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In this paper we take as a case study a developed country that both experienced one of the highest sustained growth periods in recent decades, but also had one of the largest economic declines during the recent crisis period; Ireland. In particular, given the availability of data and the period from the peak before the economic crisis and the lowest point in the crisis, we focus on the period around the boom 2007-2012. We find that inequality in terms of disposable income decreased over the period, with an increase in the redistributive effect of the tax-benefit system offsetting a rise in market income inequality. We utilise the Fields regression decomposition to understand the impact of demographic, labour market and other drivers. We find that the explanatory power of the Fields regressions fell over time, reflecting the asymmetric shock induced by the economic crisis. Labour market drivers had the largest impact on the level of income inequality over the period, accounting for 64 per cent of variability in 2007, but rising to 75 per cent in 2012. Educational attainment is positively associated with inequality. However, the effect greatly diminished between 2007 and 2012. Changes in the demographic structure and changes in the level and distribution of market incomes increased inequality. We also decomposed the change in inequality into price and quantity effects that result from a change in the return and composition respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews Ireland's official development assistance (ODA) programme in 2016. It begins with an overview of the global context for development and aid last year, which was a turbulent one in terms of political and economic events. Forecasts of global growth and trade in 2017 and 2018 are insipid. The results of the Brexit referendum in the UK and the election of Donald Trump in the US pose challenges for global political and economic policies and in the case of the former, particular challenges for Ireland. A number of important conferences took place in 2016, the most important of which was the World Humanitarian Summit held in Istanbul in May, preparations for which had been preceded by an Irish Humanitarian Summit held in Dublin in July 2015. In 2016, total ODA flows from DAC donors reached a peak of US$142.6 billion or 0.32% of their combined gross national income (GNI). This represented a rise of 8.9% compared with 2015 after adjusting for exchange rates and inflation. In euro terms, Irish ODA amounted to €723.7 million in 2016, a rise of over €76 million compared with 2015 and representing 0.33 % of GNI. The paper provides data on total Irish ODA for selected years since 1996 and a breakdown and analysis of bilateral aid expenditures for 2014, 2015 and 2016 by sector, channel of delivery and aid modality. The analysis of the multilateral programme includes data and comments on Ireland's work through the United Nations, the IFIs and the EU. Two notable features about the Irish official aid programme that are becoming increasingly evident from analysis of the data are the apparently inexorable shift from the bilateral side to the multilateral side of the programme and the concomitant shift toward humanitarian aid at the expense of long-term development assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The case of Ireland provides an example of a long-term critical reflection on the nature of democracy that is not linked to social movements. Instead it is the result of an interplay between social science research, mass media, and parliamentary debate, all of which employ the notion of clientelism. The structural feature on which the respective critique focuses is the peculiar relationship between public representatives and voters in Ireland. It is strongly based in constituency service and individual brokerage and thus contradicts universalistic expectations towards modern politics. The article starts with a justification of the choice of the case and the theoretical framework, i.e. the sociology of critical capacity proposed by Boltanski and Thévenot. It then introduces records of parliamentary debates and newspaper articles as the empirical material and qualitative content analysis as the main method of analysis. Subsequent sections reconstruct the dynamics of the critical reflection over a thirty-year period and highlight significant patterns of critique and justification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores developments in the labour force participation rate in Ireland. Given the important role of labour