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The article focuses on the White Paper: A Framework for Expansion--the ten year plan of the government for education in Great Britain. It hedges much of its planning by saying there is room for flexibility and many points still remain for decision. It is planned that the public expenditure on maintained nursery, primary and secondary schools will rise from 1475 million pounds in 1971 to 2,000 million pounds in 1981 at 1972 survey prices. This means an assumed growth rate of 3 per cent compared with two and half percent for the decade 1961-62 to 1971-72. Thus, the White Paper shifts the emphasis of public spending and it is important since the growth in numbers in primary and secondary education will ease off in the current decade. The commitment to universal nursery education, in-service education for teachers, improvements in staffing standards, the reduction in class sizes and the rapid acceleration in primary and secondary school improvements to buildings, are the hardcore objectives. The first 16 pages of the report deal with them.

This article briefly reports on some research papers and other resources revealing the history of scientific education in Great Britain. The contribution of studies in the history of science teaching towards contemporary problems in science education, reportedly, is suggested by professor H. Butterfield in his book "Man on His Past." According to the author, one of the most useful single study is Dorothy M. Turner's article "History of Science Teaching in England" which in the early part considers the beginnings of science instruction from the thirteenth century. Scientific societies have played their most notable and influential part in the spread of scientific knowledge during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The importance of all scientific societies from the learned bodies to the multiplicity of provincial and parochial associations in relation to the progress of science was emphasized in the "Annual Report of the British Association, 1879." Several studies reveal that the history of universities and in particular the impact of the scientific revolution and the subsequent development of science courses have been fully explored. The decline in effectiveness of the institutes and the middle class invasion resulted from deficiencies in both primary and secondary education.

The article discusses a white paper on staggered holidays presented by the president of the Board of Trade to the British Parliament. It reveals that 30 million people took a main holiday as compared with 15 million in 1937. According to the paper, the pattern of holiday accommodation and travel has changed considerably. The effects of the holiday pattern on hotels, restaurants, car parks, entertainment establishments are addressed. Moreover, it also offers suggestions in order to encourage the staggering of holidays in the educational field and industrial sector.

This paper extends and brings up to date the original work of Bowen on pay differentials among subjects in universities in the United Kingdom.[2] Following Bowen we use "faculty differentials" to mean "systematic variations in economic well-being among university teachers" among subjects.
Our results suggest timidly that the constraints imposed on universities by the existence of formal salary scales (except for Medicine) and a maximum permissible proportion of senior staff nevertheless allow some flexibility in pay among faculties. Broadly, they suggest that, as compared with Arts, Science has a higher proportion of senior posts, and Technology appoints teachers within a grade at a higher point on the incremental scale (or alternatively, allows them to move by more than the normal single increment a year).
Although the existence of flexibility within the constraints has been demonstrated, the crucial question is whether this flexibility has been adequate to enable the different faculties and subjects to recruit and retain tolerably qualified staff. We shall shortly report on this problem when data becomes available on staff qualifications, wastage, outside earnings and so on, by subject, at a more disaggregated level than that used in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the origin of the general certificate of education in Great Britain. It is just over a hundred years since the University of Oxford held its first examination "for candidates who are not members of the University." Thus was born the system of University Local Examinations destined to grow into the General Certificate of Education. The initiation and success of the scheme is primarily dedicated to the works of educators Frederick Temple and Thomas Acland. Temple had started his professional career in the Examinations Section of the Education Department. He stressed the necessity of considering how to organize the education of the middle class. Acland, landowner and gentleman farmer, was also at this time being brought face to face with the problem of the improvement of the education of the middle class. As early as 1838 he had written a pamphlet entitled "National Education: The Present State of the Question Elucidated." Acland had strongly supported the claims of the National Society for the education of the poor under a religious rather than a secular aegis. The first idea that suggested itself to Acland for the conduct of the proposed examination was the establishment of self-constituted county boards.

Presents news briefs on matters related to education in Great Britain as of September 1974. Increase in the allowances for men and women taking course under the Training Opportunities Scheme; Extension of the scope of mandatory awards under section one of the Education Act of 1962; Results of a survey of school-leavers on their transition from school to employment.

This article focuses on the Nuffield Science Project in Great Britain. The project aims to teach science as a method of inquiry; to encourage children to think critically; to popularize science; to let the child have the widest possible range of practical experience; and to provide a well-integrated experience. In the traditional British chemistry curriculum, the subject is taught for its own value as an academic discipline. This new curriculum takes a departure from the curriculum-oriented education to a child-process-centered one. The teaching of chemistry from the Nuffield science project approach draws a substantial amount of information from the industrial world.

This article focuses on the early system of teacher training in Great Britain. The first training schools in England were located in the central model school of the British and Foreign School Society, established in Borough Road in 1808. Local teachers would visit the model school for short periods and then return to their own schools to try to apply what they had learnt of the mechanics of teaching children by the monitorial system of education. This rudimentary method of teacher training lasted until the late 1830s. The article also discusses the ideas of the pioneers of teacher education in Great Britain. The main concern is to delineate the varying concepts of teacher training which found expression during the 1830s and 1840s. Here for the first time in modern educational literature one finds various philosophies of education worked out in great detail both in theory and practice.

