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In this publication, leading feminist thinkers from Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, share perspectives on why we must move beyond gross domestic product (GDP) as the primary measure of societal progress. Drawing on regional examples, they demonstrate how the GDP-growth obsession is skewing policy-making towards measures that drive austerity, debt, corporate power, and exploitative labour practices, whilst invisibilising unpaid care and domestic work. In a call to action, the authors highlight Indigenous and feminist alternatives that need to be pursued to catalyse a shift towards economies that centre care of people and the planet. Illustrations by Vidushi Yadav and Medhavini Yadav.

This research documents the results of the piloting of an innovative technology with a limited-water fortification parboiling method developed by the University of Arkansas with eleven women rice parboiling cooperatives in Burkina Faso. The technology is easily adaptable to the parboiling method currently used in Burkina Faso (with some modifications), reduces water use and cost of fortificants contributing to food and nutritional security—particularly for women and children—and promotes economic empowerment of women in Burkina Faso. The paper also synthesizes two research papers on consumer preferences and willingness to pay for fortified rice products in Burkina Faso., The results suggest that it is technically feasible to produce fortified rice using the limited-water method and brown rice as a feedstock, particularly for iron and zinc, for which the concentration levels were close to the recommended dietary allowance (RDA). From the sensory analysis, although there is nothing particularly wrong with fortified rice, urban and rural consumers preferred conventional and modified parboiled rice; and of all three rice products, consumers were more likely to buy the two rice alternatives rather than fortified rice., The results from the experimental auctions show that most consumers were willing to pay the same price for fortified rice as for the conventional parboiled rice currently available on the market. Results showed that creating awareness on the benefits of fortified rice had a positive impact on consumers’ willingness to pay for it, and this was seen across all income levels. These results highlight the importance of designing an appropriate marketing campaign/awareness-raising to promote the nutritional benefits of fortified rice to increase the consumers’ willingness to pay for it., This study is unique in that, to our knowledge, fortified rice is not available in Burkina Faso, and therefore there is no information about its technical and market feasibility. The results can be used by the government and private and public sector actors to develop strategies for the adoption of fortified rice as another potentially relevant tool to fight malnutrition in Burkina Faso.

Now in its fifth edition, the Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index (CRI) assesses the commitment of 164 countries and regions to fighting inequality. The CRI 2024 offers powerful new evidence on whether governments are acting to reduce inequality through policies on public services, fair taxation and labour rights. It reveals negative trends in the vast majority of countries since 2022. Four in five have cut the share of their budgets going to education, health and/or social protection; four in five have backtracked on progressive taxation; and nine in ten have regressed on labour rights and minimum wages. Nine out of ten countries have backtracked in one or more area, meaning without urgent policy actions to reverse this worrying trend, economic inequality will almost certainly continue to rise in 90% of countries., Despite some progress, the IMF and the World Bank could do far more to prioritize the fight to reduce inequality. This report assesses their actions across the three CRI pillars of public services, taxation and labour rights. It makes recommendations for how the IMF and World Bank should stop promoting policies that increase inequality and instead support those policies that reduce it, as a matter of urgency.

This report aims to highlight the humanitarian consequences of the dysfunction at the UN Security Council and humanitarian finance mechanisms. A few powerful states are obstructing peace processes and undermining international laws which should be equally binding for all people. There are 23 protracted crises examined in this report, with case studies on the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Syria and Ukraine. The growth of humanitarian needs, gaps in humanitarian funding, and the impacts of veto and penholding power are explored., Ahead of the Summit of the Future in 2024, Oxfam urges the UN member states to use this opportunity to take decisive and bold action to rebuild a more equal, inclusive, efficient, and responsive system. This will ensure that they fulfil their roles in reducing and resolving crises to avoid the spiralling humanitarian consequences of protracted conflict.