supply in explaining Irish economic growth, we aim to identify the relative influence of structural and cyclical factors in the recent dynamics of Irish labour force participation. Using a number of empirical approaches our results highlight the role of age, nationality and gender on the participation rate. We also find that the recent decline in female participation is entirely a response to the stage in the economic cycle given the weaker labour market, whereas the fall in male and overall participation also reflects the influence of some structural factors. Accordingly a rise in the participation rate is to be expected in the near term as the economic recovery continues, and current measures of slack in the economy should account for this. Combining our results and various population projection scenarios, we show that policy actions to increase female participation may not in and of themselves yield significant changes in the aggregate trend participation rate over the medium term owing to the stronger influence of the falling male trend. Higher immigration is the most effective way of offsetting the expected decline in trend participation out to 2025. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dramatic change in economic conditions in Ireland over the last ten years provides an opportunity to examine the impact of large macroeconomic shocks on inequality. We analyse wage inequality in Ireland, from the height of an economic boom, through a very deep recession, to the start of a recovery. In keeping with previous work we find that the dispersion in wages increased towards the height of the boom, driven largely by rising returns to skill. However the economic crisis of 2008-2013 was accompanied by a significant reduction in wage dispersion. Although the improving characteristics of the workforce increased wages for all workers over this period, this was offset by falling returns to these skills. Only workers in the lowest decile were unaffected by declining returns, resulting in a reduction in wage inequality during the recession. Our analysis highlights the important role played by the National Minimum Wage in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses responses to supply and demand shocks in PIIGS countries. We compare the results obtained for PIIGS with those of Germany and the USA, and also with those of France, which despite its government's efforts demonstrate relatively poor recent economic performance. The main objective of this paper is to establish whether it is still reasonable to consider PIIGS as a group apart. Our methodological strategy is based on the Okun Law (OL) which is incorporated in a Structural Vector Autoregression (SVAR) model with Blanchard-Quah (BQ) restrictions. We address two drawbacks that usually present in the OL: the interdependency problem and the non-stationarity problem. By using a non-parametric representation of OL, we identify the heterogeneity between countries. We build stable VAR models for each of the economies and use the BQ SVAR impulses to analyse the importance of contemporary and long-run effects of supply and demand shocks. The main conclusion of this paper is that it does not make any sense today to identify PIIGS as a separate group. Additionally, a country that stands out from our analysis is France. The question can thus be posed that if "PIIGS" signifies "countries with poor economic performances" then should not France also belong to this group? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2008 this paper tests empirically the effects of network social capital on Irish employment outcomes, while attempting to account for possible endogeneity. We allow the effects of social networks to vary for different groups and across different localities. We find that an individual's "weak ties" or acquaintances matter for employment outcomes, whereas their "strong ties", for example, their friends and family, are less important. The effects, however, vary across age and location. We also find no evidence that the relationship between social participation and employment is endogenous. These findings are discussed with relevance for future research and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the statistical treatment of financial interventions made by the Irish government in the banking sector during the financial crisis from 2008-2014. Topics discussed include the government's main banking interventions and their impact on the public finances, the cost to the state of financing the banking sector, and the impacts on the debt of direct interventions with the banking sector.

