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This article uses discourse analysis to study the continuities in British foreign policy thinking within the Labour party from the 1960s to the present day. Using representative extracts from speeches by Hugh Gaitskell, Harold Wilson, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, it identifies the ideational consistencies in the leaders' attitudes to: Empire; federalism in the EEC/EU; and laying down conditions that have to be met before any constructive engagement with ‘Europe’ can be countenanced. We argue that these consistencies, spanning a 50-year period, exemplify a certain stagnation both within Labour's European discourses and within British foreign policy thinking more widely. We develop the idea that Labour party thinking has been crucially framed by both small ‘c’ conservative and upper-case Conservative ideology, popularised by Winston Churchill in his ‘three circles’ model of British foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the large-scale investments of both China and the EU in climate-change mitigation and renewable-energy promotion, the prevailing view on China-EU relations is one of conflict rather than cooperation. In order to evaluate the prospects of cooperation between China and the EU in these policy fields, empirical research has to go beyond simplistic narratives. This paper suggests a conceptual apparatus that will help researchers better understand the complexities of the real world. The relevant actors operate at different levels and in the public and private sectors. The main message of the paper is that combining the multilevel governance and value-chain approaches helps clarify the multiple relationships between these actors [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discursive construction of security in the European Union (EU) candidate states has received little attention. One effect of this gap is to discreetly frame EU applicants as learners or adopters of Western concepts of security. This overlooks the key role of local intellectuals of statecraft in the making of security both in the candidate states and in the Western institutions with which these states integrate. Based on the case of Estonia, this paper exposes the essential obscurity and fluidity of security in Estonia, and highlights the role of Estonian intellectuals in the making and operationalizing of this fluidity. The paper thereby emphasizes the capacity of East European intellectuals of statecraft to influence the problematizations of security in these states themselves and in Western writings about them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore the inadequacy of the representation of the border, which is under-pinned by Manichean distinctions of friend and foe, superior and inferior, inside and outside, to analyze the cultural encounter between Europeans and their others. I argue that a great deal of scholarship interest in this cultural encounter is trapped into a border imaginary that loses sight of those cultural phenomena, such as hybridity, transnational identities, and cosmopolitan affiliations, which challenge established political and cultural borders and foster 'from below' new imaginations of the European space. By analyzing a complex set of cultural productions--the creative combination of European modes of thought, texts, and styles in the visual and performative arts, with indigenous local artistic styles and mindsets--I show that, as seen as early as the 16th-century, the rise of a global imagination is the result of complex relations of connectivity between Europe and other parts of the world. I propose a new border imaginary, which is underpinned by a cosmopolitan grammar of difference, to account better for the changing nature of the European space within the dynamics of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion in this paper moves through three stages. In the first the relation of political spaces and borders to citizenship is interrogated; in the second, notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization are examined in relation to ideas of the material constitution of Europe; and, in the third section it returns to the issue of citizenship and its relation to cosmopolitanism. Rather than being a solution or a prospect, Europe currently exists as a `borderland', and this raises a number of issues that need to be confronted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the great ironies of the Turkish politics is that Turkey which has a relatively long history of constitutional government and multi-party politics that go back to at least 1908, has held 15 fair and free elections since 1950, is a member of most of the international organizations of market democracies, and is since 2005 negotiating membership with the European Union can still not be considered as a fully consolidated democracy. This paper discusses the main reasons for this irony, and also looks at the dynamics at play, including the accession process to the European Union, which raise the prospect of the consolidation of the democratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite well advanced negotiations in the European Union regarding the full Turkish membership recently some powerful European politicians as well as others have expressed reservations about it which came as a shock to many in Europe and beyond. Turkey started negotiations with the EU in 1959 (has been the only non-member country with a customs union) and is still waiting to become a full member. The main argument of the opposing politicians appears to be that Turkey is not really a European country. This paper looks at the history of Europe and Turkey and concludes that the two are inseparably linked. Some politicians see the European Union as a Christian club and thus the spiritual disposition of the Turks appears to be the real problem for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The realist theoretical tradition has never enjoyed a strong position in Europe. During recent decades, although it is commonly claimed otherwise, it even seems to have lost its limited traction and most of its relatively few