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In 1975, my parents-in-law met in Lourenço Marques (Maputo, Mozambique). The period preceding their engagement was marked by profoundly contrasting experiences. Because of his political activities against the Estado Novo dictatorship, he was conscripted into the Portuguese Commandos and participated in the conflict that unfolded in northern Mozambique. Conversely, she travelled from the Portuguese metropolis to Lourenço Marques as a child (following her grandfather's promotion in public service), and had a happy childhood and adolescence, as documented in a collection of Super 8 films that were entrusted to me. How to reconcile such opposite experiences? And how to honour a legacy of images that do not cease to question me in the critical present? This photo-text essay focuses on a set of images that go beyond the commonly accepted depictions of Portuguese colonialism to problematize issues of resistance, indifference and complicity, showing how private and seemingly insignificant visual materials take part in collective forms of enunciation. It stresses the importance of landscape in conveying unassimilable and traumatic aspects of Portugal's problematic history, examining how different discourses and imaginal references about war and colonialism reflect various perspectives, experiences and sensibilities, which may or may not align with each other. Ultimately, by drawing on an experimental, self-reflexive and visual approach to history, the essay encourages readers to actively engage in shaping alternative public memories, capable of encompassing the intricacies and diverse facets of history's manifold manifestations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the composition of families in the parish of São José de Encoge, northern Angola, in the early colonial era, using a series of 'family bulletins' collected by the Portuguese colonial government in 1910. Encoge was one of the earliest centres of coffee cultivation in west-central Africa. While not all local families participated in this economy, the census sheds light on family-based cash-crop production after the abolition of slavery in Angola. The literature on post-slavery labour arrangements in Africa almost unanimously suggests that family-extension strategies predominantly aimed to integrate young women and girls into households, using pawnship and guardianship as important methods. The family bulletins from Encoge provide a means to evaluate this assumption on a quantitative basis in an Angolan context. They indicate that, besides natural reproduction and the adoption of second wives, the incorporation of wards, nephews, and nieces was the most common form of household extension, in which elders showed a remarkable preference for male dependants. The bulletins do not provide clear evidence of the presence of enslaved dependants, although some individuals listed as servants were possibly enslaved. Overall, the data suggest that, contrary to common assumptions about agricultural labour in Africa, family-based cultivation and trade of coffee did not discriminate against men or boys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the site of the Rossio square in Lisbon as a contested urban space between the dispossessed and the Portuguese imperial authorities over the eighteenth century. Focusing on the aftermath of the Lisbon earthquake, it examines how enslaved and freed women of African and Afro-Brazilian heritage from the Portuguese colonies used and reconfigured the Rossio through their direct confrontations with the imperial authorities. Reading against the grain of traditional manuscript sources, this article demonstrates how contestations of the Rossio not only illuminated and underscored the dependence of the metropolis on the labour of Afro-diasporic enslaved and freed women, but also enabled these women to create alternate geographies of empire and power that pushed back against imperial spatial constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the atmospheric identity of the Chinese city–state of Macau, which has a distinctive urban charisma owing to its 500-year history as a Portuguese colony and its contemporary development into a global tourist site. By analysing visual ethnographic data, the research understands Macau's urban space with attention to its affective atmospheres. The research explores how visual analysis of urban atmospheres may enhance understanding of a city's atmospheric identity. The article analyses the sublime and uncanny as two complementary affective fields exemplified by two unconventional locales: the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau bridge and the adjacent Chinese Special Economic Zone of Hengqin Island. The article demonstrates that visual analysis of affective atmospheres can be instrumental in describing how people, emotions, objects and environments are reconstituted in a continuous process of urban change and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial representations concerning 'indigenous uses and customs' have been the target of postcolonial critique. However, in the Portuguese case, the impacts of the colonial encounter with African customary land tenure has still to be analysed and correspondingly inquiring into the historical relationship between colonialism and the commons. This article focuses on the debates surrounding the 'indigenous' common property regime among the political and academic elites and its historical evolution. This, therefore, frames land policies and their legitimising discourse in their production contexts, revealing how customary laws were misrepresented both to deny local populations access to property and as an instrument of social