There is growing consensus among policymakers, institutions and movements that GDP is not fit for purpose as the pre-eminent economic metric. Alternatives are urgently needed to facilitate the transition to a new economic model that supports a radically more equal, kinder, greener and feminist world in the present, while offering redress for historical damage and inequalities., However, despite growing experimentation, most efforts are insufficiently bold and remain mostly on paper, with only a few notable but relatively small-scale and still-developing exceptions., To dismantle GDP, different social movements will need to coalesce around key metrics that prioritise far greater equality, and align with feminist and decolonial values while challenging the systems of power and narratives that are holding GDP in its dominant place. Only in this way are alternatives likely to deliver the economic transformation needed to put people and planet first., Les responsables politiques, les institutions et divers mouvements s’accordent de plus à plus à dire que le produit intérieur brut (PIB), en tant que principal indicateur de la santé économique, n’est pas un outil satisfaisant. Il est urgent de trouver des alternatives pour la transition vers un nouveau modèle économique favorisant un monde radicalement plus égalitaire, bienveillant, vert et féministe et proposant des mesures de réparation des dommages causés par le passé et des inégalités qui en découlent. Toutefois, malgré de nombreuses expériences, la plupart de celles-ci manquent d’ambition et ne sont pas appliquées, à l’exception de rares propositions en cours de développement, notables mais d’envergure relativement restreinte. Pour détrôner le PIB, divers mouvements sociaux devront travailler à la création d’indicateurs clés qui privilégieront l’égalité, intégreront les valeurs féministes et décoloniales et remettront en question les systèmes de pouvoir et les discours qui perpétuent l’utilisation du PIB. C’est la seule manière pour ces alternatives d’entraîner la transformation économique indispensable pour protéger la planète et les êtres humains avant tout.

This paper reviews and synthesizes three research papers that look at gender-responsive budgeting in Ethiopia, Ghana, and Tanzania, with the aim of drawing out common themes and lessons learned on what it takes to ensure well-functioning gender-responsive budgeting (GRB) and how it can benefit women small-scale farmers. While Ethiopia, Ghana, and Tanzania are not countries that systematically and efficiently practice GRB, the in-depth look at the challenges and successes of GRB in each of these countries provides some helpful insights. After a brief background section summarizing the history of GRB in each country, this paper outlines the lessons learned in five categories: Setting up government practices, systems, and structures for gender-responsive budgeting; Designing a more gender-responsive budgeting process; Engaging citizens in the budgeting process; Envisioning gender-responsive budgeting outcomes; and Identifying best practices in GRB advocacy by NGOs.

The issue of civil society participation in the processes of developing, implementing, and monitoring national climate plans is crucial to ensuring that these ambitions are both acceptable to the populations and, beyond that, that they align with a trajectory of sustainable development beneficial to all actors in Senegalese society. This case study aims to analyze the degree of involvement through consultations with a variety of civil society actors, as well as members of the administration and international partners active in the fight against climate change. While some believe that civil society participation has progressed significantly in recent years, the vast majority feel that the level reached is still insufficient., Barriers to civil society’s appropriation of climate issues include, among others, the lack of representativeness of grassroots organizations and vulnerable groups, as well as the unfamiliarity of civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs) with the processes, objectives, and stakeholders of the National Climate Plan (NCP), meaning that many civil society actors are rarely aware of their contribution to its implementation even though they are involved. The study also shows how limited human and financial resources reduce the possibility of broad participation by civil society organizations, especially outside the capital. This raises the question of a fair, adequate, and targeted allocation of climate financing to meet the ambitions of climate policies in Senegal. This report presents recommendations to overcome barriers that may explain low ownership of national climate plans by communities, in order to propose ways for populations to be key actors in an ambitious ecological transition in Senegal., La question de la participation de la société civile aux processus d’élaboration, de mise en oeuvre et de suivi des plans nationaux sur le climat est clé afin de s’assurer que ces ambitions soient à la fois acceptables pour les populations et, au-delà, qu’elles s’inscrivent dans une trajectoire de développement durable bénéfique à l’ensemble des acteurs de la société sénégalaise., Cette étude de cas vise à analyser ce degré d’implication, à travers des consultations menées auprès d’une variété d’acteurs de la société civile, ainsi que des membres de l’administration et des partenaires internationaux actifs dans la lutte contre les changements climatiques. Alors que certains estiment que la participation de la société civile a beaucoup progressé dans les dernières années, la large majorité juge que le niveau atteint est encore insuffisant., Les barrières à l’appropriation des enjeux climatiques par la société civile incluent, entre autres, le manque de représentativité des organisations communautaires de base et des groupes vulnérables, mais également la méconnaissance des processus, objectifs et interlocuteurs de la CDN de la part des OSC et des OCB, impliquant que de nombreux acteurs de la société civile sont rarement conscients de contribuer à sa mise en oeuvre même si cela est le cas., L’étude montre également comment des ressources humaines et financières limitées réduisent la possibilité d’une large participation des organisations de la société civile, en particulier en dehors de la capitale. Cela soulève la question d’une allocation juste, adéquate et ciblée des financements climatiques pour répondre aux ambitions des politiques climatiques au Sénégal. Ce rapport présente des recommandations afin de surmonter les barrières qui expliqueraient une faible appropriation des plans nationaux sur le climat par les communautés, afin de proposer des voies pour que les populations soient des acteurs au coeur d’une transition écologique ambitieuse au Sénégal.