The article discusses Ireland's Credit Institutions (Stabilisation) Act 2010 in relation to subordinated creditors and the efforts to recapitalize Ireland's banks in the wake of an Irish banking crisis. The reduction of Irish banks' indebtedness is mentioned, along with the European Union's Credit Institutions Reorganisation and Winding Up Directive. Other topics include business restructuring, financial crises, and he Allied Irish Banks PLC firm. Ireland's economic conditions are examined.

This paper studies international risk sharing in Ireland during the 1970-2007 period. Following the correlation- and regression-based approaches, we confirm that Ireland belongs to the rare set of countries where risk sharing took place. We also study whether changes in consumption and income risk sharing were associated with the European integration process by looking at specific sub-periods. We find no evidence of consumption risk sharing being associated with this. However, our empirical results suggest that income risk sharing improved as Europe became more integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland has been particularly badly impacted by the current international crisis, with an unprecedented deterioration in government finances and unemployment reaching 14.9 per cent. In many ways, the economic roots of the Irish crisis are quite mundane; the country experienced a classic asset bubble. As early as the year 2000, commentators were pointing Irish policymakers to examples of dozens of property boom/bust cycles in the recent histories of developed economies. What is certainly more controversial is how an advanced social democracy sleepwalked into a crisis that in retrospect seems to have been so apparent. In many ways, the Irish crisis can be considered as having stemmed from a failure of the variety of institutions that helped influence economic policy. This paper will examine what the large international institutions published about the Irish property and construction sectors from 2000 to 2006. It will show that the European Commission published comparatively little of relevance, while the International Monetary Fund in particular produced regular in-depth analysis that challenged prevailing policy. None of the institutions, however, came remotely close to anticipating a near-total collapse of construction activity, rendering inadequate many of their policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland has been particularly hit by the economic downturn of 2008. For many families in Ireland the economic downturn put strong pressures on their household budgets. This study examines how the recession has changed class differences with regard to experiences of economic strain. It contrasts the "middle class squeeze" view that sees the "middle" or the "middling classes" as particularly hard hit by the economic downturn with the class theoretical point of view that the recession is expected to widen the gaps between classes with regard to their ability to maintain living standards and that working, not middle classes bear the largest strain on economic well-being. The study derives competing hypotheses from these views and tests them using data from the Irish leg of the European Social Survey. Key findings are that financial hardship increased most for the working classes and the class of own account workers and self-employed employees and that class differences with regard to unemployment and benefit dependency risks are the main explanatory mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the social context and policy influences that drove changes in a key family support measure, Child Benefit, at two recent critical junctures in Ireland. The first was during a period of economic growth in the early 2000s and the second juncture refers to post 2009, marked by the onset of a recession. The paper shows that substantial increases in Child Benefit were a policy choice made by the government to subsidise the cost of childcare as a result of mothers' increased labour force participation during the boom. The initial decision in the early 2000s to use an existing benefit rather than introduce a service to support families with childcare is proving to have a decisive effect at a time of austerity. Child Benefit has been reduced substantially while at the same time working families are becoming more vulnerable as cutbacks and new social charges make inroads into their wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a proposed contractual solution to several sovereign debt restructuring (SDR)-related problems, focusing on an economic slowdown in Ireland, the nation's austerity program, and the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) role in SDRs. Various statutory and contractual reform measures are mentioned, along with an international bankruptcy regime and procedural solutions to improve the negotiation process. Trigger terms and sovereign debt contracts are also examined.