representatives. The aim of the article is to analyse this evolution, highlight how realist theorists have contributed limited conceptual or theoretical innovation, been unable to adjust their research agenda to current analytical challenges, and produced relatively few comprehensive empirical studies informed by one or more realist theories. Instead, we observe three main activities. Some realists do meta-studies on realist theory. Others do retrospectives, for instance, (re-)discovering the qualities of classical realist scholars or classical concepts such as the security dilemma. Still others practice ideology that may enjoy certain functions in legitimising national foreign policy orientations but has limited theoretical quality. Thus, textbooks are probably the only remaining context in which realism is presented as constituting a dominant orientation; a fact that highlights the complex and problematic relationship between reality and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'America has a negro problem', the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal stated in the introduction to his modern classic An American Dilemma first published in 1944 Half a century later the so called immigrant problem is moving to the top of the political agenda of EU Europe. To speak about a European dilemma in this context means to relate established European values of social solidarity and social responsibility to an increasingly ethnicised and racialised social inequality in European cities How can the dilemma be made transparent? How can we transcend the disjunctures between 'creed' and reality? Along these lines the paper debates potentialities for transethnic alignment in the US and EU Europe exposed to a common condition of globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the issues concerning the confrontations that occurred during the Sixth European Conference of the Peace Research Society in 1969, where a declaration directed against traditional peace research and against the organizers of that conference was signed by a majority of the researchers who attended the event. The cause of the critical statement was the publication of the papers presented at the Conference on Vietnam organized in 1968 in Cambridge, Massachusetts by the Peace Research Society. Peace research, like most other research activities, is a response to felt needs for the maximization of certain values--the particular contribution of research is to obtain better knowledge to be used in the realization of those values. The radical peace researchers in 1968-1969 challenged the traditional and established peace research. Traditional peace research was challenged for serious shortcomings in the ability to explore significant problems, for its contribution to mystification by exploring the irrelevant or unimportant, for using unacceptable and narrow conceptions of peace and inadequate and distorted concepts of conflict. Furthermore, it was claimed that these conceptions were due to ideological fixations, that thereby the peace researchers were aiding the established power-elites of the world in their continued dominance of respective spheres of influence.

The analysis of the implications of trade and investment agreements usually follows either economic policy modelling or the analysis of specific arbitration cases. These two approaches are often less helpful from the perspective of more systemic impacts or other policy aims as the potential concerns tend to be accounted for on the basis of a single issue (e.g. tobacco) or case or are carved out from particular agreements. The 3R framework on rights, regulation and redistribution provides a broader framework to analyse trade and investment agreements in relation to other policy aims, such as health or social policies and protection. I apply here the 3R framework to examine how and on what basis investment liberalisation and protection, as negotiated by the European Union, could affect both global and national policy space for health and social policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epistemic compassion can help to heal world politics. It mitigates almost six centuries of Eurocentric 'epistemic violence' and 'epistemicide' with a trialectical epistemology that bridges even seemingly irreconcilable opposites. Buddhists call this process Interbeing. I draw on Daoist yin/yang dynamics for epistemology and the ancient Silk Roads as an exemplar. Subsequently, I apply this analysis to a watershed development in our contemporary political economy: China's 'Belt and Road Initiative' (BRI). A $1 trillion investment scheme to link China with Europe and Russia through Central Asia, Africa, and the Indian Ocean, the BRI provokes charges of reproducing Europe's 19th-century's Great Game on a 21st-century scale. A trialectical epistemology offers another mode and model of global interaction for the BRI. It highlights the possibility of local agency and global responsibility for the BRI. I ask: Can epistemic compassion turn this 5.0 version of Asian Capitalism into a 2.0 version of the Silk Road Ethos? The potential exists, I argue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the impact of the design of the UNECE Conventionon Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP) on the control oftransboundary air pollution in Europe. The history of CLTRAP is reviewed briefly: its origin as part of the East-West detente process of the 1970's has had considerable influence on its design. Germany's shift from environmental laggard to environmental leader in 1982 had a crucial impact on the effectiveness of the regime. Although transboundary air pollution in Europe has been reduced considerably, it is considered that the CLTRAP regime was only moderately effective in promoting this: much of it would have happened anyway. It has, however, been very effective in raising awareness of air pollution issues and providing a negotiating forum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the 'European project' in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adoptsMichel Foucault's understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the diagnostic discourse in