The cognitive dimension of climate change is a subject that is rarely analysed. However, communities’ endogenous adaptation strategies are heavily dependent on their perception of the risks linked to climate change. An analysis of individuals’ representations and perceptions of climate change makes it possible to improve the ability to adapt of territories confronted by it., In this analysis, the relations of interdependence between perception, knowledge and adaptation strategies show how communities living in the coastal area of Senegal interpret climate change, in particular in the fields of agriculture, water resources and coastal areas., Considering these representations favours the co-construction and acceptability of the adaptation strategies., It enables state and non state actors to better understand the communities’ needs as regards public climate policies, whereas the media can identify levers they can use to devise effective public information campaigns on the climate, in order to reduce the vulnerability of communities that face climate hazards., La dimension cognitive du changement climatique reste peu investie. Or, les stratégies d’adaptation endogènes des communautés dépendent fortement de leur perception des risques liés au changement climatique. Une analyse des représentations et des perceptions des individus sur le changement climatique permet de renforcer la capacité d’adaptation des territoires face à ce phénomène., Dans cette analyse, les relations d’interdépendance entre la perception, le savoir et les stratégies d’adaptation montrent comment les communautés vivant sur la zone côtière du Sénégal interprètent le changement climatique, notamment dans les domaines de l’agriculture, des ressources en eau, et des zones côtières., La prise en compte de ces représentations va dans le sens d’une co-construction et de l’acceptabilité des stratégies d’adaptation., Elle permet aux acteurs étatiques et non étatiques de mieux comprendre les besoins des communautés en matière de politiques publiques climatiques, tandis que les médias peuvent identifier les leviers sur lesquels agir pour développer des campagnes d’information publique sur le climat efficaces afin de réduire la vulnérabilité des communautés en cas d’aléas climatiques.

Please ignore: this resource is not available in English, C'est un test

Bringing a feminist intent to research, monitoring and evaluation practices leads to defining these as tools to contribute to transforming the lives of women, girls and non-binary people, and to bringing about social justice. This has meant putting gender and power at the centre of our practice, which has in turn shaped the technical choices made specifically in quantitative impact evaluations. This paper focuses on describing how these technical choices, as well as ethical considerations, are changed by this feminist intent. The paper also presents the lessons learned and questions raised along the way, which may be useful for MEAL and research practitioners, as well as programme managers. How can we bring intersectionality to the fore? What does it mean to go beyond the gender binary? How can this work be transformative?

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented event in the modern era. Earlier studies demonstrated how ‘critical junctures’, which comprise major historical events and emergencies, often play an essential role in social change. This paper seeks to explore whether the COVID-19 pandemic would prove to be a similar pivotal moment, and what lessons and insights we could gather for positive social change., The research set out to find key insights on how individuals, communities, and organizations in civil society were responding to the pandemic in low-income populations at the intersection of multiple inequalities. These lessons could inform how donors, governments and NGOs might reshape their efforts to reduce emerging or deepening inequalities, and how civil society organisations and community-based organisations could amplify their positive impacts., Over 18 months, from September 2020 to March 2022, the ‘Emergent Agency’ research convened a global conversation between activists, development practitioners, researchers, and academics to better understand the phenomena that were taking place in response to the pandemic. The research collected more than 200 case studies and held a series of webinars and conversations in thematic clusters to uncover what these responses could teach us. The research project was enabled with funding from The Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme (AFSEE) of the London School of Economics., The findings from the collaborative research have been summarised in two main documents, - this research report, which retraces the steps of the study, its methodology and main findings;, - and a brief, which summarizes key points that we believe are important for those working in international and national NGOs, and donor agencies.