This paper applies the methodology of Ravallion and Chen in calculating growth incidence curves for Ireland over the 2003-2011 period, using measures of equivalised disposable income from the Survey of Income and Living Conditions (SILC). These curves provide an indication of growth at different percentiles of the distribution and may be used to address the issue of whether growth was pro-poor or not. The analysis suggests that growth was broadly pro-poor over the period as a whole and also over two sub-periods of 2003-2007 and 2008-2011, reflecting periods of boom and recession respectively. However, the results must be qualified by the fact that the income measure may not completely capture living standards as it deals incompletely with housing costs and state provided services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over almost forty years, the objectives, content, operation and outcomes of the EU's regional policy have constantly evolved. The policy has served as an inspiration for new ideas in Irish policymaking and implementation but it has also circumscribed domestic policies and practices. This article presents a study of the way in which Ireland has responded to the obligations and opportunities created by EU regional policy. It highlights the manner in which national and European adaptation reflected the changing rationale and priorities of this influential policy. It demonstrates that a creative pragmatism enabled Ireland to use the available resources to good effect but that the country's regional disparities have not been overcome. Both top-down and bottom-up variants of Europeanisation have emerged, with the EU's resources shaping Ireland's development and Ireland's resourcefulness contributing to the ongoing development of EU regional policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland joined the EU as a poor, peripheral and underdeveloped state in 1973. After decades of attachment to a developmental model which was both protectionist and parochial, Ireland embraced the new world of European integration with both expectation and fear. Expectations mainly revolved around the assumed economic benefits to be reaped from developing trade and commerce and utilising different forms of European subvention. The fear emanated from a suspicion of competition and cosmopolitanism. The Irish experience of European integration has been variegated, with both positive and negative features, and policy outcomes which might not have been expected in the early 1970s. Ireland's economy has experienced extreme volatility at different junctures of its EU membership, especially so in the context of the 'Great Recession' after 2008. This article argues that pragmatism has been the great hallmark of Irish engagement with the EU and that this approach has produced different degrees of policy convergence with EU regimes. 'Differential Europeanisation' has come to characterise the Irish policy landscape within an overall context of governance which has been transformative of traditional modes of politics and policymaking across the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A framework to assess the financial performance of city and county councils in Ireland is applied to the recent boom and bust period. Based on previous work, our financial performance measurement framework assesses performance in the areas of liquidity, autonomy, operating performance, collection efficiency and solvency using the audited, published financial statements of Irish local authorities. Financial indicators for the years 2007 and 2011 are developed and reported to capture the boom and bust years, respectively. Overall, the results indicate that the majority of Irish city and county councils performed satisfactorily in a financial sense relative to central government performance despite the downturn in economic activity and the resulting fall in council income. The paper suggests a small but increasing number of county councils are exhibiting signs of financial difficulty, with poor levels of revenue collection, increasing provisions for bad debts and rising debt levels. In light of the recent boom and bust in the Irish economy and the growing importance of performance measurement in a reforming public sector, we recommend adoption of the financial performance measurement framework as part of the annual financial statements of Irish local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the medium- to long-term perspectives for the Irish banking system. Consistent with the finance-growth literature, financial deepening had a limited impact on growth in Ireland before the crisis and cannot be expected to contribute significantly over the short to medium term. The paper documents that, compared to its benchmark, the Irish banking system is still very unbalanced, with a heavy reliance on international funding, and limited competition. Given its membership in the Eurozone and the EU, Ireland depends very much on global and European regulatory reform trends, some of which are more important for Ireland than other European economies. Critically, the shape and resilience of Irish banking will depend on the shape the Eurozone banking union will take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On January 1st 2013, Ireland assumed the Presidency of the Council for the 7th time. Taking over the responsibilities of the Presidency coincided with the 40th anniversary of Ireland's accession to the European Union in 1973. Ireland's 7th Presidency was challenging. First, Ireland found itself in the unenviable position of being a 'programme country' having had to request a bail-out from the other euro states and IMF in November 2010. Second, this presidency was conducted under the rules of the Lisbon Treaty which made substantial changes in the role and prerogatives of the rotating presidency. Ireland has always prided itself on running efficient and effective presidencies and achieving tangible negotiating outcomes. This presidency had the added priority of completing the repairs to Ireland's battered reputation following the crisis. Beyond the presidency, Ireland's future prosperity in the euro area depends on a return to growth and on euro area that has addressed the design faults in Euro zone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reform of the public sector is centre stage in the Irish Government's programme for economic recovery. A pivotal element of this reform lies in the pursuit of 'shared services'. This paper contextualises the current and proposed shared services in Ireland and delineates a new catalogue of collaborative archetypes distilled from models in practice, conceptual models and critiques of these models, with input from both the legal and management perspectives. In general, these shared services, whether public-public or public-private collaborations, are subject to public procurement regulation. Even when circumstances suggest an exception, it may be sensible to ask, 'Why not tender?' The private sector origins and practices are examined for insights, including the transition from 'insourcing' to 'outsourcing'. The proposed framework presents shared services as a long-term developmental life cycle and outlines many of the key characteristics, the relationships and precedents for progression, the risk factors and the opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tries to answer the question whether the role of Germany in the debt crisis as a hegemon in the European Union is being described accurately. The conceptual framework of this analysis is based on the definition of hegemony by Heinrich Triepel. According to that Germany is a hegemon if it possesses predominant economic resources - as measured by EU associates - , shows willingness to assume a leading role and is accepted as leading power among the other states. The Fiscal Compact, thereby, serves as a case study. Its formation and content are analysed by the positions of the member states Germany, France, Spain and Ireland. The author concludes that Germany possesses the economic means to be a hegemon. However, doubts on its willingness to lead and its acceptance among several member states remain. The Fiscal Compact reflects almost as many German as French preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay deals with the notion of changing status and role of Irish women in rural and urban Ireland from the 1970s to the end of the Celtic Tiger era that began in the early 1990s and ended with the collapse of the banking system at the end of 2008. It offers an analysis of the changes in the socioeconomic and political Irish context that favoured a transformation of women's lives, with focus on female migration routes and enrolment in paid jobs. Women's resistance to change is explored.