control. Furthermore, this illustrates how the colonial academic and political elites portrayed community management and the transhumance of African agriculture and relate the discourse on the 'indigenous' customary law with the evolution of land policies; from the legal initiatives regulating the 'appropriation of wasteland' in the mid-nineteenth century through to decolonisation in 1974. This focus on the colonial legacies of land policies is particularly essential to environmental sustainability in Africa. Furthermore, this case study of Portuguese colonialism provides new insights into the production of imperial knowledge for defining and managing colonised populations by approaching the key issue of land tenure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first Macanese diaspora to Hong Kong in the 1840s saw not only the movement of Macau's Luso-Asians to British territory, but also the unfolding of decades of discussion regarding the repressive rule of the Portuguese colonial administration over Macau. From establishing Portuguese-language newspapers to writing to Hong Kong's English-language newspapers, the Macanese found a relatively liberal space in British Hong Kong to address Macau's social and political issues and criticise the Portuguese colonial administration and Portugal away from the Portuguese empire's strict press censorship. Through exploring the ways Macanese newspaper editors and contributors challenged Portuguese policies and maladministration on British soil, this study aims to first, analyse the experience of Hong Kong within the wider context of British press control in its Asian colonies and second, show how trans-border interaction came to be facilitated between Hong Kong and Macau by the movement and activities of a multiracial diasporic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores, through a close reading of newspapers and publications connected to the Portuguese libertarian movement, anarchist discourses and practices around understandings of "race" in Portugal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A contribution is made both to studies of Lusophone anarchism as well as broader labour movement history where analyses of the interconnections between race and colonialism have been sparse. Portuguese anarchist understandings of race are placed within the context of broader ideas on internationalism within the anarchist movement, contemporary theories of the inheritance of racial characteristics and contestations against notions of nationhood and nationalism. The specific context of Portuguese colonialism and the development of anthropology in the country form the backdrop against which anarchist ideas are analysed. The article argues that while anarchism disrupted certain tropes within racial and colonialist discourse, it also reinforced some cultural categories and rigidified understandings of race, culture and social development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the construction of affective solidarities within and across the spaces and boundaries of colonized and racialized worlds in the works of militant poets of the Portuguese colonies in Africa. From the 1940s to the 1960s a distinct form of anticolonial poetry emerged written by a generation of Angolans and Mozambicans who became involved in the liberation struggles. The paper examines how poetry served as a vehicle to imagine and call into being various subjectivities and affective relations which actively countered the restrictions of colonialism and racism, especially on the part of the assimilados, the small educated elite constructed by Portuguese colonialism. Several important forms of anticolonial connectivity are expressed in these poems: connections with the broader African diaspora in North America, the Caribbean and Brazil; connections with all continental Africans; connections across the spaces of the Portuguese colonial empire – Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cabo Verde, São Tomé and Príncipe; and connections of solidarity and unity between the assimilados and indígenas of the Portuguese colonies. These various dimensions of affective connection were constitutive of a new anticolonial imagination and looked towards liberated futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Indies of the Setting Sun" by Ricardo Padrón explores the geographical perspective held by sixteenth-century Spain, which differed from the rest of contemporary Europe. Padrón presents the Spanish viewpoint that the Americas and parts of Asia washed by the Pacific Ocean formed a single entity called the "Indies of the Setting Sun." The book includes maps and charts from the period to highlight this perspective. Padrón also discusses the challenges faced by Spain in exploiting this area due to the vast Pacific Ocean. The book provides valuable insights into Spain's role in the geopolitics of the sixteenth century. [Extracted from the article]

