" seem to have such a hard time grappling with: that is, the fluidity of border crossings from one civilizational domain to the next, and back again. Specifically, this paper will examine Karl Lagerfeld's 2009 fashion exhibit in China accompanied by his short film, "Paris-Shanghai: A Fantasy.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two decades on from the collapse of Soviet dominance in Central and Eastern Europe and the flourishing cottage industry of 'transitological' studies attempting to explain the transitions in the region have reached a peculiar confluence concerning the relative importance of internal and external causes. Most analyses have focused on how best to achieve the practical transformation of the construction of functioning democracies and moribund planned economic institutions while acknowledging the significance of the global context in which capitalism was reconfigured in the region only incidentally. This paper develops a critique of this confluencebased on a Gramscian critical economy. The paper explores how the social transformation associated with the emergence of neoliberalism arose in the global political economy and then deploys an understanding of this in order to offer a more nuanced grasp of the historical emergence of transition, primarily in Poland, but to some degree throughout Central and Eastern Europe, as Poland's Shock Therapy approach to transition has been the paradigmatic exemplar and as such has significant ramifications throughout the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines critical infrastructure protection as a form of risk regulation in a comparative perspective. While faced with many of the same challenges, Europeans and Americans approach risk and risk management very differently in a number of policy areas. The differences in how Europeans and Americans perceive and manage various kinds of dangers have philosophical as well as socio-political roots. The development of risk regulation with regard to critical infrastructure is shaped by the institutional context and, in the case of the EU and the US, the dynamics of federalism and globalization. In the face of growing public expectations and a diminishing real capacity to foresee and counteract risks, European and American policy-makers try to meet the challenge of protecting critical infrastructures in our society. Taking a historical-institutional approach to risk regulation, the differing ways in which the US and EU view and have approached this challenge forms the core of this paper's discussion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that the European Union (EU) has had a very peculiar relationship with the globalized post-Cold War economic order. On the one hand, the EU was instrumental in bringing about this order. It aggressively promoted (both internally and externally) the principles and policies upon which this economic order has been based. On the other hand, this proactive engagement was translated within the EU into a highly polarized and antagonistic public discourse that led to a serious identity crisis. In this way, it is argued that economic globalization emerged in the EU as a debate on the nature and future of Europe. After 2005, this polarized and antagonistic discourse started to change. The rise of flexicurity, as a new way of thinking about Europe's place and orientation in the global political economy, has been instrumental in this shift. The paper examines and evaluates these developments and their implications for the European project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a heuristically useful model to analyse the European political cooperation. It is observed that the convergence between the theoretical fields of European Studies and International Relations since the 1990's enabled a greater understanding of political integration not only in Europe. This progressive theoretical convergence in both fields allows the ontological generalization of premises to the development of an analytical model for the study of political integration. In this sense, by outlining a heuristically model to analyse the European political cooperation, this paper offers the first step to observe similarities and differences between political integration processes beyond Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's relations with Asia enjoyed a renaissance in the early to mid-1990s. After the renewed focus on the Asian region by leading EU member states and the publication of the European Commission's Asia Strategy in 1994, the idea of a "partnership in a spirit of equality" crystallized, resulting in the launch of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996. In addition to bilateral and multilateral interaction, EU-Asia relations are marked by "new interregionalism", which emerged as a post-Cold War product and entails the encounter of two regions as distinct and equal actors in a dialogue going beyond trade and economy and including political, security-related, and cultural issues. This approach to relations with Asia is partly driven by the EU's predilection to deal with regions as dialogue partners and urge to promote regionalism elsewhere. Taking the Asia-Europe Meeting as a case study, is the aim of my paper to reflect on over a decade of EU-Asia interregional relations and assess the boundaries of region-to-region interaction. The absence of a coherent and institutionalized Asian grouping and the heterogeneity of the Asian partner countries have certainly posed limitations to EU-Asia interregionalism, but the EU's internal disposition, its international "actorness" and capability to speak with one voice are also topics for scrutiny. My paper will focus on the EU's stance and policy towards some of the key elements of Europe-Asia interregionalism, namely the promotion of regional integration, the friction between group-to-group interaction and intergovernmental cooperation, and the informal, uninstitutionalized approach. