Search

This article explores the potential impact of the increased investment in early childhood education and care (ECEC) in Canada. With a multi-billion-dollar investment committed to making high-quality care accessible, affordable, flexible, and inclusive for all Canadians, this initiative is set to reshape the landscape of child care in Canada. Although increased access to ECEC is important, it is not sufficient on its own. Quality must be the cornerstone, with particular attention given to the needs of low-income families. Strategic incentives for providers and financial support for educators are practical steps that can significantly elevate the effectiveness and reach of ECEC services. The goal is not just more ECEC but better ECEC for all. The article draws on a range of research studies and policy documents to explore the potential benefits and challenges of this ambitious project and to offer recommendations for how stakeholders can work together to ensure its success. Note from the editors: The first volume of Canadian Public Policy/Analyse de politiques was published in 1975, making this the 50th volume. To commemorate, we have organized a series of lectures which are published in this special issue. Professor Dhuey gave this lecture at the meetings of the Canadian Economics Association in Winnipeg in June 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the state formation literature, increasing the burden on elites is a means used to reinforce the state administratively and militarily, not state capacity itself. The linkages between business and government authorities, such as "consultation forums, collaboration mechanisms, and the inclusion of corporate leaders or their representatives into government positions" (49), determine whether the elite tax can be successfully enacted. In that sense, elite taxation is a state-building phenomenon insofar as it boosts state elites' ability to penetrate society. [Extracted from the article]

The COVID-19 pandemic has had an impact on low-income workers, most of whom have experienced significant salary cuts. This happened due to government policy in an effort to suppress the spread of covid 19 by making an Emergency Community Activity Restriction Program (PPKM) policy for the Java Bali area starting on July 4, 2021. The regulation strictly restricts the activities of citizens. Employers who can still survive provide options for workers, namely working with a salary of 20-30% of the initial salary in the work agreement or being laid off because it requires company efficiency, which means experiencing a salary reduction of 80%. Based on the results of a survey conducted by the Indonesia Business Coalition for Women Empowerment (IBCWE) in May and December 2020. Workers who experienced a suspension of work again by 26% and workers who were still working, but experienced a reduction in working hours and wages by 55%. Bandung Regency itself, not a few companies cut their employees' salaries because production has dropped dramatically, some even completely close their companies, as happened in Dayeuhkolot District. There were massive layoffs from two garment companies that went out of business. Employees are temporarily laid off or working hours are reduced, taking turns with other employees which of course has an impact on reducing salaries. The formulation of the problem of how to determine the working hours of MSME workers in Bandung Regency during the pandemic and how to determine salaries based on these working hours. This study aims to determine the payroll applied by business actors in Bandung Regency during the pandemic. The research method used is qualitative descriptive. Meanwhile, the expected output of this research is to contribute data and facts related to the impact of the pandemic to business actors and the government through publication in accredited national journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ways in which the urban poor in Argentina help one another in the arduous task of making ends meet when neither the formal labor market nor state welfare policies are able to secure their subsistence. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, the article makes one substantive, one analytic, and one theoretical claim. Substantively, the article argues by way of empirical illustration that the urban poor are hardworking bricoleurs. Analytically, the article demonstrates the advantages of studying poor people's strategies in a simultaneously historic and ethnographic fashion through joint collaborative fieldwork. Theoretically, the article pushes toward replacing the notions of 'strategy of survival or subsistence' with the more encompassing notion of 'strategy of persistence'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The risk of climate disasters has spurred increased interest in public policies that help expand the number of households with disaster insurance, particularly for financially vulnerable populations. In recent years, local governments, concerned with their community's resilience to climate disasters, have started to consider insurance programs as part of their adaptation strategies. However, we do not yet have a robust body of research that shows if, and how, expanded insurance take-up among households affects community-wide recovery after a climate disaster. Filling this disaster insurance research gap will better equip public sector leaders to assess if investments in insurance programs can further community resilience goals and when disaster insurance is an appropriate climate adaptation tool. In this article, we assess the state of empirical evidence through existing frameworks of community recovery and put forward an agenda for future research that is attuned to local policy needs. Key policy insights: There is increasing interest by policymakers in expanding the number of households with disaster insurance to provide financial protection in the face of increasing climate risks, but little evidence exists on how household-level insurance affects community-level resilience outcomes. Expanded research on this topic could support local decision-makers in designing effective and efficient policies to support community recovery from climate extremes. Future research should focus on testing more holistic disaster recovery measures and downscaling global and national research to the local scale. Emerging pilot insurance programs and experimental policies offer novel opportunities to study impacts at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