The purpose of this research is to understand the broader context of the humanitarian response to COVID-19 from the perspective of women’s rights organizations (WROs) and to understand how well Oxfam has upheld local humanitarian leadership (LHL) commitments in relation to its partnerships with WROs. From the literature, as well as from Oxfam’s experience in Colombia, Iraq, and Kenya, it is evident that WROs have been key figures in the COVID-19 response while also managing acute challenges around lack of recognition, funding, and exclusion from decision-making spaces. Local organizations, including WROs, have continued their work in humanitarian response, shouldering even more as international actors have reduced their participation. By adopting a feminist approach that pays close attention to unequal gender norms, incorporates an intersectional lens, and delves into power dynamics, this study provides a clear assessment on the ways that Oxfam—and other international actors—can better support WROs involved in humanitarian response., As noted in the three case studies that accompany this synthesis report, WROs provided crucial response activities in ways that were additive to Oxfam’s efforts, such as embedding self-care in their response in Colombia, gender-specific expertise on legal issues in Iraq, and access to urban communities in Kenya. The report also includes several practical though perhaps challenging suggestions on how support of WROs can be better achieved, from including indirect cost recovery for partners to creating more equitable learning exchanges where Oxfam and partners can learn from each other., Additional practical suggestions no doubt exist, and we recommend that Oxfam and other international actors create space for frank dialogue with their WRO partners to discuss other ways they can be supported. Lastly, it is important to recognize that Oxfam is just one actor in the sector, and several of the recommendations cannot be carried out by Oxfam alone. Changes to better support WROs in the humanitarian sector need to be responded to jointly by a diverse set of actors, ranging from international nongovernmental organizations, United Nations agencies, donors, governments, and others.

Between 2017 and 2022, Oxfam examined aid to DRM from multiple donors provided to multiple low- and middle-income countries. This synthesis report seeks to draw lessons across these studies. The key issues examined include tradeoffs between efficiency and effectiveness in generating revenues on the one hand, and equity on the other; whether donors support direct or indirect taxation; the progressivity of instruments supported; whether aid to DRM explicitly links revenues to poverty reduction (health, education, social protection); whether aid supports country ownership; and whether aid explicitly seeks to advance gender equality.

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed and worsened the depth of inequality in West Africa. It has pushed millions into poverty. There is no end in sight due to the obscene global vaccine inequality, which means that less than 4% of West Africans had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19 as at September 2021, compared with 52% in the United States and 57% in the European Union. In 2021, when COVID-19 infections are rising in West Africa, the critical support health and socioeconomic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 are being rolled back and replaced with austerity. Many governments are following advice from the IMF and World Bank, reminiscent of the severe cuts in spending imposed under the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s and 1990s. However, as this paper argues, the pandemic offers West African governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to invest heavily in inequality-busting policies by boosting public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), making tax systems more progressive, and tackling joblessness and precarious work., This report uses the Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index (CRII) framework devised by Oxfam and Development Finance International to assess the policies of West African governments. Visit the CRI Index website to learn more: www.inequalityindex.org., La pandémie de COVID-19 a mis au jour et aggravé l’ampleur des inégalités en Afrique de l’Ouest. Elle a précipité des millions de personnes dans la pauvreté. Cette situation risque de ne pas trouver de résolution, en raison des inégalités choquantes d’accès aux vaccins, ce qui signifie que moins de 4 % des Ouest-africain·es ont été complètement vacciné·es contre la COVID-19 en septembre 2021, contre 52 % de la population des États-Unis et 57 % des personnes dans l’Union européenne., En 2021, alors que les cas de COVID-19 augmentent en Afrique de l’Ouest, les programmes de soutien sanitaire et socio-économique essentiels mis en place par la plupart des gouvernements en 2020 sont interrompus et remplacés par des mesures d’austérité. De nombreux gouvernements suivent les conseils du FMI et de la Banque mondiale, faisant ainsi écho aux fortes coupes budgétaires imposées dans le cadre des politiques d’ajustement structurel des années 1980 et 1990. Cette pandémie, cependant, offre aux gouvernements ouest-africains une opportunité unique d’investir massivement dans des politiques de lutte contre les inégalités en augmentant les dépenses publiques (en particulier dans les domaines de la santé, de l’éducation et de la protection sociale), en rendant les systèmes fiscaux plus progressifs et en luttant contre le chômage et le travail précaire.