relation to ongoing events in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. Diagnostic practice produces accounts of crisis that are clinical, moralising, and prescriptive, affixing meanings to complex and overdetermined events in order that they can be acted upon. Diagnoses of the crises in Greece and Macedonia converge in their identification of political and cultural features of the national political economy in need of expert correction. The diagnosis of crisis emerges as an essential feature of European Union governmentality, which functions to delimit the bounds of political contestation in times of uncertainty and upheaval in favor of technocratic interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines three dimensions of Europe’s maritime relations with Africa: first, the notion that Europe’s strategic maritime frontiers are linked to Africa; second, the coherence or ‘actorness’ of the European Union’s (EU) anti-piracy force operating off the Horn of Africa; and third, the relationship between the EU’s own military and naval objectives and its wider regional policies in Africa.While the EU adopted a ‘Maritime Security Strategy’ in 2014, the article notes that, in practice, the EU’s strategy at sea has focused on two groups of ‘non-state actors’: the Africans who are ‘pirates’; and the migrants crossing the Mediterranean, who are the object of the EU’s Frontex patrols. As such, the initial question examined charts the somewhat fluid notion of the sea as a maritime frontier: where do Europe’s strategic interests in terms of its maritime frontiers lie? Is the EU’s anti-piracy mission defending them? Is this first-ever maritime mission a more tangible manifestation of EU’s common foreign and defence policy than some of the other shorter and smaller military and policing missions in Africa? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do national institutional contexts mediate the global? This article aims to answer this question by analyzing screen translation—the translation of audiovisual materials like movies and television programs—in four European countries: France, Italy, the Netherlands, and Poland. A cross-national, multi-method research project combining interviews, ethnography, and a small survey found considerable cross-national differences in translation norms and practices, sometimes leading to very different translated versions of the same product. The analysis shows how differences between national translation fields are produced and perpetuated by the interplay of institutional factors on four interdependent levels: technology, and the organizational, national, and transnational fields. On each level, various institutions are influential in shaping nationally specific translation norms and practices by producing institutional constraints or imposing specific meanings. I propose a model that explains the persistence of national translation systems—not only from the logics of specific institutions, fields, or levels—but by the feedback loops and interdependencies between institutions on various levels. This analysis has implications for the sociological understanding of globalization, the production of culture and media, cross-national comparative research, as well as institutional theory and the role of translation in sociological practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the social work profession matures, the need for robust knowledge becomes more pressing. Greater coordination is required to develop the research community and an infrastructure to support this nationally and internationally. This article discusses the foundation, in 2014, of the European Social Work Research Association and its roots in the annual European Conference for Social Work Research series since 2011. Discussion focuses on the Association’s context and aims, its principles, developments, and future plans. The initial development of the Association has been very encouraging; it has attracted over 250 members in its initial months, including individuals from 19 of 28 European Union countries, and 3 of 23 European non-EU countries, as well as six countries outside Europe. Continuing efforts are required to encompass the diversity of practice, organization and research, and for the Association to be truly inclusive of social work research and researchers across the whole of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Economic Adjustment Programmes (EAPs) that came with loans to peripheral Eurozone members Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and now Cyprus, are very similar to the loans with conditionality, also known as Structural Adjustment Programs, that international financial institutions used as a policy tool in the 1980s and 1990s. It defines structural adjustment programs and then shows how Eurozone rules plus the EAPs resemble them. It then canvasses the literature evaluating structural adjustment in the developing world in order to formulate expectations for its performance in Europe. The conclusions from the large literature on structural adjustment policies suggest that the EAPs will: be badly implemented; be neutral or bad for growth; be bad for equity and the poor; have unpredictable policy consequences; and will allow incumbent elites to preserve their positions. Preliminary evidence from the four peripheral countries confirms that the same problems are afflicting EAPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration flows, regional integration and social transformation are increasingly interlinked. This article seeks to provide some clarification of these processes through a global North–South comparative approach. The authors problematize regional integration and regionalization but also the legal or rights-based approach to migration, now emerging as the dominant progressive paradigm. They propose a social transformation perspective that foregrounds the role of social movements – in this case the trade unions – in relation to migration in a regional context. This would pose an alternative form of promoting the cause of migrant workers within a mobilizing perspective which prioritizes the agency of non-state actors such as trade