B I The Social Emergency Law recognizes popular economy workers as workers. These "workers in the popular economy" are becoming an increasingly important group in terms of size alongside the prevailing two sectors of employed workers: registered formal employees and unregistered, informal workers (or "undeclared employment"). While this is not unique to popular economy workers, it is important to point out that they are not waged workers, making them powerless to modify this situation in the absence of an employer and a collective bargaining process to guarantee an increase in their income. Keywords: popular economy; labor market; universal basic wage; poverty; social security EN popular economy labor market universal basic wage poverty social security 64 72 9 06/07/23 20230501 NES 230501 Graph: Annual march by popular economy organizations in Argentina, on August 7, the day of San Cayetano, patron of bread and work, demanding "Peace, Bread, Land, Roof, and Work."Movimiento de Trabajadores Excluidos, facebook.com/mteargentina Latin America is a region where high levels of inequality exist in many countries. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on how financial and career incentives provided to police departments by local governments maintain racism, classism, and mass incarceration. Topics discussed include the use of policing to off-set budget shortfalls, financial incentives for revenue generation, and the historical context of racist and classist policing.

Holleran writes that YIMBYs "borrow much from anti-gentrification housing movements, but they view their constituents as middle-class market rate renters; and they advocate for all new development, not just affordable housing for low-income people, a concept they call "build more of everything" (p. 6). While only a few explicitly oppose non-profit housing, the aim of the YIMBY game is to increase housing supply by lubricating the development process for the private sector. For this Holleran credits YIMBYs with "promoting a new framing within the housing debate: concentrating on supply-side mechanisms, working with (not against) developers, and emphasizing the rights of middle-class newcomers to wealthy cities" (p. 161). [Extracted from the article]

