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The politics of Queen Anne's reign are characterised as the rage of party; Whigs and Tories contended over religion, the constitution and the succession, and foreign policy. This struggle was taken to the electorate in five elections during Anne's reign, and these raise a question concerning electors' motivations, the answer to which remains elusive: were they acting according to principle, or reflecting the electoral interests to which they were subject? This article analyses the two surviving poll books for Dorset elections in the age of Anne, those at Wareham in 1702 and at Dorchester in 1705. It focuses principally on the voting behaviour of those engaged in the towns' governance structures: corporation members, councils of freemen and local parishes. However, it also considers the behaviour of other categories of voter: politicians, the clergy and non‐conformists. The analysis shows how electoral interest was mediated through the towns' governing institutions and suggests that (at least in these two cases) negotiation between the parties had a greater role in the outcome than has sometimes been suggested. It also demonstrates the limits of the electoral influence of the boroughs' elites: significant numbers of voters were simply not prepared to be led. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of narrative historical writing, particularly the works of writers Paul de Rapin de Thoyras and Thomas Salmon. The author discusses the historical continuity and discontinuity within the works, explores how historical change impacted English history, and examines the differences in stylistic patterns of writing between members of the British political parties Whigs and Tories.

The article offers information on the resignation of Anne, Queen of Great Britain, and accession of George I, King of Great Britain and Ireland. It further discusses the downfall of the tory party in Ireland; consequence of the crystallization of 'party politics' in Ireland after 1702; combination of peerage creations, appointments and translations in the episcopate; and leadership of the family interest in the Irish house of commons.

This article reconsiders the problem of 'liberal Toryism' in the 1820s not by looking at the government's policies, but instead at the very 'liberal' language through which they were expressed. It argues that an existing domestic language of 'liberality'—which was associated with religious toleration and with freer trade—was quite distinct from the new political movements on the Continent. Canning and Huskisson used this well-established, and generally well-esteemed, language to enhance and extend their appeal to 'public opinion'. However, many Tories were coming to view this terminology with increased suspicion in the aftermath of the Revolutions of 1820. The article stresses the way that the Tory press popularised a negative typology of the 'liberal system' which ran together religious, economic and foreign affairs, and depicted Canning and Huskisson as 'theorists' content to ruin the moral fibre and economic health of the nation in quest of an abstract metaphysics. By 1826 'liberal' and 'illiberal' were increasingly seen as distinct positions that could not be bridged. Although Canning's brief ministry was not able to bring about a reconfiguration of parties, the final years of decade saw a clear sense among many Tories that 'liberalism' was a powerful threat to traditional religious, political and economic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We present the results of studying the behavior of temperature and of the atomic oxygen concentration in the mesopause region during the 2013 January major Sudden Stratospheric Warming (SSW). The data on the hydroxyl molecule OH(6-2), 834.0 nm emission intensity and rotational temperature were analyzed. These data were obtained through spectrometric measurements at the Geophysical Observatory of the Institute of Solar-Terrestrial Physics of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (51.8°N, 103.1°E, Tory), and at the Zvenigorod Station at the Obukhov Institute of Atmospheric Physics of the Russian Academy of Sciences (55.7°N, 36.8 E°). We calculated the concentration of atomic oxygen and its variations by using the data of the OH emission measurements. We revealed, that the response of the mesopause characteristics for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude regions essentially differs. Thus, from the Tory Station data, the maximal increase in the OH emission intensity (by a factor of ∼2) and in the concentration [O] (by a factor of ∼3) occurred during the sudden stratospheric warming (SSW) evolution, whereas, from the Zvenigorod Station data, the OH emission intensity increase (by a factor of ∼3) and the concentration [O] increase (by a factor of ∼3.5) was observed at the SSW recovery phase. As a result of numerical modeling using the Middle and Upper Atmosphere Model (MUAM), it was shown, that the cause for the revealed effect may probably be longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation in the vertical wind at the mesopause heights over the indicated stations during the SSW. One may elucidate these differences through the generation of non-migrating tides due to a non-linear interaction between the intensified stationary planetary wave 1 (SPW1) and migrating tides and forcing a set of high-frequency PWs at the stratospheric heights. All these waves are capably of propagating into the MLT region and produce observed changes in behavior of the OH emission intensity, temperature and atomic oxygen concentration over Tory and Zvenigorod. Highlights • Effects of 2013 SSW on the MLT for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude sites are investigated. • Longitudinal differences in the behavior of the mesopause temperature and composition were found. • It may be caused by longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation of vertical wind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beatrix Campbell was one of the first feminists to try to make sense of women's support for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and their mobilisation for the Conservative Party since the beginning of the twentieth century. Her book The Iron Ladies: Why Do Women Vote Tory? (1987) was groundbreaking when it was published, and it is still highly informative and instructive in making sense of women's leadership and support for the Tory Party today. In correspondence and in conversation with historian Julie V. Gottlieb, Campbell revisited The Iron Ladies at just the time when a second Conservative woman, Theresa May, became Prime Minister. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nottingham workhouse case was a test of the resolve both of the Poor Law Commissioners appointed to administer the post-1834 New Poor Law, and of the strength of the Whig interest in the town’s municipal and parliamentary elections. All eyes were on the implementation of the legislation in Nottingham, partly because of the influential thinking of local administrators such as Absolem Barnett, and partly because the government needed evidence that the system of unions and workhouses set up after 1834 would actually work in industrial towns. The Nottingham case showed only too clearly that the key issue was the trade cycle, and fluctuations in the town’s hosiery and lace trades made it almost impossible to implement the terms of the legislation fully. The key battle was fought over the decision to build a new workhouse, which the Whigs favoured and the Tories resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article challenges the historical paradigm which portrays the eighteenth century English political factions the retrograde land-based Tories and the progressive, commercially advanced Whigs battling against each others economic policies. Topics include the economic arguments of writers on the side of the Tories including Charles Davenant and Nicholas Barbon compared to Whig economic writers like John Pollexfen, and the Tories policy for more legislation of consumer habits.