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major turning points for Turkish politics is the opening of its accession negotiations for European Union membership in 2005. The EU has significant leverage on countries aspiring for membership due to its political conditionality and through the applicant country's adaptation of its rules and laws to those of the EU. Thus, the process of membership negotiations impacts the applicant country's political process in a significant fashion. This paper proposes that as Turkey moves towards meeting the EU's standards in democracy as part and parcel of its accession requirements, the underlying anti-democratic tendencies and tensions in Turkish politics come to the fore front with the unexpected result that the process of democratization carries the danger of threatening the basis of individual rights and liberties in Turkey. This is because the democratization process that gained momentum in 2002 has led to a high degree of polarization in Turkish politics with the Islamists and secularists located at the opposite ends. This paper analyzes the main cleavages in Turkish politics; the Islamists versus the secularists and nationalists versus the globalists with respect to the issues of gender equality, the Kurdish problem and the role of the military in politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European renewable energy policy has gone through a remarkable development over the last few years. It has moved from being a predominantly national-level concern with a focus on environmental issues to a top European policy agenda item where security of supply and competitiveness concerns figure with equal prominence. In 2007 and 2008 EU established a very forceful policy framework with ambitious targets and strategies binding to all its member states. This paper examines European renewable energy policy development with a specific focus on the choice of policy instruments to promote renewable sources of energy in power and heat production. The paper traces key policy developments over the last decade and analyzes the role and influence of different interest groups, member states and policy makers in the EU policy-making processes, and how different - and partly competing - policy agendas have played in over time. From these empirical observations we look ahead. Based on key factors and agendas behind current policy developments, what can be said about what directions European energy policy might take in the future? The outlook discusses four distinct policy dimensions that will shape the direction of European energy policy: the climate policy agenda overall; the relative influence of different interests in shaping policy, the balance between European-wide and member state governance, and the level at which further market orientation is pursued in the sector. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a questionnaire that was administered to 75 defence policy actors in France, Germany, the UK and in Brussels, this paper explores the beliefs system of European defence actors with a view to identifying the main points of convergence and the main fault lines that structure the European security and defence policy (ESDP). This paper's focus on social representations addresses two research questions. First, what do ESDP actors think about ESDP? Second, can we classify their preferences in terms of sociological factors that structure the ESDP domain? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advancement of the eastern enlargement of the EU in the early 2000s, some experts and advocates of the European social model began labeling enlargement as the “Trojan horse” against Europeanization, for the Americanization of Europe. According to them the idea of the European social model would be seriously challenged after enlargement because the candidate countries from the formerly communist region had developed more liberal regimes in the course of their post-communist transformation, and were practicing a rather different brand of social partnership. Based on such concerns, the EU decided to include special requirements and recommendations for the strengthening of the forms of negotiations among the social partners in candidate countries. This paper reveals four major venues for change of the existing tripartite institutions in accession countries: (1) emphasis on a new philosophy of social dialogue as social governance rather than a more narrow “social peace” and interest intermediation mechanism; (2) broadening the scope of participants in social dialogue, development of social dialogue beyond the existing tripartite structures, as a broader civic engagement; (3) development of autonomous and multi-level social dialogue among the organizations of employees and employers, without the participation of the state, and especially in regard to the lower sectoral and regional levels; and (4) development of the capacity of the social partners to participate in social dialogue at the European level. The concluding section of the paper critically evaluates the development of social dialogue in the new EU member states, and addresses the issue about the extent to which their “revised” structures of social dialogue are able to contribute towards the sustainability of the European social model in an era of increased neo-liberal pressures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper's aims are twofold: First, to chart - using current studies, ethnic minority surveys and scenario-based population projections (which are ongoing) - the ethno-religious makeup of western Europe in 2025 with particular attention to Muslim populations. Second, to sketch out the implications of these changes for international politics. Constructivist approaches in IR stress the importance of intra-state identity conflicts in determining foreign policy outcomes. The paper moves on to consider scenarios for European foreign policy based on survey-data derived assumptions about non-European immigration, immigrant integration patterns, ethnic minority residential segregation, immigrant voting and dominant party coalition behaviour within states. While the most likely outcome of demographic developments is a polarisation between 'native' ethnic groups, with their secular outlook, and 'immigrant' minorities (especially if Muslim) who are more religious, other outcomes are possible. For instance, one cannot rule out the emergence of a trans-ethnic cleavage uniting moral traditionalists of all faiths against the secular mainstream - a development which characterized American society in the post-1968 period. These domestic scenarios would in turn point toward divergent foreign policy identities - especially with respect to the Muslim world and the general 'war on terror'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on International Framework Agreements between global and national union organizations and global corporations. These agreements are a recent phenomenon but there are now over 55 of them and many have extensive records. They were originally conceived as an attempt by unions to steer corporate social responsibility towards global social dialogue and regulation. After an overview of the trajectory and the record of these agreements the paper will adress the following practical and theoretical questions: Are these agreements likely to expand beyond their European origins? What are the practical and theoretical implications of their European origins? Are they setting the foundations for global social regulation through private means or are they weak forms of social dialogue or even corporate social responsibility? What are the implications for global social regulation, in general, and the interplay between public and private regulation, in particular? The paper is part of a longer term project. The theoretical concerns emanate from the literature on global/transnational regulation and governance and the empirical evidence comes from interviews, observation, and primary documents. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes issue with the claim that European economic integration necessarily induces neoliberal outcomes. Using an approach that treats economic spaces as socio-discursive constructions, it shows that the character, meaning and personality of the ‘European economy’ continue to be contested within the EU institutions and amongst the component member state political economies. Although the analysis suggests that there is considerable space for the articulation of alternative ‘solidaristic’, ‘sustainable’ and ‘moral’ versions of the European economy within alternative conceptions of globalisation, the paper seeks to show how rationalities (technical and normative; internal and external) associated with neoliberal versions of Europe might become normalised and increasingly difficult to negotiate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand one of the processes of change taking place in the so-called ‘New Europe’ in its process of enlarging the circle of states whose shared identity and core values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, makes them a value-based community with some specific qualities. The specific focus of this paper is ideational change at the domestic level and its consequences at the international level and vice versa. Interest is focused on the adoption of liberal democracy. Therefore, the main question that is addressed in the proposed paper is how and why a democratic norm set seems to have been adopted relatively easily is some Central and East European states, but with considerable difficulty or not at all in other similar states, despite the appearance of similar structural and practical circumstances. In addressing this question, the paper focuses on the way in which the mechanisms of socialization are used by three European organizations, namely the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In other words, is effective democratization related to the type of socialization mechanism employed? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended to set the framework for the entire panel by tracing in broad strokes the place of Asian studies in the field of (post)communist studies and in comparative politics writ large. During the first two decades after World War II studies of China and Japan were commonly carried out within the unifying theoretical framework of modernization theory. The decline of modernization theory in the 1970s, however, led to a more attenuated relationship between specialists of Asian countries and the broader field of comparative politics. In the post-Cold War era, in spite of the common challenges faced by reformers in (post)communist Asia and Europe, there have been even fewer lines of intellectual communication and integration across Asian studies, the study of postcommunist Europe, and the field of comparative politics writ large. A handful of noteworthy exceptions notwithstanding, students analyzing transitions in postcommunist Europe have not taken advantage of the rich empirical analysis coming out of scholarship on Asian countries embarking on reform. Similarly, Asian studies remains comparatively insular, ignoring potentially insightful analyses coming out of transitional settings that emerged out of the former Soviet bloc. This paper argues that a broader, more refined field of comparative (post)communism needs to do a better job of comparing the experiences of Asian and East European reforms, and that this will also help reinvigorate the lines of communication between both fields and comparative politics writ large. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the on-going constitution and enactment of the ethos of the European Union as expressed in its foreign relations, through a reading of the collected speeches made by the High Representative of the EU's CFSP, Javier Solana. I argue that in the articulation and enactment of the subject of Europe, Solana is pushing at the limits of the traditional mode of differentiation of the nation-state, trying to balance a logic of identity necessary for the production of any sovereign subject with one of difference, desiring to imagine a more inclusive form of political community. In doing so, as I show in this paper, a set of contradictions emerge that can be seen as structural by-products of the ethos that is being enacted.The emerging ethos of the EU, as expressed by Solana, inevitably opens to a set of impossible relationships, which in turn make this ethos highly unstable and always at risk of violently folding back upon itself. As a community-building project, the logic of identity can never be completely renounced and a logic of difference can never be fully embraced. Solana's discourse of Europe could be seen as exemplary of a struggle that many Europeans face in the desire for building a new type of political community, one characterized by being more inclusive, that, I argue, nevertheless ends up having to affirm an exclusionary logic of identity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops three main points. (1) Most of the variegated literature on "Islam in Europe" has focused on the transformation of "Islam" within European settings, leaving the variable "Europe" relatively underproblematised. This perspective, it is argued, neglects how much the "problem of understanding Islam in Europe" is also a matter of exploring how "European notions of "culture" and "civilization" and "the secular state"" mobilise patterns of inclusion and exclusion vis-à-vis Muslims (Asad 2003: 159). (2) To illustrate this argument this paper focuses on secularism as a crucial dimension of European self-understanding. Taking Habermas's approach to secularism as representative of a widespread European perspective and confronting it with the more radical critiques of William Connolly and Talal Asad, doubts are raised on the pluralist credentials of Habermas's approach, and thus on its capacity to devise patterns of inclusion for Muslims. The main limit of this account, it will be argued, is that is rests on an understanding of European secularity as an unsurpassed model of pluralism and neutrality. (3) This perspective, it is suggested, can easily overflow into a discourse of "redemption" which vindicates the possibility, if not the necessity, of spreading the pluralist and liberating properties of European secularism to Islam. This case is explored with reference to some academic-intellectual discourses on two important controversies: the "Rushdie Affair" and the "Danish Cartoons". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically assesses the concept “‘civilian’/’normative’ power” and intends to clarify what it entails from the perspective of the South Caucasus. This research aims to fill in the gap in the existing literature on the EU as a “‘civilian’/’normative’ power”, which a) provides a self-centered narrative and/or b) justifies that the EU is a normative power by referring to its functions. The paper argues that the narrative and the functions of the EU hardly help to evaluate the EU’s ‘civilianness’/‘normativity’. In the meantime, only by doing this can the difference between the EU and the US supposedly as a “‘non-civilian’ and ‘non-normative’ power” â€" as suggested by the academic literature - be sustained. Moreover, since the concept ‘power’ presupposes an agent-object relationship it cannot be understood if only conveyed through the EU’s internally-driven discourse and automatic mirroring of the latter in the academic literature. A policy-recipient perspective is needed to test whether, to what extent and in what way the EU is a “’civilian’/’normative’ power” as compared to the US. The South Caucasus serves as a case-study for this purpose. The paper suggests that the US can justly be called a “‘civilian’/’normative’ power” if looked at from the South Caucasus, even if its way of conducting policy is different from that of the EU. Nonetheless, provided the EU’s (potential) proximity to the South Caucasus and in case of unequivocal good-disposition of all the actors in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia towards the EU, the leverage of the Union will grow. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contrasts the view of normative power Europe as put forward by Ian Manners with the view of the US as a provider of global public goods, which has been put forward in recent US literature especially by Michael Mandelbaum in his book 'The Case for Goliath'. Conceptually, it will argue that 'normative power' and 'the case for Goliath' stand at opposite ends of a spectrum in terms of their positions on tangible and intangible components of world order. The paper will then ask whether the notion of normative power is a device to avoid hard questions about the provision of public goods in the world arena, and will explore the extent to which the EU has collectively moved towards an acceptance or resolution of this tension. It will then ask whether the notion of the US as a provider of global public goods is similarly a device to avoid thinking about normative issues and the extent to which the US might be or become a normative power. The final section of the paper will ask whether there is a convergence between EU and US visions of the 'good world' based on the 'hardening' of EU positions and a 'softening' of US positions, or whether there is a fundamental divergence between European and US positions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the concept ‘interiorization’ (Poulantzas, 1974)provides us with a subtler understanding of the interrelated spatial fixesof the contemporary IPE that overcomes the more or less Kautskian/Leninistand Supranational/Intergovernmental dualisms that continue to characterisethe field. With regards to the economic structure, the concept allows usto grasp how it is possible for European capitalism to be subsumeddirectly within the social relations of US capitalism whilst stillmaintaining independent bases of competition. With regards topolitico-ideological structures, the concept allows us to understand why atransnational neo-liberal hegemony at the same time is a distinctly UShegemony, whereby the US state increasingly displaces externalities on therest of the world, including Europe, without this undermining theconsensual aspects of transnational relations. In a concluding section,the paper also demonstrates that the concept of interiorization is centralto the (terminal?) crisis of European social democracy: A Europeanbourgeoisie ‘interiorized’ with American capital is increasingly alienatedfrom European social formations and as a result is not amenable to theclass compromises which social democracy presupposes. This in turnundermines the capacity of social democracy to perform a ‘politics ofmediation’ over a wide range of cleavage structures. This undermining isdangerous as it has been essential to the very essence of European (socialand Christian) democracy in the post World War II period (cf. vanKersbergen, 1995). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution aims to analyse the interaction between supranational courts in order to see whether inter-institutional dialogue and jurisprudential cross-fertilisation “increases” or “decreases” the legitimacy of judicial actors. Analysing the case of the interaction between judicial actors of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the European Court of Human Rights (ECourtHR), the paper will focus on socio-historic variables, as well as statistical data to explain how and why fundamental norms jurisprudence brings together Europe’s lawyers and, especially, its judges. It then explores how supranational judges strategically endeavour to establish transnational epistemic communities that serve as a vehicle for political jurisprudence. As supranational courts try to bring up common “jurisprudential screens” as they relate to each other in order to prevail over national and private actors, they might be able to increase the legitimacy of their courts, i.e. by relying on external norms that are often more compulsory for member states, they tend to increase both their autonomy and their legitimacy. Yet, we argue that while supranational actors might increase the legitimacy of their institutions by importing norms, they also put at risk the legitimacy of their function, i.e. it appears that sometimes cases are decided with regard to institutional interests and precisely aim to “charm” other courts, whereas other legal issues fall into the background. In this vein, the paper will analyse the specificity of the issues at stake when it comes to the legitimacy of international judges. While developing recent empirical examples on how this relationship between institutional and functional legitimacy operates, the paper then dwells on the link between the autonomisation of IOs and their strategies of legitimisation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with judges