unions. In brief, migrants can be viewed from a citizenship optic and as bearers of individual rights but also, the authors propose, as workers who can organize collectively to pursue their objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comparative Manifestos Project ( CMP) data are the most popular source for parties' positions on the left-right and other ideological and policy dimensions. Over the past few years, several researchers have identified various methodological problems in the CMP data, but third-party users rarely acknowledge them. This article classifies the problems associated with the CMP into four areas: (1) theoretical underpinnings of the coding scheme; (2) document selection; (3) coding reliability; and (4) scaling. The article reviews each area systematically and concludes with a set of recommendations regarding the use of the CMP data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on substate mobilization in Europe has provided some useful insights into the factors and mechanisms shaping territorial interest representation in Brussels. Although recent studies have enhanced our understanding of the determinants of cooperative and bypassing paradiplomacy, those underpinning conflict have remained rather obscure. Using a new data set with information on more than 100 substate offices in Brussels, this article sheds some light on the determinants of conflict between member state diplomacy and substate paradiplomacy. It argues that they are very different from those of bypassing and cooperation and that resource richness and diplomatic accreditation significantly affect its frequency. These findings not only are robust to multilevel modeling and nonparametric bootstrapping but also are of theoretical import as they highlight that devolution and party political incongruence fail to affect the frequency of conflict in Brussels. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past 40 years, the European Union (EU) has developed the most advanced system of coordination of social security rights in the world, as a corollary to the free movement of workers. Notwithstanding, problems with the acquisition, transfer and fruition of supplementary pension rights still undermine labour mobility across the member states. This article aims to describe EU pension regulation in the field and illustrates how the EU has employed two different approaches to tackle the problem. The first approach is to directly facilitate the portability of supplementary pension rights – which deeply affects national social policy. The second is to develop transnational schemes leading to a single market for occupational pensions – an exercise in market-making integration. This article explores the main problems in implementing the portability principle and puts forward tangible solutions to unblocking the situation. This sheds light on the persistent tensions between supranational regulation and national pension policy, showing the need for a holistic strategy to resolve both institutional and technical issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article sets out a two-dimensional regional typology combining measures of migration and visiting rates. It argues that forms of mobility are interrelated but that the relationship varies by broad type of region and it argues for a place-based approach in managing the interaction of mobility across Europe. Such an approach would require a territorial assessment of both the different dimensions of mobility in specific localities and the conceptualisation of a mobility carrying capacity for localities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The systematic description and promotion of substitution options and processes is an underdeveloped and often missing element in chemical management and chemical policy discussions. This article describes major barriers and drivers for substitution, and concludes that more specific information can be an essential instrument to overcome those barriers. It also explains the development and features of a large information tool under development called SUBSPORT, an abbreviation for Substitution Support Portal. SUBSPORT is a three-year European project which aims at providing authorities, industry, and stakeholders with information on alternatives for the effective substitution of hazardous chemicals. It will help companies meet the substitution requirements expressed in national, European Union, and international legislation. SUBSPORT will make information available in four languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a number of recent studies of Carr’s classical theory of international relations, scholars still virtually ignore his early biographical works, especially the one on Dostoevsky. By recovering the connection between Carr’s view on international politics and that on Dostoevsky, the present article attempts to advance our understanding about the meaning of Carr’s realism—utopianism dichotomy.What Carr tried to do in The Twenty Years’ Crisis was to transcend the nihilistic relativism that appeared as a corollary of the rise of the problem of human irrationality. Carr learned from Dostoevsky the epochal meaning of this problem as well as vital insights for generating his own solution to it. Thus arguing, the present article aims at renewing our awareness of the significance of context in the inquiries into early International Relations as well as adding another contribution to the recent revisions of classical realism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the December 2010 issue of the journal "Political Insight," which explores issues related to arguments, trends and developments in world politics, economy, and security. It discusses the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the rise of career politicians in Europe, how to deal with threats posed by terrorists in the 21st century, and the indecisive election result, national indebtedness and the first coalition government of Great Britain since 1941. It explores the representation of women and ethnic minorities in the British House of Commons and the new politics of public health within an age of austerity in the country.