Climate change affects food production in many regions, including lost crops and dwindling employment opportunities. These impacts will become more severe by 2030 and beyond, putting at risk global food security and the livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people. Now is the time to scale up efforts to reshape the agriculture sector to support farmers, avoid the extensification of food production, improve the productivity of farms, build resilience and reduce emissions., This paper aims to help countries think through the process of enhancing their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) by including strengthened actions in the agriculture sector. It highlights the need for tailor-made approaches suited to a country’s unique set of circumstances. It identifies a range of possible actions for climate change adaptation and mitigation in the agriculture sector, given the right enabling environment, and offers examples of how these actions can be included in an enhanced NDC., Les changements climatiques ont des incidences sur la production alimentaire dans de nombreuses régions, notamment la perte de récoltes et la raréfaction des offres d’emploi. Ces impacts s’accentueront d’ici 2030 et au-delà, menaçant ainsi la sécurité alimentaire mondiale et les moyens de subsistance de centaines de millions de personnes. Il est temps de redoubler d’efforts pour repenser le secteur de l’agriculture, afin de soutenir les agriculteurs et agricultrices, d’éviter l’extensification de la production alimentaire, d’améliorer la productivité des exploitations agricoles, de renforcer la résilience et de réduire les émissions., Cette publication vise à aider les pays à envisager le processus d’amélioration de leur CDN au travers de l’introduction de mesures renforcées pour le secteur agricole. Ses auteurs insistent sur la nécessité d’adopter des approches adaptées aux circonstances uniques de chaque pays. Ils présentent une série de mesures possibles, pour autant que les bonnes conditions soient en place, s’agissant de l’adaptation aux changements climatiques et de l’atténuation de leurs effets dans le secteur agricole, et proposent des exemples de la manière d’intégrer ces mesures dans une CDN améliorée.

Climate change, conflict, growing inequality and escalating humanitarian needs are galvanizing questions about the effectiveness and efficiency of current humanitarian and development programming., Accompanying this are structural shifts across the aid system, which are changing how aid is planned and financed. Under the 'Triple Nexus' this will have profound implications for what we do, how we do it and with whom we do it., As a multi-mandated organization, Oxfam has a unique contribution to make in sharing learning and encouraging good practice in this space. This discussion paper puts forward some of this thinking from across our programme, policy and funding expertise and draws on case studies to highlight critical questions and recommendations for furthering the debate., Le changement climatique, les conflits, les inégalités croissantes et l’intensification des besoins humanitaires soulèvent des questionnements sur l’efficacité et l’efficience des programmes humanitaires et de développement actuels., En outre, l’ensemble du système d’aide fait face à des transformations structurelles qui influencent la planification et le financement de l’aide. Au regard du triple nexus humanitaire-développement-paix, cela aura nécessairement un impact profond sur nos actions, nos méthodes et nos collaborations., En tant qu’organisation multi-mandatée, Oxfam a un rôle unique à jouer en matière de partage des connaissances et de diffusion des bonnes pratiques dans cet espace. Ce document de discussion fait état de certaines de ces réflexions issues de nos programmes, de notre expertise en matière de politiques d'orientation et de financement et met en lumière, au moyen d’études de cas, des questions et recommandations essentielles pour approfondir le débat.

The evidence can no longer be ignored: when women and feminist activists are able to use their collective power to challenge inequalities, they are having a transformational impact. From women’s rights organizations and movements breaking down harmful social norms, to political leaders advancing highly progressive policies, there is a growing body of evidence from feminist organizing across the world that when decisions are made more equally and inclusively, and are rooted in locally-owned, intersectional feminist movements and political agendas, they have immediate and long-term human development benefits for all. ‘It made us feel capable, knowledgeable, revolutionary...’ Young feminist activist, RootsLab

This document introduces the key concepts of decolonial theory that inform many current calls to decolonize. It provides examples from Latin America, Africa, and North America of how activists have envisioned or realized decolonial futures. These movements led by Indigenous Peoples, people of color, women, and queer people articulate and define the possibilities of decolonial futures., Since decolonial theory suggests multiple futures and not one single solution, this document does not address what decolonizing particular systems, such as international development, should look like. Rather, the document aims to introduce the reader to the tools of analysis that decolonial theory offers, give examples of decolonial theory in practice, and discuss some potential shortfalls of the decolonial framework., Ce document présente les principaux concepts de la théorie décoloniale sur lesquels s’appuient de nombreux discours actuels qui prônent la décolonisation. Grâce à des exemples tirés d’Amérique latine, d’Afrique et d’Amérique du Nord, il aborde la manière dont les militants ont envisagé ou réalisé des projets de futurs décoloniaux. Ces mouvements à l’initiative de peuples autochtones, de personnes racisées, de femmes et de personnes LGBT expriment et définissent les possibilités d’un avenir décolonial. Puisque la théorie décoloniale suggère des multiples alternatives au futur et non pas une solution unique, ce document ne propose pas de représentation de la décolonisation de systèmes particuliers, tel que le développement international. Ce document vise plutôt à présenter au lecteur les outils d’analyse que propose la théorie décoloniale. Il fournit des exemples de mise en pratique de la théorie décoloniale et analyse les potentielles lacunes du cadre décolonial.