and other judicial actors, as well as on a contextual analysis of case law, the overall objective of this research is to provide insights into the inner circles of emerging transnational judiciary networks and to assess the impact of inter-judicial dialogues the legitimacy of IOs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point for this paper is twofold. On the one hand, the authors have recently been involved in a study on European integration and border conflict transformation, which established conditions under which integration and association can have a desecuritising effect on border conflicts. One core condition was an image of the EU as a positive force in world politics. On the other hand, both authors have been involved in the debate on normative power Europe and have argued that this concept is better seen as a discursive self-construction imbuing the integration project with new force and establishing an EU identity against Others, rather than an objective analytical concept. In this paper, we explore the degree to which this self-construction of the EU is shared by others in international society, and in particular in conflict areas. Our basic hypothesis is that the EU's chances to act as a mediator, or to transform conflicts through association agreements and other forms of partnerships, largely depends on this acceptance of the notion of normative power Europe. The paper uses the cases of Cyprus and Israel/Palestine as examples, but also draws from a wider set of cases. Its aim is to develop a theoretical framework with which the basic hypothesis can be studied, to discuss initial examples, and to draw out the political and normative consequences from the relationship between normative power Europe and conflict transformation, especially in light of our earlier criticism of the EU's self-construction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between individuals and States is usually described in univocal terms when it comes to the protection of human rights. The picture that is usually painted in this respect depicts rights as a means to protect the individual from the intrusion of the State. This paper tries to show that the supranationalisation and transnationalisation of human rights in Europe have transformed both the nature of human rights and the use that is made of them. It mainly aims to put judicial discourses and lawmaking in their political context and it explores how supranational and national actors (governments and their agents, judges, advocate generals, referendaires, law professors, NGO’s, etc.) strategically endeavour to defend their interests by invoking rights. Traditional figurations in which governments resist to the empire of highly institutionalised national and overlapping European regimes, which have allowed individuals and private groups to rise above the State are of course still commonplace. Yet, this contribution focuses on “another side” of human rights where supranational public and private actors have developed a dense web of fundamental norms with the, often explicit, aim to build a state at the EU level, whereas national governments have come to defend their interests by invoking human rights instruments in supranational courts.Drawing on in-depth interviews with European judges and other supranational judicial actors, as well as on a contextual qualitative analysis of the case law of European courts, the paper aims to provide insights into how “national sovereignties” are being “threatened” by supranational institutions and private actors that have specialised in the defence of human rights and how these actors aim to constitute a supranational polity through the instrumentalisation of human rights. In this vein, it will focus on the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice, on the role of this case law as a political agent for other European institutions and transnational networks of judicial epistemic communities. Whereas the European courts’ increasingly nested linkage has given rise to new forms of supranational judicial diplomacy between judicial actors of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the European Court of Human Rights (ECourtHR) and national courts that goes beyond traditional understandings of adjudication - since it allows the courts to dominate national actors more efficiently - the paper then dwells on specific cases in which governments invoke human rights instruments like the European Convention of Human Rights in order to protect “their sovereignty”, i.e. to defend the State against the intrusion of European politics and to defend national citizenship by trying to limit, for example, the freedom of movement by invoking human rights. More generally, the paper will draw on socio-historic empirical data to explain how and why fundamental norms are being instrumentalised by all kinds of public and private actors and how rights are being transformed as they are shaped by them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to open the 'black box' of the national preference formation process on European constitutionalreforms and asks the question: Where do bargaining positions on EC-reforms come from? The paper applies amodel based on the insights of the Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) and its NBS inspired negotiation model todeduce directly testable expectations and hypotheses to answer the question. The focus in the analysis is ongovernmental and opposition relations during the negotiations of the SEA treaty in 1985-1986. The research designused to answer the question is a single case study of the preference formation in Denmark during one round ofconstitutional reforms. The analysis points to, that preference based correlation analyses have difficulties inexplaining the position making since factors incentive in the domestic institutional settings influence the relativeinfluence on bargaining position. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is a twofold contribution to the debate on ‘new modes of governance in European security’: firstly, we will â€" at a conceptual level â€" critically question one of the most widespread ‘wisdoms’ of contemporary scholarship, that is the alleged fusion of formerly distinct domains into one new ‘security sphere’; secondly, we will thus demonstrate â€" at an empirical level â€" that the governance processes of rule-setting and implementation in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) do still function according to distinct logics from Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). In other words, we will argue that the distinction of internal and external security is still a helpful heuristic for the explanation of these processes at the European level. Most contemporary debates of both academics and practitioners on European security policy build on the premise that we have witnessed significant changes in this domain during the two previous decades. The Cold War threats are gone and have been replaced by less visible, more complex and increasingly fragmented security problems â€" reaching from terrorism to failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In some way or the other, everything is related to everything. These real-world trends are reflected in the literature’s debates on ‘security governance’ with an emphasis on new actors, new issues and, consequently, changed policy-making processes. However, this new trend to incorporate essentially everything into the study of security policy comes at the expense of conceptual clarity and eventually explanatory leverage. In contrast, the paper will argue that â€" despite countervailing forces â€" it is still highly appropriate to distinguish between internal and external security affairs. In other words, neither the pure broadening of the ‘security’ notion nor the conceptual overstretching of ‘governance’ contributes to a better understanding of contemporary security practices. Despite some intuitive plausibility, the heuristic value-added is fairly limited. This will be empirically demonstrated by a comparative analysis of two prototypical governance processes, where allegedly distinct domains merge. Firstly, rule-setting is characterised by one distinguishing feature: while decisions are taken among equals in JHA, ESDP is still subordinated to the UN-Security Council, and partly NATO. Secondly, the implementation of rules is similarly organised into distinct logics: JHA clearly functions according to a (binding) legal logic, whereas every government remains its own judge in ESDP. Adopting the terminology of the governance literature, we may speak of hierarchical modes vs. soft modes of governance. Although all of these distinct forms of governance deal with the problem of security, they do function according to distinct logics. This, in turn, implies not to give up prematurely conceptual tools â€" even though they might be under continuous stress. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high number of undocumented migrants in almost all immigration countries adumbrates the limited success of states to channel migration in primarily legal tracks. Only recently political scientists acknowledged this reality and dealt with undocumented migration, both on national level as well as an issue of intergovernmental and multinational governance. Wayne Cornelius and colleagues were engaged in pathbreaking reseach on the question of migration control. They diagnosed policy gaps, i.e. the failure of migration control policies due to a variety of factors, in almost all immigration countries (Cornelius et al. 2004). The gap hypothesis can be considered as the status quo in scholarship on migration control and the state. A point where authors differ, is more of a moral question: Some advocate for human rights of all migrants, including those without legal status, others prioritize state souvereignity and surveillance of migratory movements, which may end up in combatting undocumented migration.In the paper, I am going to contrast this mainstream political science perspective with another strand of discussion, currently developed in some European countries, i.e. Italy, France, or Germany. There, anti-racist theorists and political scientists also question the nation state’s capability of controling its borders, but they stress the productive power of the migrants themselves. It is assumed that undocumented migrants are counteractors to the state, their unauthorized movements take an existence â€" and legitimacy â€" beyond the state (“autonomy of migration”). The contribution to the panel on “Gender, migration, and the state”, however, argues against simplifications on various levels: While the first strand of scholarship focuses on state policies only, the second one tends to praise a (masculinized?) autonomous subject and opposes ‘migrants’ and ‘the state’. By relating to feminist IR scholarship on global restructuring (e.g. Chang/Ling, Marchand/Sisson Runyan), I am going to argue for a more differentiated concept of ‘migration as wilful practice’ (Eigensinn). This concept takes into account the social embeddednes and the agency of migrating subjects. The limits, both of a state centred perspective as well as of a migration centered perspective, lie in the missing link of a gendered subject. These gendered subjects are neither autonomous nor bound to state regulations or patriarchal family ties. Hence, the paper aims at contributing to an engendered and critically reformulated political science and IR scholarship on migration control. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The earliest scholarly debates on the prospects of successful post-socialist transitions to capitalism occurring in Central East Europe have overwhelmingly emphasized the importance of free markets and clear and robust property rights. More recently, David Stark and László Bruszt have argued that while such factors are important, networks of “deliberative association” are even more crucial because they fulfill crucial coordination and accountability functions without which capitalism cannot thrive. This paper explores how the different processes of extrication from socialism in post-1989 Central East Europe and post-1978 China have impacted the dynamics and structure of these networks. In contrast to Stark and Bruszt’s study, this paper will use China’s rural enterprises to not only examine how the blurred boundaries between the public and private spheres have transformed inter-organizational relationships, but intra-organizational structures and processes as well. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agent-structure debate was a debate entered into in the 80s and 90s, but has now silenced. This is largely the case also within constructivism, despite it being the approach that introduced the concept of the mutual constitution of agents and structures. This paper claims that the lack of attention to this fundamental theoretical aspect is diminishing the potential contributions the so-called "bridge building project" between rationalism and constructivism can make to contemporary IR. Today, the project has no metatheoretical fundaments common to both approaches, and is based largely on methodological inventions and theoretical pragmatism. Thus, there exist no theoretical bridge building, and the pragmatic-methodological approach leads to theoretical inconsistencies. Taking as the substantial point of departure the recent International Organization special issue "International Institutions and Socialization in Europe", this paper identifies four concrete problems arising form the lack of theoretical clarity. These are the problem of combining an exclusive use of positivism with constructivism, the conceptualization of mechanisms, the exclusion of interpretative approaches and the rationalist dominance. These problems contribute to the notion of the project as a bridge over troubled theoretical waters. The paper shows how one could approach these problems through revisiting the insights from the agent-structure debate. Values and facts could be reconceptualized as mutually sustaining, mechanisms could be seen as processes and not one-time influences and structures consist of both material and ideational aspects. This new approach might open the ground for a more theoretical coherent and resilient bridge building project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union’s effort to stabilize its near abroad cannot meaningfully be detached from the United States’ policy of maintaining a strong presence in post-Cold War Europe. The United States has bolstered EU efforts: with the intervention in Bosnia beginning in 1995; likewise with the intervention in Kosovo in 1999; and the decision to enlarge NATO â€" made by and large by the United States in the face of widespread European scepticism â€" created the security framework for the subsequent enlargements of the EU. Conversely, the United States has frustrated the EU policy process: notably so by insisting on the compatibility of the CFSP and ESDP with NATO and US designs. This paper will assess the ENP in light of American designs for European security. Did the ENP evolve in transatlantic harmony or was it a source of transatlantic tension? What is the current status of the ENP in relation to predominant issues such as energy security and missile defence? And, finally, looking ahead, is the ENP compatible with US long-term planning for Eurasia?The first part of the paper will trace the development of the ENP and investigate the points at which Atlantic policy-makers were in dialogue. How did the ENP anticipate American reactions, and how did American policy-makers receive the policy initiative? To what extent was the ENP perceived as something new (distinct from past neighbourhood policies) and also compatible with NATO partnership programs?The second part of the paper provides a snapshot of current affairs and notably two security issues that are at the forefront of transatlantic relations. One is the question of securing reliable supplies of energy for Europe. This was on the NATO Riga summit agenda and is built into the ENP by virtue of its relationship to transit countries such as the Ukraine and to alternative suppliers in the Caucasus. The second is the question of missile defence where the United States outside of multilateral forums seek to develop an American capability in Central Europe. Amidst Russian protests and European concerns, is the ENP a bridge between Russia and the EU?The third and final part of the paper looks to the future and notably the way in which American security planners foresee the United States’ engagement in Eurasia. The Pentagon recently created a new African Command, complementing the Central Command and the European Command (under which NATO falls). What is the logic of this new arrangement? Can the ENP serve as a kind of mechanism facilitating a transatlantic division of labour along geographical lines? If so, are the European states willing to do so? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific realism has a hard time finding a home. As well as the current gaps meaningfully connecting it to IR, there are looming lacunae in the interface between scientific realism and mainstream perspectives on European integration. This paper focuses upon the key understandings which emerge once the theoretical assumptions of European integration are subjected to the principles of scientific realism. One possible consequence is an ability to probe far more deeply into both the generative mechanisms of European integration and the unobservable structures of the EU itself than various atomistic or idealist views. The paper then suggests that scientific realism has the capacity to launch a robust critique of the underlying assumptions of European integration theory. Indeed, it may be uniquely capable of shedding light on the one issue that continues to bedevil European theorists of all stripes: the reality of the unobservable, which in this case includes the underlying political structures, social processes and economic relations instantiated for half a century. Europe’s success has also been its undoing: integration is still regarded as too ‘virtual’ to be of much ontological interest or epistemological value. Scientific realism however can help move integration debates away from current epistemological quagmires and toward a clearer idea of the independent dynamics of European integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues about minority-majority relations and about the co-existence of different identity groups have been a permanent feature in the political discourse of individual states and regions (particularly in Europe). Questions regarding ethnic heterogeneity continue to be at the centre of contemporary governance at different levels. Wars continue to be fought over issues that appertain to ethnic minorities, and individuals are still discriminated against on the basis of their distinct identity, membership in an ethnic group, or simply because they are different â€" racially, linguistically, religiously, or culturally. Questions about inclusion and exclusion, prospects for fostering one identity over the other, the apparent inability to think about multiple identities, and competition in the political, economic, or social sphere, continue to touch upon, if not centre on, the existence of ethnic minorities. This is despite the fact that so much scholarly effort has been invested in studying and comprehending minority issues, and despite the fact that mechanisms have been brought about in the contemporary international community â€" at different levels of governance â€" to provide for a peaceful co-existence of different identity groups and their members. The paper will attempt to analyse the discrepancy between various institutionalised attempts to manage peacefully ethnic heterogeneity and minority issues, and the continuing tensions and conflicts between different identity groups and their (political) leaders/representatives. Using the theoretical concept of international regimes and knowledge of negotiations, particularly about the role of (structural) fairness in negotiations, the paper