In this article I analyse the role of the European Commission in monitoring the transposition and implementation of EU Directives. The point of departure is that the Commission, like any political actor, has policy preferences that affect how it shapes its overseeing role. The Commission’s responses may vary between being ‘the guardian of the treaties’, not allowing for any changes, and a ‘silent witness’, permitting member states to set their own, deviating national policies. These different responses are consistent with empirical findings showing that the Commission is rather selective in starting infringement procedures. ‘Big brother is watching’ the member states, but this is evident only when interests clash and the Commission receives sufficient support from the European Court of Justice or the other member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study presented in this article analyzes an attempt to transfer a discontinuous product innovation across national boundaries within a biopharmaceutical company. The commercialization process, which had been effective within the company's home market, was less effective in Europe and Japan. The study concludes that when the company engaged in a transformational change intervention, it was able to improve the effectiveness of its international transfer process. The changes required were emergent rather than planned; they were driven by a renewed strategy and did not use the tools of OD nor embed itself in the humanistic values typically associated with OD. The study provides insight into the requirements of product transfer and commercialization to international subsidiaries, which needs to be approached as an international organizational change process, which the authors define as strategically aligned alterations in patterns of employee behavior across international borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the tensions in Europe that have arisen in 2008 due to the spread of the European Union (EU) and the existing desires of old European states that are members of the EU to maintain their national identities. National identities can be perceived to be under attack for two reasons, the author states, including increased migration which alters national demographics and an increasingly powerful EU which claims member states' functions and duties. Also discussed is whether national identity will remain relevant as the EU becomes more powerful and as a European identity becomes more meaningful and potent.

Conflicts between European Union (EU) members about enlargement result from its redistributive effects. EU members are more likely to suffer from enlargement if they profit from EU transfers and if they are relatively close to applicant countries in which unemployment is significantly higher than in member countries. Phasing in membership rights serves to compensate the relative losers of enlargement to accomplish EU widening. Using data from all previous enlargement rounds until 2004, we demonstrate that EU members are more likely to demand a discrimination of new members if distributional conflicts arise. The existence of these distributional conflicts in turn increases the odds of EU members and the accession candidates actually agreeing on a phase-in period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European audiovisual legislation focuses exclusively on a concept of external pluralism. It therefore seems necessary to adopt other policies and develop new measures to guarantee diversity. In order to implement this reform, a new, richer concept of pluralism must be sought that reflects the reality of the market. This would enable us to devise instruments to measure the real presence of pluralism in the media, and perform effective regulation to defend this right at every level. The aim of this study is to examine the scope of this problem in the content of public and private broadcasting in different European countries, and then suggest a redefinition of pluralism and cultural diversity, together with new forms of evaluation that could guarantee that both values are present in sufficient measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2004, the U.K. government announced its intention to grant limited authorization for the growing of commercial genetically modified (GM) crops. This article reviews the potential liabilities that may arise from GM cropping, for environmental damage and for economic losses claimed by non-GM producers. It considers the application of the European Community (EC) Environmental Liability Directive of 2004 to genetically modified organisms (GMO) releases, and the proposed statutory scheme for the coexistence of GM and non-GM agriculture in England and Wales. It also examines the application of the common law of nuisance to the release of GMOs and considers the relevant case law of the English courts. Although there will be a residual role for liability at common law following the establishment of a statutory coexistence scheme, the article highlights a number of formidable problems facing attempts to establish claims for liability arising from GMO releases at common law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past 30 years, the European management scholars' community, traditionally characterized only by national association, has witnessed the birth of two European associations: the European Group for Organizational Studies and, later on, the European Academy of Management. There is a wide ongoing interest on how these two actors are playing the game of international academia, traditionally represented by the Academy of Management. Analyzing the evolution of the international network of scholars we focus on European Academy of Management and we argue that to increase its reputation within the academia there are two choices: a generalist and a specialist approach. We discuss the risk and opportunities of the two alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the ambivalance between exclusion and inclusion that marked the historical relationship of Turkey with Europe. Key issues examined include Turkey's national identity problems that are intertwined with its constant scrutiny by its European neighbors, as well as concerns relevant to Turkey's membership application to the European Union.