This article presents information on the criticism faced by the public schools education curriculum in the 1860s in Great Britain. In general critics found the curriculum of the public schools inadequate in two ways. In the first place it was too narrow. In the second place it was irrelevant to the new industrial society which had established itself. It was inevitable therefore that much of the debate should concern itself with the importance of expanding the curriculum through the development of the Sciences and the so called Modern subjects such as History and Geography. And it was likewise inevitable that considerable attention should be paid to the role of the mother tongue as a necessary field of study within a reformed curriculum. The article further informs that the debate on the mother tongue took place through Commission, through pamphlet, through speech, through editorial, with great vigor over a whole decade. The author comments on the clarity and insistence with which the failure to teach the mother tongue was picked out as a major deficiency of the school curriculum and the obscurity and half-heartedness of any practical proposals to remedy the deficiency.

The article presents information on dame schools. The article scrutinizes allusions to be culled from literary, biographical and artistic sources. One of the philosophers comments that the dame school appears so frequently in English literature both poetry and prose that it must have played a very important part in the beginnings of elementary education in England. The quest for dame schools before 1800 is fascinating. Two early references are both associated with English writer Samuel Johnson. Johnson quotes this in his Dictionary of 1755 in definition of schooldame that sending little children of two or three years old to a schooldame, without any design of learning one letter, but only to keep them, out of fire and water. In 1714 was born the boy who was later to adapt to the poetic convention of an earlier age some memories of his first schoolmistress. When William Shenstone thus commemorated Sarah Lloyd he established a romantic tradition which was followed by many other writers. Shenstone, along with Richard Jago, future clergyman and minor poet, attended a dame school at Halesowen conducted by Sarah Lloyd.

This article presents information about a conference on the topic "History of Education," held at the City of Liverpool G.F. Mott College of Education, on December 15, 1967. Around one hundred and eighty professors and lecturers from Colleges and University Departments and Institutes of Education in all parts of Great Britain have attended this three-day long conference. A review of the present situation of the place of the subject mall types of education course was given jointly by educators Nanette Whitbread, David Bradshaw and Malcolm Seaborne. They stated that the common clement in compulsory courses in English institutions was the study of education in that country during the last 150 years. Papers and discussion showed the common conviction of the value of the study of the history of education in professional training. In the historical approach lay the key to the understanding of institutions and the practice of schooling.

The article discusses the importance and impact of higher education on the increasing number of unemployment in Great Britain. When we look at the statistics of graduates leaving British universities, and what had happened to them six months after graduation, we find that, as of December 31 in the year in which they graduated, the figures of those still seeking employment were 2.3 percent in 1966, rising in subsequent years to 3.4 percent, 3.9 percent, 4.2 percent, 5.4 percent and 7.9 percent in 1971. We must not put too much weight on these statistics. One of our problems in higher education is that we are trying to include inside the same institutions all sorts of different people for all sorts of different purposes. We are trying to include, and the order is significant, medicals, engineers, scientists, lawyers, economists, linguists, sociologists, historians and philosophers in the same institution. Intellectual skills are now in permanent over-supply in relation to the economic needs of society, and that this is why the correlation between more higher education and more economic growth has ceased to exist. Diminishing returns are being obtained because we are now overproducing these skills. Higher education, particularly in science and technology, has in the past and will continue in the future to play a leading part in killing off other people's jobs, at all levels.

Reports developments in education and industrial training in Great Britain as of May 1973. Plans of local education authorities on the development of educational institutions; Existence of an educational link between Britain and Europe; Publication of the survey made by the Commission on Industrial Relations on industrial relations training.

The article discusses the nature of secondary science and technology education in Great Britain in the 1960s. The author notes that secondary schools promote specialization in science and technology as a means to prepare students for an undergraduate education and explains the need for either an academic degree or Higher National Certificate to receive professional qualifications in the science and engineering fields. Also addressed are social attitudes towards science and engineering, with the author arguing that the British public holds engineers in lower esteem that scientists The author is also critical of British education policy, as he believes it sets children on a course of study in either science or the arts at too young an age.

In this article, the author explains the need for Great Britain's Labour Party to adjust to the social changes taking place in 1960 in order to succeed in elections. While the author is supportive of the party's strong relationship with British trade unions and the working-class, he argues that changes in education and social structure, particularly an increase in professional employment and a growing middle class, require Labour to appeal to other groups.

