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With decline of the unipolar system and US hegemony, Turkey, just like other middle powers and the great world powers, has been seeking a repositioning in the emerging multipolar order and claimed by a new international system. The orientation and nature of this quest has been strongly influenced by the prominent figure of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the leader of Islamist AKP party that has ruled Turkey for most of the 21st century. This long period has produced big social, political, economic and cultural changes in Turkey, which have also had an impact on its foreign policy. In the last twenty years, Turkey has modified its strategy of international insertion, both from the theoretical-doctrinal point of view as well as from the available resources and objectives. While it has not officially established a Grand Strategy, however, based on the recent actions by the Turkish government and analytical literature, it is possible to identify its main components. One of them is its intended reach at different levels: national, regional (with the determination of new areas of influence) and global, resorting to a mixture of elements of soft and hard power, with greater relevance of force in the last stage, due to circumstances considered as threats by Turkey. In any case, speaking of a grand strategy, it is necessary to try first to delimit this concept in general and identify its characteristics for Turkey in particular, as well as its challenges and main limitations, at the 100th anniversary of the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the change in power structures in the international system, highlighting the emergence of new actors such as China, Russia, India, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, South Korea, Nigeria, Mexico, and Turkey. It focuses on Turkey as a key actor in the international system of the 21st century, analyzing its foreign policy, power resources, and its influence in different regions of the world. The special edition of Oasis on Turkey presents a thematic section that addresses Turkey's relationship with the world on topics such as migration, democracy, transregionalism, and connectivity. Additionally, it includes reviews of two books. [Extracted from the article]