The article outlines the fiscal policies of the Post European Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe. It reveals the EMU gives an exceptional opportunity for social scientists to learn the process of institutional change. The public sector in European Union countries consumes or disposes half of the gross domestic product (GDP), eventhough most of the government resources are devoted to the provision of traditional public goods, redistributive transfers and social insurance programs account for much share of the growth in size of the public sector over the past century. Discussed are the details of the issue.

The article outlines the fiscal policies of the European Union. It reveals that the treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam deepened the federation on issues pertaining to defense and development and also widened to take in the Austria, Finland and Sweden. Meanwhile, the Treaty of Nice has widened its relations eastward where most East European accession countries join the organization. It mentions that the Treaty of Maastricht laid the groundwork for Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and set up the macroeconomic requirements of the member countries that want to join EMU. Discussed are the details of the issue.

The article argues that class is crucial for the understanding of European integration. Rivalry between member states presupposes their common interest in containing the European working class (es) and EMU renders the relationship of dependency and rivalry between member states more intense. The importance of class is well understood by liberal intellectuals and especially Hayek's view on ‘inter-state federalism’ is assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forecasts change and conflict in the relationship between the United States and Western Europe. Possible sources of conflict; Rivalry between European and American industry; Impact of a successful euro on the American dollar.

The article presents an overview about the political issues in Europe. The author implies that a true nation state would consist only of those who belonging to it by birth and of those who are fully subject to its sovereign legal authority. He thinks that with most political ideas, the force of the idea of the nation state has never come principally from its descriptive precision. He adds that every nation should have its own state and that every state should be a single nation that can have much solid merit either as normative or as practical proposals.

This article examines the economic and political relationship between the European Community (EC) and the Republic of South Africa (RSA). From the economic perspective, the Community's objective of securing economic independence for the region, trends in EC-RSA trade and the arguments pertaining to mineral dependency are discussed. From the political perspective. Community statements on apartheid are compared with its foreign policy record. In particular, the Code of Conduct for European firms operating in the Republic is analysed within the framework of European Political Cooperation (EPC). The achievements, failures, future role and alternatives to the Code are considered and the limitations imposed by EPC in realizing a collective foreign policy are recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee. The committee, which is comprised of five Eastern European nations and five Western powers, illustrates the techniques debate and propaganda maneuvering. Comprehensive disarmament was first considered by the committee. The Soviet Union proposed a treaty on disarmament but were met with objections. Control provisions rather than disarmament were proposed by the Western Powers on the other hand. The authority of the United Nations was called upon to induce acceptance of general and complete disarmament by the Western powers.

The article presents the author's view on the plausibility of the inclusive solidarity in South Europe as argued by authors Bob Deacon and Shana Cohen. She says that the structural adjustment is created after financial neoliberalism and austerity that may likely decimate substantial parts of the middle sector and reduce the likelihood of future universal social policy regimes. She suggests that the inclusive solidarity scenario could provide a reconsideration of development discourse and policy.