The present study assessed conceptualisations of human rights in Mozambique, a developing country with a history of Portuguese colonisation. Participants were 102 Mozambicans adults (female = 48%; mean age = 29.25 years; SD = 9.04 years). They responded to four kinds of information from realistic human rights scenarios: (i) the level of social protection citizens in the country enjoyed; (ii) the level of freedom of expression they enjoyed; (iii) the objective level of equality between citizens in the country; and (iv) the extent to which private life was respected. The Mozambican participants endorsed the indivisibility model of human rights, considering that only regimes that guarantee the full experience of all four kinds of basic rights can be considered as fully respectful of human rights. This perspective is similar of the one sustained by French and Venezuelan participants in a previous study. These findings suggest that the widespread "belle policy" (economic and social rights should take precedence over political and civil rights) defended by many sub-Saharan African policymakers must be challenged in favour of policies that promote the simultaneous fulfilment of all the citizens' human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial discusses the content of the latest issue of the journal "Photographies." The articles and photo-essays in this issue were submitted by researchers from various countries, including Lithuania, Portugal, Turkey, the UK, and the USA. The topics covered in the submissions are diverse, ranging from photography in China in the 1980s to motherhood and agency in family photography. The journal aims to explore the wide range of themes, theoretical concerns, critical methodologies, and photographic practices in the field. Readers are encouraged to refer to the online version for full-color images. [Extracted from the article]

In the early nineteenth century, João Albasini established himself as a slave and ivory trader at Delagoa Bay, current-day Maputo, Mozambique. In the 1850s, he moved west, crossing the Lubombo Mountains into the northern areas which in 1852 became the Transvaal, also known as the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. He aimed to revive the Portuguese economy at Delagoa Bay through the trading possibilities offered by the Boer population inland. In 1953, the Afrikaans historian Johannes Bernadus de Vaal gave a detailed account of Albasini's life. He, however, did not consider the Portuguese and Mozambican dimensions to Albasini's economic activities in the Transvaal because he saw him as a true-blue Transvaler determined to promote the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek's interests. While Albasini did attach himself to the Afrikaner community, he remained a staunch Portuguese patriot. He dreamt of establishing a Portuguese colony in current-day Mpumalanga to further Portugal's hypothetical authority in Delagoa Bay's hinterland. Although deeply interesting, De Vaal's analysis lacks insight into the obstructive nature of the Portuguese policy towards the economic development of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. However, the independent spirit of the Boers (the Dutch population) and the lack of political will and resources of the Portuguese metropole stifled João Albasini's imperialist dream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the history of the PAIGC radio station Rádio Libertação, broadcast from Conakry from 1967. The essay asks how to read the radio station today, and suggests we might see the radio station as a manifestation – albeit limited in scope and life span – of the commitment Amílcar Cabral sketched out in his theoretical writings to collapsing the dichotomy between the practical-utilitarian and the poetic-artistic. The essay reads the radio-magazine as a form that responded to the Portuguese colonial authorities' information mania, but also as an heir to the journal cultures that sustained black internationalism in earlier decades. It takes the radio as a form in flux, emerging from and remediating the PAIGC's print journal Libertação. The essay aims to show how the radio-magazine can help us understand the evolution of anticolonial debates about form, culture and society in the 1960s and 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue investigates the families arising from death and the remarriage of a parent to consider the outcomes for the children, parents and stepparents from 1550 to 1900. It investigates historical demography to establish the numbers and types of stepfamilies. The introduction sketches several themes such as: the lingering effects of parental loss; how remarriage shapes stepfamily patterns in Western and East Central Europe; the effects of being a stepchild; stepparent caregiving and the household economy; when illegitimate children become stepchildren; household structure, property and inheritance regimes; and avenues for future research. This stepfamilies issue explores the cleavages as well as similarities in stepfamilies from Western Europe to Eastern Europe and looks beyond the continent into the overseas territories of the Dutch and Portuguese empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon a wider piece of research, this paper focuses on students' views of assessment in higher education. It reports on data collected from a total of 5,549 students in five Portuguese public universities. The study aims to investigate the psychometric properties of two scales, one measuring the purposes and effects associated by students with assessment; and the other determining the most commonly used assessment methods. Both scales demonstrated adequate validity based on internal structure and acceptable reliability. Findings indicate that students reported more purposes and effects associated with a summative dimension of assessment than with a formative dimension. The most commonly used methods were written tests/exams and collective methods. Statistically significant differences were found in assessment methods, purposes and effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her conclusion Telepneva stresses that it was the military support provided by the Soviet Union to national liberation movements in Lusophone Africa - more than the appeal of Marxism-Leninism or even an "African socialism" - that was increasingly crucial for national liberation movements in tying their stars to the Soviet Union and her allies. Chapter 6 deals with what is nominally a new period in the Soviet-backed national liberation struggle in Lusophone Africa from 1970-1974, in which there was supposedly (at least in terms of rhetoric) a wider détente between the Soviet Union and the United States. Telepneva notes that at the vanguard of offers of support for the MPLA was not the Soviet Union, but another member of the Warsaw Pact, Czechoslovakia. [Extracted from the article]