The article examines the Celtic Tiger economic model in Ireland from 1995-2007, were the people were subjected to disjointed economic planning, fiscal mismanagement, wealth disparities and political corruption. It is based on the dialogue since the 1990s about nature of the country's economic system, between academics, nongovernmental organizations (NGO) and journalists. It also reflects on the reference by commentator Dearbhail McDonald to the period as the rotten heart of the Irish economy.

The article explores the history of general hospitals in Ireland from 1920 to 2010. The role played by the local and central governments as well as by economic conditions in the development, amalgamation and closure of hospitals are highlighted. Some government entities that played a part in the changes in the hospital system since 1920 included the Dublin Parliament called Dáil Éireann, the Saorstát Éireann or the Irish Free State and the Department of Health. The proposals by Professor Patrick Fitzgerald, who chaired the development of a report on general hospital services in the 1960s, are tackled. The principles established by Health Minister Brendan Corish for his Hospital Development Plan launched in 1975 are detailed.

The article focuses on the issue of the increase of long term unemployment of young people in Ireland. It states that the sharp rise in unemployment is due to the on-going economic crisis in the country. It mentions that it is the most damaging impact of the crisis and the main constraints on the process of rebuilding the Irish economy.

The author discusses the issue about the crisis in Ireland. The author mentions that the country shows only in example what has happened throughout much of the American system. The author states that current crisis in the country must give rise to soul-searching and personal self-examination and not just to a search for better policy in the future.

The article focuses on the factors that led to the collapse of the Irish economy, known as the "Celtic Tiger," and how this event is affecting the political life of the country and the national identity. Topics discussed include the contributing factors of bad governance and lack of economic acumen on the part of policymakers as well as the search for a new economic model. A revival of the notion of "inter-dependent" identity and patriotism is mentioned.

A frequent refrain during recent debates on welfare cuts and tax increases has related to the need to "protect the vulnerable". However, it is far from clear that a consensus exists on which individuals or groups are to be included under this heading with a consequent lack of clarity for the policy implications of pursuing this goal. In this paper, operating with a conception of social exclusion that incorporates notions of dynamics and multidimensionality, we make use of EUSILC 2008 data for Ireland to clarify the distinction between income poverty and economic vulnerability. We then proceed to consider the relationship between these outcomes and multiple deprivation, financial pressures and perceptions of recent and future economic prospects. Our analysis is then extended to compare patterns of risk for poverty and vulnerability in relation to key socio-economic groups. Finally, we will consider the relationship between poverty and vulnerability and the distribution of welfare dependence. Our analysis suggests that the vulnerable but non-poor group may need to be a key focus of policy attention in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current economic crisis has hit all European countries hard, but some are more severely affected than others. The problems manifest in European peripheral countries that are also members of the Eurozone, that is, Ireland, Spain, and Greece, have roots in domestic policy mistakes. However, the European context of these policy profiles also needs to be taken into account. The creation of the Euro initially yielded large credibility gains for the weaker economies, extending low interest rates across the Eurozone. But it also introduced a set of perverse incentives toward fiscal expansion which were supposed to be managed at domestic level. Weak European coordinating capacity meant there were few effective external disciplines on national decision making. The sanctions built into the Stability and Growth Pact proved more controversial and, therefore, less constraining than originally envisaged. The problems accumulating in the weaker economies made them particularly exposed to crisis when the downturn came. The crisis is not merely one of peripheral economies' policy errors, but extends to the design of European decision making and the management of monetary union, and to the underlying structural differences in relative trade capabilities between Eurozone member states. These issues are explored with reference to the Irish case: the crisis of the Irish and other peripheral economies points to a number of unresolved difficulties at the heart of European politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the structures of interlinked economic and political power using the International Political Economy approach. It mentions that the Ireland's crisis is local in origin and put Ireland in the worst position in the European Union (EU) in terms of budget deficit. It suggests the need for a more sustainable path for the Irish economy and a reform of the political system.