This article examines the career of Richard Thompson, briefly dean of Bristol in 1685, as an example of a clergyman of Tory royalist and anti-exclusion principles. Thompson’s public attack on the Popish plot and impugning of the exclusionist cause led to his attempted impeachment by the House of Commons in December 1680. Only the prorogation of parliament in January prevented his impeachment. Nevertheless, Thompson remained a figure strongly associated with the anti-exclusion cause in Bristol. His fractious behaviour brought him to the attention of Archbishop Sancroft on a number of occasions. But this did not prevent his advancement to a prebend and then the deanery of Bristol. His sermon during the Monmouth rebellion is one of the highest expressions of Tory theology. Thompson’s extreme High Tory position therefore also serves to illustrate the spectrum of views within Toryism in the late 1670s and 1680s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Whig and Tory parties played an important role in British politics in the decades following the Glorious Revolution. This article introduces new data on the political affiliation of all Members of Parliament in England and Wales between 1690 and 1747. The data have numerous applications for research. The focus here is on majority party representation and the electoral politics of constituencies. I show that the Whigs had stronger representation in municipal boroughs with small and narrow electorates, whereas the Tories were stronger in county constituencies and in boroughs with large and more democratic electorates. The Whigs were stronger in the Southeast region and the Tories in Wales and the West Midlands. After the Whig leader, Robert Walpole, became prime minister in 1721 the Whigs lost some presence in their traditional strongholds including counties where the Dissenter population was large. Finally, I incorporate data on electoral contests and show that the majority party generally lost strength in constituencies following contests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of Tory Democracy in Lancashire heightened its influence in Conservative party debates about tariff reform and India. New Delhi’s imposition of tariffs from 1917 prompted Lancashire Conservatives to gradually modify their position on free trade, so that by 1931 they supported imperial preference. India’s reluctance to lower tariffs led many to criticise the 1933 India white paper. Historians have examined front bench and die-hard conservative efforts to win over Lancashire, but they have overlooked the extent to which local feeling and activism on India was native to the county and not imported from Westminster. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The "PM and Pendulum" model was adjusted for the 2015 General Election to take account of the LiberalDemocratic participation in government and the SNP surge. So adjusted, the model predicts a Tory vote victory by 3.4 percent over Labour. The seat forecast puts the Tories ahead with 287 seats to 263 for Labour, with 41 for the SNP. Thus another Hung Parliament! Ex-post estimates show that without the Lib-Dem adjustments the model would have predicted a Conservative majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2009 David Cameron announced that the 'underlying philosophy' of his government would be progressive conservatism. Despite the ambiguity about this term, it was generally interpreted as a signal that Cameron was moving his party to the left. To some commentators, Cameron was allying with the progressive 'one nation' strand of conservative thought. To others, particularly in the media, he was drawing on the more immediate influence of Phillip Blond's ' Red Toryism'. However, the focus on the market (as opposed to state or community) found in both Cameron's speech and subsequent policies sits uneasily with both of these interpretations. Cameron's progressive conservatism has more in common with Thatcherism - an earlier conservative modernising project - than it does with centrist forms of conservative progressivism. Cameron's progressive conservatism is progressive, but only in particular, less commonly used, ways - not as a rediscovery of social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the territorial statecraft of the Conservative Party both internally and in the Coalition Government since 2010. Using Bulpitt's statecraft framework alongside some more recent work on UK intergovernmental relations, it argues that the Conservative Party has pursued broadly the same strategy as the previous Labour administration: centre autonomy management. Thus, as long as the devolved administrations and Welsh and Scottish Conservatives stick to their low politics remit, territorial policy divergence and autonomy remain mostly irrelevant to the centre. In terms of intergovernmental relations, the Conservatives have handled territorial politics in coalition reasonably well. However, the recent Scotland Act and the Commission on Welsh Devolution point towards a future of sharing Treasury control over UK public finances. With the centre's governing autonomy increasingly compromised, the Conservative Party faces the challenge of creating a new strategy which allows it to pursue its priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses the modernisation of the Tory party. He states that the Tory modernisation was considered as its most ambiguous in terms of public services and public spending. He says that the Tory modernisation does not deal with a lot of middle-aged men who tried to tell everyone that the Conservative party had recovered from the era of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.