While enhancing our economic relations with African countries was positioned as a target within Türkiye’s vision, especially after the Cold War, this could only come true in the first decade of the 21st century. As a result, there have been significant trade volume developments. Although Türkiye had a trade deficit with Africa from the mid-90s to the early 2000s, it became a surplus party in the subsequent period due to stagnation and the impacts of various crises. The trade with Africa is primarily with North African countries due to geographical proximity and historical ties. While Africa's share in Türkiye's total foreign trade volume has been gradually increasing, it remains significantly lower compared to Asia and Europe. Relations between the continent and Türkiye haven’t grown stronger yet, mainly because most African countries were former colonies. On the other hand, Türkiye's geographical proximity to Africa offers a significant opportunity to meet African countries' agricultural and food needs. In this context, this study aims to analyze Türkiye’s trade with the African continent and to reveal the opportunities, threats, strengths, and weaknesses this trade offers for both actors. Furthermore, the study provides recommendations to enhance these relations in this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial revolutions have been shaped within the framework of certain driving factors such as mechanization, the use of steam and electricity in machines, and the invention of electronic machines. In the 21st century, which is expressed as industry 4.0, new developments and innovations have emerged in many fields such as industry, technology and education. In parallel to these developments, there have been successive changes in other related issues. In this context, the knowledge, skills and competencies that employer institutions and organizations expect from their employees have also changed, and these are named as 21st century competencies. Many academic and non-academic studies have been conducted on the quality and quantity of these qualifications. In addition, nowadays activities have been carried out for the tools and mechanisms that will ensure the acquisition of these qualifications. One of the activities that come to the fore in this context is quality and accreditation studies in the field of education. One of the organizations operating in the field of accreditation of theology and Islamic sciences programs in Turkey and internationally is the Islamic Sciences Accreditation Agency (IAA). IAA expects the outputs of the programs applying to enter the accreditation process to include the outputs of the IAA, so it expects the program graduates in the process to have the outputs of the IAA, and offers the acquisition of program-specific criteria as a recommendation. At this point, the issue of IAA outputs and program-specific criteria come to the fore whether the assurance of 21st century qualifications for graduates of theology and Islamic sciences program or not. For this reason, in this study, the role of Islamic Sciences Accreditation Agency (IAA) criteria is discussed in the process of gaining the knowledge, skills and competencies expected from individuals in the 21st century to the students of theology and Islamic sciences program. Therefore, in this article, it is aimed to reveal the place and importance of the IAA accreditation process and its criteria in the theology and Islamic sciences program undergraduate students who are in the process of IAA accreditation, in order to have 21st century qualifications. 21st century qualifications and IAA outputs as well as its program-specific criteria constitute the scope of this study since the role of IAA outputs and program-specific criteria in the acquisition of 21st century qualifications are discussed in the study. However, in this process limitations have been made at the point of specifying the 21st century competencies. In this context, the competencies expressed in 9 of 19 studies on competencies are taken as basis. All of the IAA outputs and program-specific criteria are included in the scope. This study is important in terms of showing the value of IAA accreditation at the point of gaining the 21st century qualifications to the graduates of the program who are in the IAA accreditation process, and revealing the assurance dimension of the accreditation process in gaining these qualifications. In the research, qualitative research method is used as a method and case study is used as a tool. Due to the uniqueness of the case, the single case model is preferred. For data collection, open-public documents are used. For this reason, it is seen unnecessary to obtain an ethics committee approval. In this process, initially the scientific study documents dealing with the 21st century competencies and the IAA criteria are examined, and then the obtained data are evaluated. Descriptive method is used in data analysis. Both internal validity elements, such as getting expert opinion; and external ones such as classification, categorization and coding of data are fulfilled. In the study, it is noted that IAA outputs support most of the 21st century competencies; on the other hand, it is found that IAA program-specific criteria support a significant part of these qualifications. Therefore, it is concluded that the IAA accreditation process can be a guarantee for the students of theology and Islamic sciences programs to gain these qualifications. It has not yet been determined whether the graduates of the accredited programs have gained these qualifications due to the fact that the IAA accreditation practices have just started and the impact process on the students has spread over the years. In accordance with this purpose, it is recommended to carry out different studies, including the opinions of students, graduates and stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian crisis is a long-standing problem that affects power relations and creates a regional/global impact in today's Middle East. It has attracted the attention of many states due to its geographical location, natural resources, as well as being located on the route to various assets. In other words, the experienced crises occur in relation to the decisions taken by the states according to their own interests. The most important issue that shapes this situation is - apart from the effort to reach the resources in the region - the embroilment of ongoing problems of the 21st century in the international system. To understand the transitory state that exists in the international system, it is not sufficient to make an inference only from the existing cyclical order when examining the events. In this context, it is aimed to discuss the approaches of two competing powers in the international system by choosing the 1957 Syrian Crisis in the Cold War and the 2011 Syrian Crisis after the Cold War. In this way, two similar period intervals will be studied through the neorealist framework. Because while both the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation (USSR during the Cold War) want to protect their own interests during these two crisis periods, they also affect the emergence and recovery processes of problems. With this study, it will be tried to reveal how the Syrian issue affects Turkey-Russia relations both in terms of the international system and in terms of differences in the region by help of the neorealist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising temperatures and decreasing rainfall are expected to have negative effects on ecosystem services by causing significant shrinkage or shift of forest distribution particularly in Mediterranean basin. In this study, it was aimed to determine the distribution of oriental beech (Fagus orientalis Lipsky.) by modelling the current and future potential locations of the habitats. With Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) approach, we predicted its distribution under current and future conditions (RCP 4.5 and RCP 8.5) in Turkey. Modelling was performed by using eight bioclimatic variables that show significant relationship to the current distribution of oriental beech and were widely used in the literature. The fitted model had high quality (93.5% AUC) and is biological meaningful. The prediction of warmer condition in future showed that the populations on the southern slopes of the North Anatolian Mountains were expected to shrink and that there would be reduction in the populations found in the main distribution area in the Istranca Mountains and the Northern Anatolia, especially in populations in the transition zone of Central Anatolia. Also, oriental beech would lose its isolated-marginal populations in the southeast of Turkey. The results highlight the importance of a genetic conservation programme for beech population in Turkey. Otherwise, the genetic pools seem to extinct under climate change. Furthermore, the paper is intended to provide a starting point for a monitoring of oriental beech at the edge of its distribution, to observe its climatic migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study was to determine the 21st century skills level of undergraduate students studying in Library and Information Science (LIS) departments. A cross-sectional survey design from non-experimental research approach was preferred to examine the change in the students' 21st century skill levels. The sample of the study consisted of 683 students studying in the LIS departments of 9 universities with active students in different geographical locations of Turkey. As data collection tools, 3 different measurement tools were used to measure 21st century skills determined within the scope of the study, and the data were collected in the spring semester of the 2019-2020 academic year. One-Way MANOVA statistical analysis technique was used in the analysis of the data. As a result, students' levels of digital literacy, collaboration, and algorithmic thinking skills were found to increase as the year of study level increased. When examined according to age levels, only collaboration and algorithmic thinking skills differed between the groups. When a comparison was made according to universities, it was determined that the level of effective listening skills, which is an element of algorithmic thinking, collaboration, and effective communication skills, differed significantly. The highest level of digital literacy skills was determined in the students studying at Hacettepe University. The findings related to universities' getting their students to gain 21st century skills were discussed in detail in the study, and recommendations were presented in accordance with the findings. The results of the present study is hoped to guide LIS teaching staff to design a curriculum which enables their students enhance the 21st century skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to understand the outcomes of the crackdown on the Arab revolts and the lessons learned thereof. There is no doubt that the Arab revolts were corrupted shortly after their start and used to serve the interests of counterrevolutionaries. The economic, social, and political problems, which triggered the riots in 2011, have not been mitigated a decade later. In this respect, Turkey's respect for popular demands, the attractiveness of its democratic model, and it proactive foreign policy have concerned the Gulf states leading them to view Turkey as a country that they had to contain. However, Turkey's post-2016 efforts to restore the balance of power through the use of hard power prevented Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates from developing a new regional blueprint under the Trump administration. Right now, there are indications that all regional powers are engaging in a fresh strategic assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When people learn that demonstrators are being subjected to harsh treatment by the police, sometimes their reaction is to join demonstrations. What explains the potentially mobilizing power of repression? Information-oriented theories posit that repression changes people's beliefs about the likely success of the protests or the type of the government, thus encouraging them to join. Social-psychological theories posit that repression provokes a moral and emotional reaction from bystanders, and these emotional reactions are mobilizing. Our research offers a rare opportunity to test these theories, empirically, against one another. We offer experimental evidence from Turkey after the 2013 Gezi uprising. In this setting, emotional reactions appear to be the link between repression and backlash mobilization. Information-oriented theories of backlash mobilization may be less germane in democracies, in which people already have access to information about their governments, and in highly polarized polities, in which few people's political affinities are up for grabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the alleged persecution of Christian minorities in Turkey under the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling political party Justice and Reconciliation Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). The impact that political Islam has on the putative persecution of Christians in Turkey is discussed.