Irish perinatal mortality rates have been falling steadily for a number of decades but evidence from the 1980s showed pronounced differentials in mortality rates across socio-economic groups. Between 1995 and 2006 Irish gross national product increased from 60 per cent of the EU average to 110 per cent. Real incomes increased across the income distribution during this period but income inequality between the top and bottom income deciles increased marginally. This paper examines whether socio-economic differentials in Irish perinatal mortality rates changed between the 1980s and 2000s. This task is complicated by demographic change in Ireland since the 1980s and its interaction with the birth registration process. Overall perinatal mortality rates have fallen from 14 per 1,000 in 1984 to 7 per 1,000 in 2006. Without adjusting for demographic change, differentials between professional and unskilled/unemployed groups have decreased from 1.99 to 1.79. Adjusted estimates suggest the real differential has decreased to 1.88. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A report is presented on the public sector in Ireland in 2009. It gives an overview of the political system of Ireland, including the status of majorities in the Dáil and Seanad. It discusses public sector reform and the need to develop a public service culture in Ireland, as well as various initiatives for increasing performance. International relations with the U.S. and the European Union (EU) are noted. The report also includes information on health care reform in Ireland, education, the justice system, defence, and budget issues affecting Irish society and government.

The article offers information on the economic condition in Ireland. The country's exposure to volatile global market is enhanced by a focus on narrow band of high technology industries, pharmaceuticals, and medical appliances. The cause of the Ireland's difficulties is its failure to face the realities of unregulated globalization. Ireland can solve the difficulties by staying away from an understanding of society that lessens the notion of autonomy to freedom from constraint or restriction.

The article delves into the success of the living standards and economic growth of Ireland. The country's average annual rate of real gross domestic product (GDP) growth over the 1995-2007 period increased by 7%. Such success is attributed to the citizens who worked for sound public policies, social cohesion, and good governance. Their strategy is comprised of a system-wide review of the civil service and the public sector, a peer review process with five countries, and a steering group and an external advisory group representing a sector of the society led by the Secretary General to the Government.

The essay presents an exploration into the major themes of responses to globalization in Irish literature and culture. An overview of the economic history of the country since the 1950s is presented along with descriptions of various positive and negative consequences of its internationally open policies. The challenge of defining a distinct Irish identity amidst the pressures of Great Britain and the United States is also analyzed.

The author reflects on issues facing the present day Ireland. He talks about the relationship between the country and Northern Ireland. He also mentions the tendency of the citizens to blame former taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, in leading the country to the financial ruins it is currently facing. He further comments on the failure of politicians to act and try to address economic concerns of the country.

The author reflects on economic stability of Ireland emphasizing the extent of the national crisis that happened in October 2008. He notes the mismanagement of government finances that left the country in debt and misery. He mentions the potential of Ireland to be part of the regional American economy which has been slow in appreciating European roots.

The article discusses the impact of the economic downturn on the income of dental practices in Ireland. The income in dental practices is said to have declined to about 20% in the first half of 2008 compared with the same period in 2007. The issues involving income tax facing dental practices are tackled. Dentists are recommended to prepare timely accounts in order to monitor the performance of their practices.