More frequent or intense floods, heatwaves, wildfires, droughts and typhoons devastate people’s homes, livelihoods and the natural world. A clean energy transition is urgently needed to reduce carbon emissions and prevent the impacts worsening. Wealthy countries have the prime historic responsibility for the climate crisis and therefore for its mitigation. But as the clean energy transition gathers speed, it inevitably also impacts lower-income, lower-emitting countries and communities. This research report, written by 20 co-authors from Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, the US and Europe, investigates the implications of the energy transition for them, and asks how the world can achieve a truly just, as well as fast, transition., The findings highlight the stark choice facing humanity. If the transition is undertaken with justice and respect for communities’ rights at its heart, it offers an unprecedented opportunity to simultaneously mitigate the climate crisis and reduce poverty and inequality. Conversely, an unjust transition, which entrenches or exacerbates inequalities, risks generating public resistance and slowing the transition with devastating human consequences., Inondations, vagues de chaleur, incendies de forêt, sécheresse et typhons… Ces phénomènes de plus en plus fréquents ou intenses ont des effets dévastateurs sur les habitations, les moyens de subsistance et le milieu naturel. La transition vers une énergie propre est plus que jamais nécessaire pour réduire les émissions de CO2 et éviter des conséquences encore plus lourdes. Premiers responsables historiques de la crise climatique, les pays riches ont aussi la responsabilité d’en atténuer les effets. Mais à mesure que la transition vers l’énergie propre s’accélère, elle n’est pas sans répercussions sur les pays et les communautés à faible revenu, qui produisent moins d’émissions. Le présent rapport de recherche, fruit du travail conjoint de 20 auteur·es d’Afrique, d’Asie, d’Amérique latine, du Moyen-Orient, des États-Unis et d’Europe, se penche sur les conséquences de la transition énergétique pour ces pays et communautés, en s’interrogeant sur la manière dont le monde pourrait mettre en œuvre, sans tarder, une transition véritablement juste., Ce rapport aboutit à la conclusion que l’humanité est aujourd’hui confrontée à un choix difficile. Si cette transition énergétique se déroule en prenant comme axe central l’équité et le respect des communautés, elle offre une opportunité sans précédent d’atténuer à la fois la crise climatique et la pauvreté et les inégalités. À l’inverse, une approche injuste, qui perpétue voire aggrave les inégalités, risque de provoquer des réticences parmi la population et de ralentir la transition, avec des conséquences humaines désastreuses.