Critics predominantly read Daniel Defoe's A Tour thro' the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724-26) as a work promoting a vision of Britain as an economic power. They also treat the Tour's narrator as Defoe himself, or, at least, as a figure with the same beliefs as Defoe. In this article, I prove that the narrator of the Tow is not Defoe but a fictional persona, a staunch supporter of the Church of England. I also demonstrate that the work is not just an encomium of British commerce but a sophisticated argument for religious toleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Delarivier Manley's 1709 bestselling political satire, The New Atalantis, volume 2 contains a long tale of the virgin Elonora, her brother Don Juan, her suitor Don Antonio, her gambling aunt, and various men who conspire against her virtue. Most of Manley's other Atalantis stories satirize immediate Whig-Tory conflict in Queen Anne's Court and are decipherable, at least to a certain extent, through separately published keys. Despite this tale's length and prominence of place, however, no complete key to the characters' possible real-life identities exists; scholars have declared it unidentifiable, and perhaps pure fiction for entertainment. In this article, I demonstrate how the Elonora story invokes the memory of Sir Robert Howard, the only identified character, in a financial allegory dramatizing the dangers of England being in debt to foreign creditors beyond her net worth. Manley also hints at the implications of a notorious 1708 military pay scandal involving prominent Whig officers. This tale and others like it may have emboldened her soon-to-be employer Jonathan Swift to make the same allegations more overtly in his bestselling The Conduct of the Allies (1711). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, AndreaMcKenzie argues that the scatological and bawdy humor for which early eighteenth-century highwayman lives were so notorious functioned as a particularly pungent form of social and political commen- tary. The invocation of both blackguard protagonists and authors reinforced the element of social shaming and inversion, while the common trope of the "biting the biter" (implying that it is no crime to con, outwit, or despoil those who prey on others) was readily adaptable to a Tory or "Country" satirical program. She also aims to shed new light on an old and vexed question: to what degree were representations of social inversion normative or subversive? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nottingham's Conservative-led inter-war municipal housing policy is widely acknowledged to have been progressive and a model of its kind. This is at odds with traditional views of Tory housing policy between the wars. This paper examines the development of the city's inter-war housing strategy and identifies key stages and trends. Events in Nottingham are explored through an examination of conflicts and tensions within the city council, and by considering the effect of party politics on municipal housing policy. This research quantifies the city's achievements and finds explanation in a combination of consensus politics, Tory paternalism, and private enterprise failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nature of George Orwell's Tory anarchism, a term that he used to describe himself until his experiences in Spain in 1936. The argument developed here says that the qualities that Orwell felt made him a Tory anarchist remained with him throughout his life, even after his commitment to democratic socialism. In fact, many of those qualities (fear of an all-powerful state, respect for privacy, support for common sense and decency, patriotism) connect the two aspects of his character. The article explains what the idea of a Tory anarchist means, describing it as a practice rather than a coherent political ideology, and moves on to examine the relationship between Eric Blair, the Tory anarchist, and George Orwell, the democratic socialist. It makes the case for his Tory anarchism by drawing out recurring themes in his work that connect him to other Tory anarchist figures such as his contemporary Evelyn Waugh. Thus Tory anarchism is presented as a conservative moral critique of the modern world that can connect figures who hold quite radically different political beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of influence -- what constitutes it, how it works and who exercises it--is the subject of much research on British foreign and defence policy making in the twentieth century. This article introduces a possible new character to the interwar British imperial defence policy making system, the 27th Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. The focus of the article is on the Imperial, as well as the British, nature of that system, emphasizing the informal nature of the information flows which influenced and created strategic policy. As well, the article places the Anglo-American strategic relationship at the heart of the imperial defence system, showing the connectivity required within the system to deal with issues presented by the growing importance of America to the British system of lmperial Defence, not only in the Atlanticist context, but in the global/imperial sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has long divided the UK's political parties, especially the Conservatives and Labour. The parliamentary vote to enter the Common Market relied on rebel pro-European Labour MPs, while in the 1980s Labour was calling for withdrawal. If a decade on the Conservative Party saw a growing number of rebels against the Treaty of Maastricht, three decades later those Tory rebels-alongside a new party established to oppose membership, the UK Independence Party-have grown in number and look to the UK's ultimate withdrawal from the EU. This article explores the impact of European integration on British party politics, examining the ways in which it has caused division and fragmentation at the national level. It then looks at the impact of British membership on European level parties, which have also seen a degree of fragmentation owing to the nature of British parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the text of the speech "Dr Henry Sacheverells Speech, Relating to the Tumults," supposedly delivered by English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell during his 1710 impeachment trial for controversial sermons. The speech was published by printer William Garnet and is held at Cambridge University Library in England. Topics include riots surrounding the trial and the possibility that the speech was written by Sacheverell's moderate tory supporters.