The General Urban Development Plan for Lourenço Marques (today Maputo) was approved on 25th April 1955. Coordinated by architect João Aguiar, director of the Colonial Planning Office. it was developed based on the first urban plan for the city, which had been drawn up by Joaquim José Machado and António José de Araújo in 1887. A further new Master Plan for Lourenço Marques was drawn up between 1967 and 1969. This new one was the last before Mozambique gained independence in 1975 and it was drafted by a specialist team coordinated by the engineer and urbanist Mário de Azevedo. The orientations applied in Aguiar's Urban Plan were quite distinct from those of Azevedo's Master Plan. The innovative element was that it opposed the 'conception of a city closed in on itself, limited in size and structure'. Azevedo's plan furthered a regional interpretation of the territory and placed the emphasis on the provision of an entire transport infrastructure network by land, sea, and air. This paper seeks to throw light on the evolution of Portuguese urbanism in the Portuguese African colonies in the last years of colonization with a view to highlighting the different approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is the introduction to a special issue of the South African Historical Journal on anti-fascism. It starts by explaining the contemporary relevance of the subject. It then places Southern Africa within the contemporary historiographical debates on anti-fascism. The article provides a broad overview of the history of the anti-fascist political ideas and practice within the region. It examines in detail both the impact of 'historical' anti-fascism in the era of Mussolini, Hitler and Franco, and how notions of anti-fascism subsequently impacted on the national liberation movements and in the post-colonial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses anti-fascist and anti-colonial political efforts carried out by white settlers in Angola, against Salazar's colonial dictatorship, between 1930 and 1945. It begins with an analysis of the origins and characteristics of the settlers' political protest, considering in particular the conflicted relationships between the colonists and the Estado Novo in the 1930s. The article then analyses the secessionist conspiracy in 1940/1941, which was promoted by a group of anti-fascist settlers in Angola, in close connection with the Union of South Africa. Additionally, the article deals with the action of an anti-colonial political organisation named Organização Socialista de Angola (OSA), which was the first Euro-African nationalist movement in Angola. OSA was mostly formed by young Angolan-born whites and mestiços, who demanded full political independence as well as the end of discrimination against all Angolans. However, OSA was severely repressed by the Portuguese authorities, and a number of anti-fascist settlers, including the Vicar General of the Catholic Church, were arrested and deported to Portugal. Nonetheless, despite the repression exerted by the dictatorship, the settlers' political protest, which was both anti-fascist and anti-colonial, had relevant repercussions in Angola, having contributed to the political structuring of Angolan nationalism in the 1940s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The defence of the Portuguese colonial empire's integrity has often been signalled by historians as one of the factors which justified the declaration of war against Germany, in March 1916, and Portugal's participation in the European theatre of operations, alongside its ally, Great Britain, from early 1917 onwards. This article seeks to analyse the ways in which the outbreak of the First World War was perceived by Portugal as an opportunity to regain the country's lost international role as an imperial power, it will also examine how the conflict was experienced in Mozambique, in order to explore Portugal's role in wartime Africa. The article will conclude if the military intervention contributed, or not, to sustain the narrative of the country's imperial mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse Appunti per un periplo dell'Africa (1954), a travel book written by Emilio Cecchi that narrates the writer's impressions and experiences in some Portuguese African colonies. The text is influenced by fascist propaganda, linked to imperialism, and shows the tendency to present African populations as the object of colonization. We consider the various stereotypes and images that Cecchi uses in the representation of the colonized people of the Portuguese territories in Africa, in particular in discourses focused on race, women, dance and the colonial system. It turns out that Cecchi's work is fully inserted into the ideological context of the early twentieth century, reaffirming a colonial discourse that supports the primacy of the civilized European over the primitive African and giving into the fascination for the exotic, typical of colonial literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the geopolitical imagination of the Catholic Church, particularly in relation to the former colonies of Portugal and Spain during the late imperial period (1930–1975). At that time, authoritarian dictators with strong Catholic ideology ruled both countries. However, the relationship between the Catholic missionaries and the colonial