The 2022 Commitment to Reducing Inequality (CRI) Index is the first detailed analysis published looking at governments’ policies and actions to fight inequality during the first two years of the pandemic. This fourth edition of the CRI Index reviews the spending, tax and labour policies and actions of 161 governments during 2020–2022., COVID-19 has increased inequality worldwide, as the poorest people were hit hardest by both the disease and its profound economic impacts. Yet the CRI 2022 Index shows clearly that most of the world’s governments failed to mitigate this dangerous rise in inequality. Despite the biggest global health emergency in a century, half of low-and lower-middle-income countries saw the share of health spending fall during the pandemic, half of the countries tracked by the CRI Index cut the share of social protection spending, 70% cut the share of education spending, while two-thirds of countries failed to increase their minimum wage in line with gross domestic product (GDP). Ninety-five percent of countries failed to increase taxation of the richest people and corporations. At the same time, a small group of governments from across the world bucked this trend, taking clear actions to combat inequality, putting the rest of the world to shame., See also the CRI Index website: www.inequalityindex.orgThe Index has been audited by the European Commission's Joint Research Centre. Read more here., L’indice de l’engagement à la réduction des inégalités (ERI) 2022 est la première analyse détaillée publiée portant sur les politiques et les actions des gouvernements pour lutter contre les inégalités au cours des deux premières années de la pandémie. Cette analyse passe en revue les politiques et actions de 161 gouvernements en matière de dépenses, de fiscalité et de travail sur la période 2020-2022., La COVID-19 a creusé les inégalités dans le monde entier, les plus pauvres étant les plus durement touché·es par la maladie et ses profondes répercussions économiques. Pourtant, l’indice ERI 2022 montre clairement que la plupart des gouvernements du monde n’ont pas réussi à atténuer cette dangereuse augmentation des inégalités. Alors qu’il s’agit de la pire urgence sanitaire que le monde ait connue depuis un siècle, la moitié des pays à revenu faible et intermédiaire de la tranche inférieure ont vu la part des dépenses de santé diminuer pendant la pandémie. La moitié des pays suivis par l’indice ERI ont réduit la part des dépenses de protection sociale, 70 % ont revu à la baisse la part des dépenses d’éducation, tandis que deux tiers des pays n’ont pas augmenté leur salaire minimum en fonction du produit intérieur brut (PIB). 95 % des pays n’ont pas augmenté l’imposition des personnes et des sociétés les plus riches. Dans le même temps, quelques gouvernements dans différentes parties du monde se sont démarqués de cette tendance en prenant des mesures claires pour lutter contre les inégalités, couvrant de honte le reste du monde.

While intra-Afghan talks have started, sustainable peace is still a distant reality in Afghanistan. Ongoing peace efforts ignore women’s meaningful participation: women are included in only one in every five meetings. Evidence shows that when women have a meaningful role in peace negotiations, peace is more sustainable. Afghan and international actors must stress the importance of including women in all stages of formal and informal talks at national and local levels., This research paper uses the seven modalities of the Broadening Participation framework to identify practical ways to include Afghan women meaningfully and pave the way for inclusive peacebuilding.

Young people have tremendous potential to be both present and future drivers of inclusive sustainable development., In recognition of this potential and the power of collective action, Oxfam has developed a theory of change to explore what needs to happen so that young people, institutions and communities can create equitable, transformative and sustainable change together., This meta-theory of change was developed through a series of workshops in 2015 with young leaders, Oxfam partners and programme staff from around the world. Following practical application of the theory of change in multiple youth initiatives, Oxfam’s Youth as Active Citizens Community of Practice co-created a new version through a process of learning and reflection in 2019-2020.

Research by PAPDA (the Haitian Advocacy Platform for Alternative Development) and Oxfam found that peanut value chain actors in Haiti face a number of serious constraints, including nonexistence of state support; weak organization; use of traditional production methods; and lack of access to irrigation and inputs, including herbicides to control aflatoxin, all in a context of poverty and vulnerable livelihoods. Most of those interviewed have peanut-related earnings insufficient to cover living expenses. However, most expressed satisfaction with their value chain activities. Women in particular reported achieving a measure of economic empowerment, despite limited earnings. With the right policies and agricultural programs, Haiti has the potential to achieve self-sufficiency and pursue export opportunities., The US peanut value chain, in contrast, features highly subsidized production, precision technologies, and politically well-organized farmers who engage in unabashed rent seeking. This leads to overproduction and pressures to develop foreign markets and use peanuts in food aid, such as the 2016 donation of 500 metric tons of dry roasted peanuts to Haiti. But such surplus dumping is incoherent with longstanding US agricultural aid aimed at boosting Haitian peanut productivity and overcoming severe aflatoxin issues., The paper recommends that the Haitian government provide significant support to the peanut value chain. It encourages the United States and other donors to continue providing aid to Haitian peanut production, while avoiding agricultural trade policies that undermine such assistance.

In Haiti, the traditional centralization of power in Port-au-Prince has far-reaching effects, one of which is the limited influence of ordinary citizens on holding local officials accountable for providing basic services like trash removal, water and sanitation, and maintaining healthy and safe marketplaces. From 2013 to 2018, USAID carried out a project known as LOKAL+ that was aimed at supporting and strengthening ten district-level governments., Oxfam studied the outcomes in three of the districts, interviewing local officials, experts on local government, community members, and representatives of community organizations. Participants reported that the project did not lead to tangible, sustainable improvements in providing local services; however, there are indications that it helped strengthen important capacities among local mayors, and there is potential for sustainable impact on the mayors’ ability to collect taxes and manage their budgets and accounting systems—a modest step forward on the path to decentralization.