The article discusses the increasing authoritarianism of the Islamist Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his tenure throughout the early 21st century, including the impact that attempted July 15, 2016 coup d'etat had on authoritarianism in Turkey. The role that military officers and members of the Gülen movement played in the July 2016 coup, including the possible role that Muslim preacher Fetullah Gülen played in planning the coup, is discussed.

Public reaction to the coup attempt in Turkey on July15, 2016, organized by members of a terrorist organization in the Turkish Army received a wide coverage in the Western media. This coverage however failed to reflect the pulse of the streets and the active presence of women from every segment of society in protests. This commentary argues that the ethnocentric and biased coverage of the events by the Western media, their ignorance and negligence of the heroic struggle of women against the coup attempt is a result of feminist orientalism that portrays Eastern women as oppressed, submissive and incapable of taking their own decision and act upon it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Islamist President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's governance of Turkey, including his calling for November 2015 elections soon after the political party Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) was defeated in June 2015 elections. An overview of Turkey's conflict with its Kurdish population is provided.

This article analyzes the association between civil conflicts and educational achievement by studying the Turkish case. It combines the 2005 university entrance exam scores of more than 1.6 million students and a newly constructed data set on the casualties of the Turkish–Kurdish conflict to study the association between the conflict and educational achievement of Turkish students. The results reveal a significant negative association. Combined with the already well-established positive links between education and various measures of socioeconomic development like economic growth, social equality, and public health, the results in this article demonstrate that education is one of the channels through which civil conflicts damage the well-being of societies thereby creating the conditions that perpetuate them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: The Turkish government has implemented several reforms to improve the Turkish Statistical Institute Death Reporting System (TURKSTAT-DRS) since 2009. However, there has been no assessment to evaluate the impact of these reforms on causes of death statistics. This study attempted to analyse the impact of these reforms on the TURKSTAT-DRS for Turkey, and in the case of Izmir, one of the most developed provinces in Turkey. Methods: The evaluation framework comprised three main components each with specific criteria. Firstly, data from TURKSTAT for Turkey and Izmir for the periods 2001-2008 and 2009-2013 were assessed in terms of the following dimensions that represent quality of mortality statistics (a. completeness of death registration, b. trends in proportions of deaths with ill-defined causes). Secondly, the quality of information recorded on individual death certificates from Izmir in 2010 was analysed for a. missing information, b. timeliness of death notifications and c. characteristics of deaths with ill-defined causes. Finally, TURKSTAT data were analysed to estimate life tables and summary mortality indicators for Turkey and Izmir, as well as the leading causes-of-death in Turkey in 2013. Results: Registration of adult deaths in Izmir as well as at the national level for Turkey has considerably improved since the introduction of reforms in 2009, along with marked decline in the proportions of deaths assigned illdefined causes. Death certificates from Izmir indicated significant gaps in recorded information for demographic as well as epidemiological variables, particularly for infant deaths, and in the detailed recording of causes of death. Life expectancy at birth estimated from local data is 3-4 years higher than similar estimates for Turkey from international studies, and this requires further investigation and confirmation. Conclusion: The TURKSTAT-DRS is now an improved source of mortality and cause of death statistics for Turkey. The reliability and validity of TURKSTAT data needs to be established through a detailed research program to evaluate completeness of death registration and validity of registered causes of death. Similar evaluation and data analysis of mortality indicators is required at regular intervals at national and sub-national level, to increase confidence in their utility as primary data for epidemiology and health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at Turkey's foreign and military policy in the Middle East, offering evidence that its government under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is quietly supporting the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and analyzing why it motivated to do so. It says that the Turkish government seeks the ouster of Syrian President Bashar Assad so that a Sunni-led regime can take power in Syria. It describes how Turkish policy toward ISIS has shifted over time, in part in response to ISIS's raid on the Turkish consulate in Mosul, Iraq. Topics include a joint U.S.-Turkish effort to support the Free Syrian Army opposition group, evidence of Turkish arms shipments to ISIS, and the views of Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu.