The article discusses and presents the document the "Case of Henry Sacheverell," by Charles Burd, likely compiled in 1711, concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell following his delivery of controversial sermons. The work is held by the Harvard University Law Library in Cambridge, Massachusetts and features satires and an original drawing. Whig and tory perspectives on the trial are considered.

The article discusses and presents texts of contributions by tory statesman Daniel Finch, the 2nd earl of Nottingham, to the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell. It contains a draft version of a speech that Nottingham likely delivered during a debate in the British Parliament's House of Lords and his personal notes on the proceedings. Nottingham's role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and post-Revolution politics are also considered.

The article discusses and presents the text of a manuscript called the "Account of the Trial of Dr Sacheverell," concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Dr. Henry Sacheverell, held at the Beinecke Library Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. It comments on scribal writing, the author's display of tory sympathies, and coverage of speeches during the trial.

This essay is an account of the attempt to erect a massive allegorical monument to George III in central London. This was intended to represent the King as a Grecian charioteer, leading four spirited stallions over a prone hydra, symbolic of Faction. Those who devised this imagery clearly set out to create a conspicuous expression of their trenchant opposition to political reform. The essay centres upon a description of how plans for such a monument were frustrated by the inability of the subscription committee to raise funds. It reveals how the political ambition to provide an emblem of the crushing of public disorder dissolved in the face of public apathy and opposition. The project was finally realised through the erection of an equestrian monument to the King on Cockspur Street. The story of this monument is set within a broader account of Georgian urban planning. The, largely forgotten, plans of a political set, based at Belvoir Castle in Rutlandshire, to reshape London are reviewed. This clique did not just propose the monument to George III, they presented their contemporaries with elaborate plans to rebuild the Capital. The politics of the Belvoir set were Tory and one of the aims of this essay is to urge a reconsideration of the assumption, based on Everett's The Tory View of Landscape, that persons of this political persuasion were not concerned with landscape improvements. Indeed, the aim is to show that Tories, of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, had a great interest in metropolitan improvements. This essay shows that some Tories were preoccupied with changing the urban landscape, employing 'improvements' to establish more clearly in the public mind the virtues of traditional social order. This order was to proceed from the authority of the crown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A report is presented from a January 26-28, 2012 conference in London, England on the history of conservatism in West Germany and Great Britain in the mid-20th century. Topics of discussion included a comparison of the CDU political party in West Germany and the British Conservative Party, the role of the Tories in the Monday Club debate association, and the attitude of conservative politicians toward crime and national security.

This article locates Red Toryism within the broader Context of conservative thinking, tracing some key sources and influences. It discusses the concept of virtue in relation to some earlier Tory efforts to revive medievalist thought. It concludes with an analysis of some potential problems which derive from the attempt to apply a pre-modern form of thought in a multicultural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on the Ten Commandments followed by the Tory political party in Great Britain. It is inferred that they should exert more effort to exemplify hard work and fun-loving individuals. It is stated that party members should protect and preserve the welfare of the middle class. The assurance to the public on the security of the National Health Service is a must.

Tracing 60 years of shifting ideological fortunes, Tim Bale argues that the left wing of the Conservative party has atrophied and is impotent, posing major challenges to the party's ability both to govern in coalition now and to secure electoral success in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]