McRobbie singles out an epicenter of the contemporary anti-trans movement, I mumsnet.com i , as the media outlet/platform that "most precisely embodies" (21) the discourse of professionalized motherhood, but unfortunately she doesn't consider the relationship between this discourse and the recent explosion of trans-exclusionary feminism for which I mumsnet i is significantly responsible. Also, especially given the concentration of trans-exclusionary feminism in the UK, McRobbie's analysis would have been stronger and more useful if it had considered how the neoliberal feminisms she studies in the book take cis women as their ideal subject. McRobbie's book is a valuable contribution to the growing scholarly literature on gender, feminism, and neoliberalism. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the impacts of poverty on the education of children and adolescents, analyzing the causes of social exclusion. The methodology starts from a qualitative approach, with an exploratory nature, and uses a semi-structured questionnaire to collect data from five teachers from a public school in the city of Serra, State of Espírito Santo, Brazil. As a result, it is observed that these teachers understand poverty and social exclusion as an obstacle in the education of children and adolescents and perceive the need for an effective public policy aimed at the education of the underprivileged. However, some of these professionals still didn't arise as social agents involved in this intervention, explaining in their answers that they do not see themselves intertwined with issues that go beyond the act of teaching the classic disciplinary contents, revealing themselves to be aliens to the reality of the students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Washington, D.C.; black activism; urban politics; gentrification; gender EN Washington, D.C. black activism urban politics gentrification gender 1179 1186 8 08/10/22 20220901 NES 220901 Summers, Brandi Thompson (2019). According to the National Community Reinvestment Coalition, the District of Columbia led the country in both the percentage of gentrified census tracts and levels of black displacement between 2000 and 2012.[2] Even as the city's population has grown by nearly 25% since 2000, a net exodus of nearly 25,000 black residents left Washington during these same years.[3] Recognizing that the drivers of demographic change are complex, many of these former residents undoubtedly found themselves caught in the crosshairs of rising rents, low-wage work, underfunded social services, and an increasingly inhospitable cultural climate. The quest for home rule - and perhaps more critically the wave of urban rebellions across the nation - convinced President Lyndon Johnson to push a D.C. government reorganization plan through Congress ending the three-member Board of Commissioners system in place since the demise of Reconstruction. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, the pervasiveness of coloniality in Southern childhoods' policyscapes is mapped. By analyzing Chilean child nutrition policies, this article illustrates how coloniality fabricates children's ontological "weirdness" to naturalize racial optimization through compulsory abledment. The "weird" Southern child is theorized as the preferred policy subject of an ableist assemblage that racializes disadvantaged children as biologically unfit for civilized life. Finally, this article argues that Childhood Studies must be decolonized by decentering models of childhood where coloniality remains deeply entrenched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bharati Arora's book I Writing Gender, Writing Nation i formulates a conscientious thesis that problematises the very principles and values on the basis of which the new nation-state of India was found. I Writing Gender, Writing Nation i foregrounds the special role played by laws in the newly constituted state of India by setting the tone of resurrected gendered relations and the roles of the marginalised in this new arrangement. Writing gender, writing nation: women's fiction in post-independence India: by Bharti Arora, New York, Routledge, 2019, x+232 pp., £38.99 (paperback), ISBN 97 8 036 728 052 9. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores how relational approaches to well‐being could support young children's educational achievement in high‐poverty contexts. It draws on findings from a qualitative study involving mothers and early years educators living and/or working in a city characterised as one of the most disadvantaged in England. The findings suggest that children's well‐being, rather than being merely an individual characteristic or aspiration, is interdependent with their social and material environments, as are the institutions that support them. The paper concludes by calling for a recalibration of early childhood policies away from assessing individual children's 'school readiness' to encouraging society's readiness to support everyone's well‐being, and consequently that of young children too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a corrective to the dominant celebratory narrative about the conditional cash transfer programme in the Philippines, the Pantawid, and its associated social registry, the Listahanan. Based on extensive documentary analysis and fieldwork in the Philippines in 2017 and 2018, we argue that the targeting system has in fact been unable to function according to its primary purpose of identifying the poor and providing them social protection, despite being celebrated precisely for this purpose. This has been partly – but not only – due to the increasingly obsolescent data of the registry, which the political system has been incapable of correcting, leading to stasis at a fairly low level of coverage, at a peak of about 19 percent of national households in 2014 and since subsiding to about 17 percent by 2020, with transfer amounts at a fraction of the food poverty line. This dysfunction has resulted in a quasi-permanent group of cash payment recipients, with little or no reflection of evolving poverty profiles. This revised reading of the Pantawid and Listahanan, in what might be considered as a strong case to examine social protection performance, brings us back to the perennial problems associated with poverty targeting in even best-case social protection programmes promoted by international donors and organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The passing of Professor Michael Lipton in early April 2023, at the age of 86, marked the conclusion of a long and very distinguished career in development studies. Michael was a fan of the work of the Russian agricultural economist A. V. Chayanov, who had shown that Lenin had exaggerated the rate at which Russian agriculture was becoming capitalist in the early twentieth century. Many of Michael's other academic and policy interests connected back to the central idea that, properly supported through public policy, small family farming was the most efficient and humane route to higher incomes in the Global South. [Extracted from the article]

Ellis quotes the influential advocate for Progressive policies, Sidney Webb, praising the Council for employing an interpreter to enable communication with any patients who could not speak English. Ellis also shows that the Council made itself aware (through impressive transnational networks) of international tendencies in asylum design toward the so-called villa asylum, but instead chose to persist with outmoded corridor-system designs in order to control budgets. Ellis shows how the Municipal Reform council drove forward this practice, riding on the new tide of anti-foreigner sentiment to reduce the burden on the ratepayers and to avoid having to build another asylum. [Extracted from the article]

Occupying schools, occupying land. As Tarlau shows, MST activists struggled bravely to get Pronera established and institutionalized in the federal budget. The first part offers a historical analysis of the MST's experience of constructing a national education programme, from the first makeshift land occupation encampment schools to Pronera and the national I Educação do Campo i initiative. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents an analysis of the ways in which the U.S. policy response to COVID-19 pandemic mirrors carceral punishment strategies. Topics covered include how institutions disproportionately punish the marginalized, how prisons mirror the broken development of rural industry and philosopher Michel Foucault's theory of shifting from a culture of public punishment to a disciplinary culture as related to the pandemic.