authorities of the Iberian imperial states was not always in harmony. There were sometimes contradictions between them. The geopolitics of the Catholic Church and the colonial geopolitics of the Iberian states were convergent but not always coincident. This paper describes and analyses the Spanish and Portuguese states' policies towards the missions. It also studies the missionary discourse in the metropolis, and its impact and reflection in the colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suddenly, in the summer of 1960, the map of Africa gained a new political outline, with the proclamation of nine independences. But the majority of Luanda's newspapers appeared not to see the 'wind of change' blowing through the continent. In its pages, the news of Africa would barely mention more than the crisis in one of its neighbours, the former Belgian Congo. The analysis of the news about the proclamation of independences leads us to formulate the hypothesis that the relative invisibility of the smooth transitions and the major emphasis given to turbulent situations in the continent contributed to value the Portuguese colonial model. Crossing the analysis with research made in archive, this article also contributes to the characterisation of the Angolan daily press on the eve of the Portuguese colonial war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from a narrative ethnography, this paper provides insight into the ways Nizari Ismaili women of Indian East African heritage constructed and performed their mutually-constitutive identities in specific networks of power and hierarchy, and the local knowledges they have produced and passed on to their children. Having lived in Mozambique during the final decades of Portuguese colonialism, the six women interviewed were exposed to contradictory and ambivalent modernizing forces amplified by postcolonial migration processes. The analysis of their biographies and caregiving repertoires involved an intersectional framing to explore the links between identities, boundaries and hierarchy, combined with a multilevel conception of ambivalence addressing the dialectic intersection between the multiple sources of ambivalence in social life. The conclusion highlights how the contradictory structures and ideologies they navigated offered them resources for producing intergenerational transformative outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Here, I examine the legacies of Marx and Lenin for the Indian Ocean nation of Mozambique by tracing nation-building projects from the late colonial period to the present. By combining Archambault's insights concerning the 'politics of pretense' in Mozambique with McGovern's arguments concerning the development of a durable set of national dispositions in socialist Guinea, I explore the legacies of transformative projects in Mozambique and their contradictions. Mozambican socialism was an ambitious attempt to escape previous colonial practices and build a new kind of durable and all-encompassing national belonging. I argue that this attempt was, paradoxically, both successful and something that soon became mired in new forms of political pretense. I then explore the ways in which the legacies of the socialist period have continued to uphold Frelimo's rule. This is evident both symbolically, through the party's influence over what it means to be a 'modern' Mozambican, and materially, through structures of democratic centralism and the interpellation of the party, state and security services. However, the gradual decoupling of utopian ambitions and revolutionary temporalities, based on an idea of a messianic future, have sapped the coherence of Frelimo's political project, and the party's hegemony now teeters on precarious foundations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, historical research on the pre-colonial period in the area between the Zambezi and Limpopo has almost ground to a standstill. A number of seminal works on the economic and social history of the area appeared in the 1960s and 1970s, each of which were underpinned by the documentary legacy of the Portuguese presence in the region from the beginning of the 16th century. Since the 1990s, it has been archaeologists that have taken up the mantle of post-1500 history, but the corpora of documentary material available is now seldom used systematically or to any great length. This article revisits the use and availability of historical documents for the study of African society in this region prior to 1840, specifically by presenting a newly constructed database of c.1,140 published and unpublished documents of relevance to African society, economy and the environment. The need for this database is first set into context by a critical overview of two of the major historiographies in pre-colonial economic and social history in this region - those of the relationships between trade and politics and drought and food production - from which a series of common problems are identified. The database is then introduced, together with an analysis of its chronological and spatial coverage and a discussion of the availability and accessibility of the documents. The article concludes by pointing to some potential future directions for a revival of pre-colonial economic and social history in south-east Africa north of the Limpopo, to which renewed interrogation of the wider range of documentary material collated here can contribute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how Portuguese leaders created historical representations celebrating Portuguese settlement as the supposed beginning of Angolan history. Accounts of Angolan history presented to the Angolan public in the 1930s–1950s deliberately represented Africans as heathens to be conquered and converted, with their presence often serving as an exuberant, exotic backdrop to Portuguese dignitaries. This cultural form of imperialism made use of both traditional and newer forms of commemoration to reinforce the image of benevolent colonialism. After Angolan nationalists launched a war for independence in 1961, Portugal’s colonial narrative shifted to emphasise the creation of a multiracial, modernising Angola. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alexandre de Gusmão (1695-1753): O Estadista que desenhou o mapa do Brasil: By Synesio Sampaio Goes Filho. The second myth suggested that the territories that today make up Brazil formerly belonged to an immense indigenous Tupi-Guarani group and that the whole area from the confluence of the Paraguay River and the Guaporé River to the Amazon was their ancestral territory: I Pindorama i . The new Treaty of Madrid (1750) was instrumental for the legitimization of territories that had up until then been part of the Spanish Empire in South America. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on the changes made to the cartography of southern Africa between 1725 and 1749 by the French geographer Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d’Anville. The maps in question were produced in collaboration with the Portuguese ambassador Dom Luís da Cunha as part of d’Anville’s plan to demonstrate what lay between the Portuguese colonies of Angola in the west and Mozambique in the east and to establish a link across the continent. The maps he produced in the first two phases of his mapping of southern Africa (1725–1731) echoed the traditionalhorror vacui. The vast blank that appeared on his map ofAfriqueof 1749, however, has to be seen as d’Anville intended—the integration of empty space on a map with Enlightenment rationalization of geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism of the book "Diálogos das grandezas do Brasil" by Ambrósio Fernandes Brandão is presented. It discusses the religious discourse conveyed in the book and argues that the book presented an unorthodox way to narrate the Lusitanian expansion in the New World. It opines that this discursive transgression is a unique work in all the texts on the Portuguese expansion in America. Topics include Jewish converts to Christianity, or Marranos, and the religious aspects of imperialism.

In 1905 the Campos Rodrigues Observatory (CRO) was founded in Lourenço Marques (nowadays Maputo), the capital of Mozambique, by then part of the Portuguese overseas empire. In this paper the inception and early history of the CRO are analysed in the broader context of the interwoven history of the Portuguese and British empires in Africa, and specifically with respect to the scientific relations between Mozambique and South Africa. The equipment, personnel, practices and networks involved in the inception and early development of the CRO are brought into focus in order to illustrate the problems and strategies that shaped the establishment and functioning of this observatory, which was conceived essentially as a symbol of imperial stamina and colonial prowess. It is suggested that by providing a focal point for the development of scientific relations between Mozambique and South Africa, the CRO served both Portuguese ambitions for recognition as an imperial power and the emergence of South African nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1969, Portugal and South Africa signed an agreement that enabled the apartheid regime effectively to extend its tentacles of empire over the proposed dam at Cahora Bassa. Located in the heart of central Mozambique, far from the South African frontier, the dam became a security project masked as a development initiative. Cahora Bassa, including the massive lake behind the dam, rather than becoming the multi-purpose dam originally envisaged by Portuguese planners, was transformed into a strategic security project designed to blunt the advance into southern Mozambique of the liberation movement the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo) and, by extension, its ally the African National Congress (ANC). In this way, the colonial regime and its apartheid ally hoped to prevent attacks against Mozambique's major colonial urban areas of Beira and Lourenço Marques. From Pretoria's perspective, it was preferable to fight the ANC in central Mozambique rather than along the Limpopo river – southern Mozambique's frontier with South Africa. The hydro-electric project at Cahora Bassa also ensured South Africa's energy security. The 1969 agreement guaranteed that 82 per cent of the electricity generated there would be exported to South Africa at well below the world price. This article examines the vital role played by South African interests in financing, constructing, and defending the dam site at Songo, which resulted in the dam's deterritorialisation and allowed South Africa to incorporate Cahora Bassa as an outpost of empire. It also explores the ways in which Pretoria held the dam hostage after Mozambique became independent, as part of a broader process of destabilising its socialist neighbour to the north. Even after the dismantling of the apartheid regime in 1994, the new ANC-led government resisted efforts to abrogate the colonial agreement, and Songo remained a foreign enclave. Although Mozambique regained sovereignty over the dam site in 2007, even today, most of the electricity generated by Cahora Bassa is exported to South Africa, at a price that remains a state secret. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At first glance, processes of colonial policy and subsequent migratory flows at the Angola–South West Africa border, in the region of the Kunene river, seem to present a straightforward narrative. In the period between the First and Second World Wars, we find an established pattern of Kwanyama/Ovambo leaving Portuguese Angola to escape repressive practices of forced labour, and as a reaction to the mistreatment of political leaders. Flight movements were encouraged by South African officials stationed in the Ovamboland district of South West Africa, directly south of the border, who practised, notably before 1945, a policy of co-optation of local chiefs. However, it has hitherto remained unnoticed that, between 1945 and 1974, changes in the policies of the authoritarian Portuguese empire had highly practical effects with regard to these flows. Until the 1960s, the comparative advantage of South African border policies lost its impact. In the early 1970s, a more liberal tax policy in the Angolan Cunene district had an even stronger impact on the decision-making processes on the part of local populations. The analysis shows quite clearly that, even under the auspices of late colonial social policies, which favoured grand schemes and more thorough control of populations, the initiative of local groups remained unbroken. In a scenario of colonial policy that favoured the power of the Ovambo chiefs on the southern side of the border, women and younger men used the border to escape social conditions they interpreted as repressive, and locals were capable of constantly reanalysing the advantages present on either side of the border. These results, which confirm the room for manoeuvre of potential forced labourers, also warn us not to generalise too readily about the consequences of under-equipped and authoritarian colonial policies, such as for Portuguese rule over southern Angola. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the implications of the border on the control of East Coast Fever in colonial Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The outbreak of the disease in Rhodesia in 1901 caused much anxiety among Portuguese veterinary officials, who were concerned that the disease could cross the border into their territory and destroy their livestock industry. Resultant efforts to control this and other livestock diseases in these colonies were often accompanied by racial application of veterinary policies which benefited Europeans at the expense of Africans. East Coast Fever, together with the 1896–97 Rinderpest epidemic, thus contributed immensely to the development of veterinary science, the burgeoning functions of the colonial state, and the relations between state and subject in rural areas. Hence, through an examination of English and Portuguese colonial documents, this paper argues that the existence of East Coast Fever in Zimbabwe, and the impossibility of sealing the border to prevent cattle mobility, raised alarm, and contributed to the expansion of veterinary services in central Mozambique. This article contributes to debates on the significance of borders in shaping historical processes, but complicates border studies by demonstrating that the border was powerful not because it was restrictive but because it was porous. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Beginning with a discussion of the development of a transnational approach in Film Studies, this article argues that Miguel Gomes' transnational and festival-award-winning film Tabu (2012) engages with Portugal's legacy of colonialism, which is still part of living memory, by adopting a self-conscious, cinephilic address. Just as Gomes deploys a strategic, transnational cinephilia in his self-presentation through interviews, so Tabu as a film text may also be analysed through cinephilia, in particular, through its characterization of a cinephile protagonist in its contemporary Part 1, and its redeployment of silent cinema and Hollywood films about Africa in its 1960s-set Part 2. While recognizing shared filmic references flatters the viewers' knowledge, Gomes simultaneously stresses their lack of knowledge by also gesturing towards the unrepresentable. As the world of the unnamed Portugese colony in Africa begins to self-destruct, the unrepresentable unborn child indicates a postcolonial experience that lies beyond the reach of Gomes' cinephilic world. The article concludes by returning to the scene that connects Parts 1 and 2, and arguing for the centrality of the character of Santa in acknowledging this unrepresentability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their text published in May 2012, Bruno Reis and Pedro Oliveira proposed six theses on the massacre at Wiriyamu. They claim or imply that as a location of well-developed villages Wiriyamu did not exist; the massacre as reported might not have happened; although an atrocity may have occurred, the events are too complex to accurately unravel even today; lack of an independent or official inquiry makes the numbers of the dead as reported inaccurate; and that the exigencies of the counterinsurgency determined its context and magnitude within the framework of a civil war. This response examines these six theses, and concludes that Reis and Oliveira fail to advance the narrative. They accept at face value the Portuguese propaganda denying the existence of Wiriyamu as a place, rather than consider data that incontrovertibly proved the existence of Wiriyamu, the massacre, its context, and the overall integrity of the narrative. Finally this text sends a mixed message to its readers by contextualizing it as a case study in civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A response from the authors of the article "Cutting Heads or Winning Hearts: Late Colonial Portuguese Counterinsurgency and the Wiriyamu Massacre of 1972" is presented.