The article discusses the prospects of Turkey moving toward authoritarian form of government under Turkish political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) leader and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, referencing the country's political history and nationalism from 2002 through 2014. The Turkish government's response to the protests at Gezi Park in Taksim Square, Istanbul, Turkey in 2013 is discussed. The relationship between Islam and state in Turkey is also discussed.

The article discusses municipal elections in Turkey and the administration of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The author reflects on Erdogan's majority win in the 2011 election and allegations of government corruption and anti-democratic behavior. Other topics include Erdogan's Islamic beliefs and their relationship to public policy, legislation on the National Intelligence Organization, and relations with the U.S. government.

Significant changes have taken place in the demographics of Turkey in the remaining timeframe of the 21st century in addition to the changes incurring in other areas. The aim of this study was to analyze the statistical and spatial distribution of migrations inter provincial in Turkey between the years 2007-2012. The results of the analyses were compared with the results for previous periods and the similarities and differences in terms of interprovincial migrations were determined. During the last five years of the 21st century 2.3 million people have migrated from one province to another per year to total over 11.6 million people (15,3% of the total population). These figures show that more than twice the number of people compared to previous years migrated to another province. Although the percentage of the migrating population has increased, only 1/3 of the provinces in Turkey have been at the receiving end of this migration. The spatial analyses have determined that the difference between the eastern and western parts of Turkey in terms of internal migration continues. In other words, it has been determined that no significant changes in the net migration map of Turkey have incurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses efforts by Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to suppress and criticize the Turkish media as of late 2013. It examines television network CNN Turk owner Aydin Dogan and CNN Turk's lack of coverage during demonstrations known as the Gezi Park protests in Turkey in June 2013. The article discusses Dogan's career, Erdogan's public denunciations of the media during weekly speeches in the Turkish General Assembly, and the propaganda of the Turkish political party the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It also discusses Erdogan's political success, the fundraising entity known as Deniz Feneri, and sympathetic journalists close to Erdogan.