The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union., In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region., Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030., Crise des inégalités extrêmes dans la SADC Combattre l’austérité et la pandémie de COVID-19 La pandémie de COVID-19 a aggravé les inégalités extrêmes dans les pays de la Communauté de développement d’Afrique australe (SADC) et a précipité des millions de personnes dans la pauvreté. La crise économique se poursuit en raison de l’inégalité vaccinale obscène dans le monde. Fin mars 2022, 14 % seulement des citoyen·nes de la SADC avaient un schéma vaccinal complet contre la COVID-19, contre 65,5 % aux États-Unis et 73 % dans l’Union européenne5., En 2021, en pleine flambée des infections dans la SADC, les programmes critiques en matière de santé, de protection sociale et d’économie mis en place par la plupart des gouvernements en 2020 ont été réduits et remplacés par l’austérité, dans un contexte d’augmentation du fardeau de la dette et de manque de soutien extérieur aux budgets nationaux. Les programmes du FMI dans la région ont intégré cette austérité., La sortie de la pandémie offre toutefois aux gouvernements de la SADC une occasion qui ne se présente qu’une fois par génération de faire ce que veulent leurs citoyen·nes : augmenter les impôts sur les grandes fortunes et les grandes entreprises, accroître les dépenses publiques (notamment en matière de soins de santé, d’éducation et de protection sociale), renforcer les droits des travailleurs et des travailleuses et lutter contre le chômage et le travail précaire. Avec un soutien extérieur, notamment par le biais d’une aide et d’un allègement de la dette, ils pourraient réduire radicalement les inégalités et éliminer l’extrême pauvreté d’ici 2030.

Please ignore this report. It is used to conduct tests of this website., Veuillez ignorer ce rapport. Il est utilisé pour effectuer des tests de ce site Internet., 1. Comprendre la réduction des risques de catastrophe et l’adaptation au changement climatique 2. Les groupes clés, la réduction des risques de catastrophes et l’adaptation au changement 3. La gestion du cycle de programme pour la réduction des risques de catastrophes et l’adaptation au changement climatique 4. Les secteurs clés pour la réduction des risques de catastrophes et l’adaptation au changement climatique

Le travail de soin non rémunéré désigne toutes les activités qualifiées de travaux reproductifs ou domestiques au sein des foyers sur une base non marchande. Bien que ce travail est essentiel pour l’équilibre de la société et l’épanouissement de la famille et le développement économique des pays, les normes sociales patriarcales d’un côté et les politiques sexistes de l’Etat d’un autre coté rendent ce travail sous-estimé, invisible et non reconnu., L’étude élaborée par Oxfam en Tunisie en partenariat avec AFTURD, montre que les femmes passent entre 8 et 12 heures par jour dans le travail de soin non rémunéré (dépendamment de leur âge, leur situation familiale et économique, et leur lieu de résidence), contre 45 minutes en moyenne pour les hommes., Les causes et conséquences de cette répartition inégale sont nombreuses et interreliées. En tenant compte des résultats de la recherche, et afin d’autonomiser les femmes et améliorer leurs bien-être, Oxfam recommande de : reconnaitre la travail de soins non rémunéré en tant que travail, de réduire le fardeau qu’il constitue, de redistribuer plus équitablement les responsabilités associées entre les hommes et les femmes, au sein des ménages, et entre les ménages, l’État et le secteur privé, et de garantir la représentation des personnes prenant en charge les activités de soins dans les postes de prise de décision et de leadership., Unpaid care work refers to all activities that qualify as reproductive or domestic work within households on a non-market basis. Although this work is essential for the balance of society and the development of the family and the economy, patriarchal social norms on the one hand, and the state’s sexist policies on the other hand, make this work undervalued, invisible and unrecognized., This study, conducted by Oxfam in Tunisia in partnership with AFTURD, shows that women spend, on average, between eight and 12 hours a day on unpaid care work (depending on their age, family and economic situation, and place of residence), compared with 45 minutes for men., The causes of this unequal distribution are numerous and interrelated. In line with the results of the study, and in order to empower women and improve their well-being, as well as dismantle the economic and social inequalities of unpaid care work, Oxfam recommends the following: recognize the economic and social value of care work; reduce its burden; redistribute responsibilities more equitably between men and women within households, and between households and the state and the private sector; and ensure the representation of women in decision-making and leadership positions.