The book lays out the theoretical framework, a short review of previous studies, a brief introduction to social movements and participatory administration in Brazil, three case studies, and conclusions. The rigorous theoretical and conceptual bases allow Konta to analyze people, policies, and movements in ways that favor comparison and generalization. The first case study is that of Mutirão, a participatory housing policy focused on collective auto-construction. [Extracted from the article]

This paper is a broad expansion of an SRSA Research Fellows Address presented in Roslyn, Virginia on April 16th, 2019. In it, I extol the virtues of poverty research, particularly that focused on the U.S. where households living on less than $4/day/person compose the largest shares of county populations. I note that two factors that are the hallmark of such extreme poverty { lack of a vehicle and lack of internet service { are forcing poor household to perceive themselves as ever more isolated, for greater accessibility for the rest of the U.S. population amplifies the gap created by their deficiency. This is because others expect everyone has such access. Southern areas with persistent poverty { the Black Belt, the Mississippi Delta, and Appalachia { have concentrations of such extreme poor and also have deficient access to the rest of the world. I suggest that Americans should find away to ameliorate this condition. I conclude by encouraging my SRSA colleagues to do what they do best, but with a poverty tilt, as a means of petitioning policy makers and the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: abuse; Buddhism; Catholicism; power; silence EN abuse Buddhism Catholicism power silence 99 111 13 04/04/20 20200301 NES 200301 I enter Buddhist-Christian dialogue as a white, U.S., Catholic feminist living in this dreadful time of war, racial oppression, manufactured "national emergency" around immigration, sex/gender disrespect, climate change, ecological disaster, excessive wealth, and extreme poverty. To explore the power of silence in the work of justice, I look first at what it means to bring new dimensions to a religious tradition and then at how Catholic feminist social justice advocates "engage impasse" through communal contemplation and dialogue. Catholic Feminist Social Justice Advocates "Engage Impasse" In addition to hearing and amplifying these voices, Catholic feminist social justice advocates use silence. In August 2000, feminist Nancy Sylvester, a member of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, gave a presidential address to the Leadership Conference of Women Religious entitled "Risk the Sacred Journey.". [Extracted from the article]