This paper discusses the conflict between the AK Party government and the Gezi activism with reference to hegemony, power-resistance dichotomy, local/metanarratives and the carnivalesque. The AK Party's 11-year rule revolutionized center-periphery relations in Turkey. The party pioneered the democratization process until the 2011 elections but took an authoritarian turn aterwards -- which gave rise to the revolts. However, the protests mobilized a heterogeneous group, some of whom maintained militarist and partiarchal metanarratives while others took a libertarian stance. his paper highlights the fragmentation of discourses under the "Gezi Spirit" as well as among AK Party supporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1990s, political uncertainties in Turkey had negative effects that left the economy vulnerable to public and foreign debt due to high inflation, high budget deficit and high current account deficit. Coalition governments failed to address these problems. Following its rise to power in 2002, the AK Party developed a new perspective for the economy, politics and foreign policy collectively referred as the New Turkey. The government emphasized fiscal discipline, structural transformation and privatization. During this period, Turkey rapidly recovered from the negative effects of the 2001 financial crisis and reached a steady growth rate. The country also survived the 2008 global crisis with minimum damage. The government seeks to meet its targets for the centennial of the Republic's establishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's 1982 Constitution does not reflect the values of modern constitutionalism. Originally, the Constitution maintained a state-centered, authoritarian character and failed to meet society's expectations. Pro-reform parties sought to replace the Constitution to address various societal demands. The AK Party also identified the drafting of a new Constitution as a primary objective and attempted thirteen amendments. There were two main motivations behind the amendments: Turkey's EU membership bid and frequent constitutional crises. In this sense, the amendments promoted individual rights and liberties in Turkey. The Constitution today is a legal text that underwent major changes over the years to establish more effective safeguarding mechanisms for individual rights and liberties. Turkey's need for a new constitution, however, remains alive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anti-government protests in Turkey emerged as a legitimate and even necessary reaction against police brutality to evolved into violent revolts targeting Prime Minister Erdoğan. Since the initial protests, commentators sought to make sense of the phenomenon with reference to the Gezi youth. A closer examination, however, would reveal the Leftist-Kemalist aura of the protests that came under the tutelage of Taksim Solidarity, an umbrella organization of left-wing associations, and the Republican People's Party. Meanwhile, the general public kept its distance from the violent demonstrations. Not only AK Party supporters but also many liberals and secular-minded democrats found the developments alarming. While the protests marks a step forward for Turkey's once-apathetic opposition groups, their failure prevented a revival of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is achieved a viable combination of Islam, democracy and development. After prolonged periods of political instability and interruptions in democratic rule, the Islamic-leaning AK Party government overcame the hurdles preventing it from reaching power in the early 2000s. It achieved a significant degree of democratization and economic growth without oil or foreign aid and repeatedly won elections ever since. As such, the party's success offers important lessons for Islamists in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco. The lessons of the Turkish experience are especially relevant in dealing with the opposition and democratization, as well as achieving stability and growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief commentary assesses the progress made by Turkey under the Justice and Development Party (the AK Party) toward European Union (EU) membership and democratization. While it acknowledges positive steps, it notes that the goals of EU accession and democratic consolidation remain elusive. One consideration is that the expectations or "goalposts" for both have moved so that, relative to the objectives of those supporting democratic freedoms and Europeanization, progress in Turkey has still been rather modest. While the democratization package of September 2013 offers some hope for democratization, it remains difficult to see substantial progress in terms of joining the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the shift from an initially European-oriented and politically motivated competition law, toward a U.S. style and aspiringly apolitical competition regime in Turkey. Translation is used as an analytic to capture the complex processes of such a shift. The article argues that this shift can be explained first by the broad turn toward the U.S. as a source of state expertise and knowledge production in the context of the Cold War. This broad historical dynamic could only be activated, however, by the emergence of a critical mass of policy entrepreneurs and state officials shifting the momentum of policy making away from national developmentalism toward neoliberalism. Such a critical juncture, formed essentially by a generational shift, has been decisive in changing the character of competition law regime in Turkey. A new generation of bureaucrats ended up translating competition in a way that furthers their political goals. This process has contributed to the strengthening of a certain type of competition law regime or network globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the role of democracy in 21st century Turkey with special attention to demonstrations at the Gezi Park, Istanbul, the relationship between the media and democracy, as well as protesters. Other topics mentioned in this article include social mobilization, the economic situation of Turkey, and the role of new media.

The article discusses the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as of March 2013, focusing on his vision for Turkey. According to the article, Erdogan's reputation for reconciling democracy with Islam is cast into question by some critics who focus on his limiting of free expression and his promotion of Islamic values in an attempt to reduce Kurdish terrorism. Topics include the 2023 centennial anniversary of the founding of the Turkish Republic, the Justice and Development political party (AKP), and Turkish foreign policy including Turkey's relations with Israel.

The article reports on protests at the Gezi Park in Taksim Square in Istanbul, Turkey beginning in 2013. Topics include the protesters' objections to the removal of trees in the park for the construction of a military barrack, international perceptions of the protests, and the response of the Turkish government to the protest. Attitudes of the ruling Turkish political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) towards opposition and legal means of addressing protesters' demands are also noted.

The article discusses the planning of the Izmir Biomedicine and Genome Center (iBG) at Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir, Turkey in relation to Turkish political conflicts. Topics include the role of iBG director Mehmet Öztürk in the project, the funding of the institute in relation to Turkish scientific culture, and government funding of research in relation to the iBG.

The article previews the December 2016 issue of the journal which will tackle various issues including Turkey's democracy, misdiagnosis of Iraq's problems, and illiberalism in Israel.