Drawing its information from documents in Portuguese, French and British archives, this article examines the evolution of Portuguese colonial policies regarding Islam in Guinea and Mozambique. Such policies swayed between an image of the Muslim as foe and a more conciliatory picture, in which Muslims could be presented as potential allies of Portuguese power in the war against nationalist movements. Although the first image prevailed until the end of 1950s and the second one emerged in the mid-1960s as part of the last stage in the colonial wars, ambivalence was their common trait. That ambivalence did not hinder the development of a whole new strategy to address the Muslim communities, based on the ‘psychological’ and ‘sociological’ techniques of counter-insurgency war. The article analyses the transition from governing methods based on the control and repression of colonised Muslims to strategies aimed at co-opting them, sketching a comparison between the results achieved in Guinea and Mozambique. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the 1930s, administrative control over the unruly hinterlands of Angola was established by the Portuguese colonisers, and officials at Lisbon's colonial ministry attempted to set up efficient mechanisms to force local populations to work. However, the experience and the attitudes of the administrators of the local posts—the chefes de posto—and of the small subdivisions were full of ambivalences and insecurities; their interaction with the African inhabitants of the respective areas and with the European settlers was characterised by improvisation. These attitudes of the local administrators, slowly changing up to and beyond the period of the Second World War, can be used as a window into administrative life in the field, and these attitudes had direct repercussions on the living conditions of rural Angolans. While this analysis is limited to subdivisions of the Angolan districts of Cuanza-Sul and Malange, it is intended to contribute to a broader picture of the effects the decisions of local administrators had, a picture applicable to other Portuguese colonies and to the lower parts of the hierarchy of other colonial empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The land question has been one of the key topics in the historiography of colonial eastern and southern Africa. With a few exceptions, in relation to colonial Mozambique this topic has by and large been overlooked. Little is therefore known on how African use and access to land was progressively curtailed in the first decades of the twentieth century, or how Portuguese colonial land policies such as ‘native’ reserves and a growing settler presence impacted on the lives of rural dwellers. This article surveys the key land policies formulated both in Lisbon and in Mozambique between 1900 and 1940 and places them in their particular historical context, in the process unveiling the tensions and debates that helped shape them. It then evaluates the practice of such policies in the province of Inhambane, where different types of land struggles spanning contemporary Portuguese rule in the region have been documented. By examining these struggles alongside pivotal themes in the history of southern Mozambique, this article makes the case for a closer examination of the land question in the history of Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines a defense of the slave trade mounted in the 1790s by the Luso-Brazilian Bishop Azeredo Coutinho. While Azeredo's defense has been interpreted as a function of his slave-owning family's interest, this article provides a broader analysis of Azeredo's writings on the slave trade and the Portuguese empire within the contexts of eighteenth-century Luso-Brazilian intellectual culture and transatlantic debates about empire, commerce and historical transformation. His writing on the imperial economy and the slave trade included both appeals to an eighteenth-century ideal of civilization as a process predicated upon the universality of humanity as well as defense of empire as the rational, just and necessary exploitation of the barbarous by the civilized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reprint of the essay "The Lessons of Angola: An Eyewitness Report," by James Garrett, which appeared in the June 1976 issue of "Black Scholar," is presented. The article discusses the Angolan Revolution from 1961 to 1975, focusing on Angolan people's resistance to Portuguese colonialism. Topics discussed include the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) liberation movement, a military coup in Portugal in 1974, and African-American reactions to the revolution.