Reformist critics of globalisation see global governance as the solution to poverty relief in the developing world. Marxist critics see this poverty as an effect of global structures. Yet governments and NGOs continue to construct local projects. How do these projects fit a global analysis of power? Most projects seek to integrate the poor. This article asks whether projects might work better by detaching participants from global capitalism. Focusing on the landless poor, the second part of the article examines common strategies for localised interventions in the developing world. Examples come from fieldwork in Egypt and Sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on US policymaking argues that responsiveness to public opinion is distorted by money, in that the preferences of the rich matter much more than those of lower-income Americans. A second distortion—partisan biases in responsiveness—has been less well studied and is often ignored or downplayed in the literature on affluent influence. We are the first to evaluate, in tandem, these two potential distortions in representation. We do so using 49 Senate roll-call votes from 2001 to 2015. We find that affluent influence is overstated and itself contingent on partisanship—party trumps the purse when senators have to take sides. The poor get what they want more often from Democrats. The rich get what they want more often from Republicans, but only if Republican constituents side with the rich. Thus, partisanship induces, shapes, and constrains affluent influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the problem of genesis and evolution of such a factor of Russian domestic policy as care for the poor. By the particular historical examples it is shown how, under the struggle for power between secular and religious authorities, in the period of completion of the unification of the Russian lands and the establishment of autocracy, the idea of care for the poor promoted by the church developed into ideology. As a church thesis on the necessity to take care of each other and give alms, it provided an opportunity to use the ideology and traditions of charity established in Old Russian society not only for harmonizing and stabilizing social relations and mitigating socio-economic contradictions but also for strengthening the position of the state in struggle for property and power against the Russian Orthodox Church. The continued aspiration of the church to defend its privileges through the ideology of care for the poor as a major means of struggle alongside the manipulation of the idea of care for the poor on the part of the state led to strengthening the patriarchal thesis of poverty blessed by the God in Russian public consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'nuclear hardship hypothesis', argued by Peter Laslett in 1988, holds that that the prevalence of the nuclear household in early modern England, and the apparent weakness of kinship interactions outside it, left the burden of caring for the vulnerable squarely on the 'collectivity', most obviously in the form of the Elizabethan poor law. But recent studies of family and kinship in English society have questioned the idea of the autonomous nuclear household, challenging us to reconsider this notion from the perspective of the early modern poor. This article uses a largely untapped set of sources, pauper petitions, to look for qualitative evidence of kinship support among the seventeenth‐century English poor. Focusing on the county of Lancashire, this article mines petitions for references to kinship support, to the forms it took, and to what it 'meant' to recipients. It argues that kinship support was not uncommon, and indeed was the expected social norm where it was physically available. But it had clear limits, and might only be a temporary expedient; moreover, most recorded examples saw support flowing between former members of the same nuclear household. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Credit has become a significant institution within the American social safety net. Accordingly, "access to credit" talk pervades the current discourse of financial rights and equality for low-income communities. Indeed, in a rare point of convergence, both progressive and conservative accounts of optimal credit regulation for the working poor rest on the shared conviction that credit is an important tool of "social provision," the range of state policies implemented to improve general welfare. The notion that credit is a valid form of social provision for low-income Americans, however, is deeply flawed. The difficulty with credit as a form of social provision for lowincome Americans is that there is an essential mismatch between the problem and the solution. At its best, credit is a mechanism of intertemporal and intrapersonal redistribution. However, low-income Americans often struggle with persistent financial instability, and decades of data show that they can reasonably expect to be in worse economic shape as time progresses. As an essential matter, then, the problem of entrenched and enduring poverty that leaves people consistently unable to afford basic necessities cannot be addressed by a device that requires future prosperity and economic growth. Moreover, the resulting debt burden transforms credit as social provision from a form of mere intertemporal redistribution into a form of regressive redistribution, in which wealth flows out of already economically vulnerable communities. This reality has broader consequences for the middle class given its own government-sanctioned, heavy reliance on credit in the broader, persistently stagnant economic environment. Thus, our increasingly unfounded dependence on a policy of access to credit as social provision must be set aside in order to begin the difficult task of surfacing and centralizing the more pressing extent of deepening economic, and thus social, inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Cash transfers increase farm production by 33.5 percent. • None of these impacts are channelled through transfer-induced changes in farm labour. • In fact, cash transfers have no significant impact on family labour supply or on demand for hired labour. • This implies that the productive impacts of cash transfers flow through other channels, different from the labour one. Abstract This paper has the double aim to study whether unconditional cash transfers have an impact on farm production and to look into the causal mechanisms through which government transfers produce productive impacts. We use mediation analysis to identify the total effect of transfers on farm production and to isolate the influence of the labour channel from other transmission channels. In particular, we analyze whether changes in farm production are caused by transfer-induced changes in the use of farm labour – either by reallocating family labour between off- and on-farm work or by changes in the demand for hired labour – or if other transmission channels are at work. We find that cash transfers have a sizable impact on farm production but they do not lead to increased use of family or hired labour on the farm, which implies that the productive impacts of cash transfers flow through other channels, different from the labour one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land registration and titling in Africa is often advocated as a pro-poor legal empowerment strategy. Advocates have put forth different visions of the substantive goals this is to achieve. Some see registration and titling as a way to protect smallholders' rights of access to land. Others frame land registration as part of community-protection or ethno-justice agendas. Still others see legal empowerment in the market-enhancing commodification of property rights. This paper contrasts these different visions, showing that each entails tensions and trade-offs. The analysis helps explain why land law reforms aiming at legal empowerment may be controversial or divisive in African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do state government policies and institutions promote access to postsecondary education by economically disadvantaged students? I analyze the number of state residents receiving federal Pell grants relative to the college-age population raised in low-income households. Using data for 1993-2008, I estimate separate models for total Pell recipients and for those enrolled in public, private nonprofit, and proprietary institutions. I find consistent evidence that state spending on both need- and merit-based financial aid enhances access by economically disadvantaged students, with the effects of need-based aid being larger and more robust than those of aid based at least in part on merit. I also find that students in states with consolidated governing boards have slightly greater access to public and nonprofit institutions than those with statewide coordinating boards. Enrollment by economically disadvantaged students in the public and proprietary sectors also responds to the opportunity costs of attending college, as measured by the state unemployment rate. I do not find evidence of direct effects from state policies limiting affirmative action, or political elites' ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]