will address the issue of conflict management in cases of complex social conflicts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we integrate the literature that is concerned with how to conceptualize and explain the effect of member states on processes and outcomes of regional integration with the literature on the responses of member states to the impact of supranational processes and institutions. This is done by analyzing the role of the EU members as shapers and takers of European environmental policies. Thereby, we try to simultaneously answer the two following questions: (i) Why do some member states achieve a better European policy fit than others? (ii) Why do some members infringe (even) on (fitting) environmental policies more frequently than others? We argue that member states that are good shapers are also effective takers of supranational policies â€" not only due to the better fit between obligations and domestic settings, but also because the factors that enable member states to shape environmental policies help them to ensure their effective implementation. In order to develop and test this argument, our paper proceeds in three steps. Drawing on the two-level games literature, the first part presents a theoretical framework that systematically links the making and taking stages of supranational policies. In the second part we employ econometric methods to assess the impact of several factors identified in the relevant literature against empirical evidence from the field of European environmental policy. The paper concludes with a discussion on the generalizability of our findings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Yugoslav conflicts of the 1990s, the region was flooded with international NGOs, including many based in the United States. While some had as their goal strictly humanitarian aid, many sought to remake Bosnian society, via promoting democracy, teaching tolerance and coexistence, or creating civil society. Yet these NGOs operated in quite varied ways. Some were rooted in local experiences and drew on local knowledge, while others saw such experiences as irrelevant or actually obstacles to creating a new Bosnia.This paper explores the differences in NGO approaches. Using the example of Christian missionary work, the paper seeks to understand the behavior of these NGOs with reference to the identities of the organizations and of the individual practitioners. While also considering the role of the interests of institutions, donors, and other organizations, a focus on identity and a comparison to various types of missionary interactions with target societies helps understand the behavior of outsiders in post-conflict societies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 2005, NATO assumed the command of all PRTs deployed throughout Afghanistan. Thirteen nationsâ€"US, UK, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, Sweden, Turkey, Lithuania, Hungary, Italy, Spain and New Zealand-- are leading these PRTs, and each lead-nation adopts its own way of doing business in a PRT, depending on the situation on the ground as well as on the domestic circumstances back home. This paper is an attempt to review the characteristics of the thirteen lead-nations’ approaches to their PRT and to categorize such divergent ways to conducting a PRT by focusing on their differences in the leadership structure, military roles, and civil-military relations within a PRT. By so doing, this paper seeks to develop a typology of PRTs, which will enhance our understanding of actual conduct of PRTs and will help us to produce a coherent doctrine for the PRT initiative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hospitality is rarely discussed as a concept in international politics though it can be seen as an obvious practice of ethics in this context. Yet hospitality is full of contradictions and aporias. This paper argues that such aproias require what Derrida calls 'negotiation', the non-rule governed, context-specific practice of oscillating between equally imperative injunctions before deciding in a way that tries to close least toward difference. The paper examines the EU's discourse of an ethical foreign policy of hospitality through enlargement between 1999-2004. It suggests that an illustration of what might have been possible through negotiation, perhaps, is a reconceptualisation of Turkish accession to the EU. While the current debate on Turkish accession differs over whether Turkey is European enough for entry, this paper argues that a negotiation of hospitality could mean Turkey is allowed entry precisely as different, as other, as not European.While the debate on Turkish accession is rarely made in ethical terms, reconceiving it as a matter of ethics, hospitality and negotiation could lead to an accelerated accession for the EU's Turkish other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European debates about regional power often are trapped in Weberian paradigms; questions revolve around which levels of hierarchical, territorially-based institutions have what powers. The rise of supranational European institutions has coincided with recognition that empowering regional institutions is inadequate for addressing certain kinds of problems. Long acknowledged regarding environmental issues, it is increasing accepted regarding national and ethnic minorities in heterogeneous areas; for example, Hungary, Norway, and Belgium recently have created forms of non-territorial minority governance. That ethnic and national groups cross state as well as regional borders at a time when the meaning of political boundaries is changing raises even more complexity. This paper will examine three sets of issues facing non-territorial governance for ethnic and national groups. First is function as some interests and demands require territorial forms and some do not. Second is governance as non-territorial forms problematize hierarchy and encourage informal governance. There will be particular focus on how these bodies operate at the local level, including their relationships with individuals and local territorial bodies and their interactions with state and supranational institutions. The final issue is representation, considering how leaders of these bodies would be selected and how non-territorial forms may require alternate ways of conceptualizing group membership and meanings of representativeness. This paper will draw on a wide variety of European cases of non-territorial governance, both those dealing with ethnic and national groups and those dealing with other issues, in order to sketch out the practical and philosophical problems and prospects for these forms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]