The strike of Ruskin College students in 1909 has resulted in the development of a conflict between two groups for the control of the Workers' Educational Movement in England. Differing over the aim and methods of workers' education, they have contested for endorsement and support by the Trades Union Congress. In the process they have reduced the Congress, already committed to the idea of workers' education, to a state of practical inaction because of inability to choose between the contending viewpoints or to get the two groups to cooperate in a unified scheme. Individual unions with a more or less homogeneous membership have been able to choose between the two educational viewpoints. The Trade Union Movement was actively seeking political power, and the training in economics and politics which the College provided seemed to offer a tangible means to that end. Support from working-class organizations came to it in increasing amounts, until, in a short time, practically all of the students and an appreciable amount of the finances were coming from the trade unions. Even in these cases there has sometimes been a split between the leaders and the rank-and-file, as in the support of the Central Labour College by the National Union of Railwaymen despite the bitter opposition of J.H. Thomas, general secretary of the Union.

The article focuses on undergraduate education on dermatology in Great Britain. If a medical school did not possess an inspiring dermatologist, many students qualified with virtually no knowledge of skin disorders, nor, it must be said, was the skin likely to have had any but a passing reference made to it in the departments of physiology and pathology. Attention was drawn to the inadequacies of the training of undergraduates in dermatology and, although there has been some improvement since that time, it is still possible to qualify in a British medical school with less than 30 hour of instruction in dermatology included in the curriculum of five-and-a-half years. A good case must be made for the time which educationists desire the student to devote to the study of dermatology; and the maximum use must then be made of that time.

The article looks into the contributions of British scientist Thomas Huxley to science education in Great Britain. The article features the circumstances that influenced Huxley's career. Huxley became known for his lecture with the working-class and his foremost defense of Charles Darwin's evolutionary theory. The author also emphasized the significant contributions of Huxley on educational methods as well as in the natural sciences. The achievements of Huxley includes: (1) changes in the scientific nomenclature with the development of the term biology; and (2) renovation of the circular offerings within the natural sciences.

The author reflects on the problems in learning institutions in Great Britain. He argues that many of the problems of the English universities are due to the changes in the society and the challenges caused by the rapid growth of the whole educational system. Moreover, the author contends that the country's educational system does not educate individuals who would fit in the kind of society in the future.

By 1800, public school education was already an accepted pattern of life for the upper classes of society in Great Britain. The eight schools mentioned in the article can be ranked for the first half of the nineteenth century as Eton, Harrow, Winchester, Westminster, Rugby, Charterhouse, Shrewsbury, St. Pauls. This presents interesting parallel patterns with the position at the present day. Boys entering the acknowledged public schools, at that time, came from a wide range of social classes. The lower classes were excluded and the middle class entry was severely restricted to boys on the foundation. Of the professional groups as a whole, less than one out of ten sons of service officers, and less than one in six sons of clergymen were catered by the school while the proportion of boys from the other professions of medicine, law and scholastics was negligible. In the upper classes, however less than one in two gentry boys attended school and more than one in two for the titled aristocracy.

In a much discussed book, sociologist R. Pedley puts forward the view that the sixth forms of maintained grammar schools are the weakest link in the English education system. Their inefficiency is a result of their small size. Sociologist R.C. Oldfield has produced statistical evidence to show that small schools actually do significantly better than big ones. He shows that, although large schools naturally tend to get more awards than small, when the size of school is taken into account there is a significant tendency for small schools to obtain more awards per 1,000 boys than large schools. This article presents a study to examine the relation between educational achievement and school size. Findings of he study seem to show that Pedley is right in his view that the small schools are not producing such good results as the large. They show also that this tendency becomes more marked with higher levels of academic attainment. The better achievements of large schools are most evident in university awards and are markedly present in distinctions at advanced level. In passes and failures at advanced and ordinary levels the differences are less striking. However, it is not at all obvious from the results that Pedley is right in attributing the superiority of the big school to its large sixth form as such.

The article focuses on the areas of tension in and related to the teaching profession as far as they concerned the children of the poor in Great Britain. With the growth of the state system after 1870 new and powerful pressures confronted education. Government supervision and control aggravated innate problems of organization in a sphere of society which had no experience of mass movements and neither the facilities nor the experience to cope with them. Inevitably tensions appeared as the state provision grew in complexity and scope with remarkable speed. Since the Revised Code had been introduced in 1862 there had been no lack of evidence that its effect had been to create tension between the Education Department and the schools, between the teachers and the managers and between teachers and children. On the whole, criticism of the Code was leveled at its effect inhibiting the curriculum and on narrowing education generally, rather than as a possible danger to mental and physical health. The medical profession regarded it as a cause of ill health or even of death among children, while teachers tended to interpret it as stress on themselves which inevitably passed to their pupils and was the result of government manipulation of education through examinations. Before about 1860 leading medical journals concentrated on the containment of contagious and infectious diseases in the school setting, rather than upon the effect of general school life on children.

The article discusses the contribution of comparative education in the understanding of education system in Great Britain. Among comparative educationists there is a continuing preoccupation with the problems of methodology. Methodological debates in comparative education may draw attention to the more obvious dangers of applying uncritically social science techniques in cross national studies of education. In comparative education, the distinction between induction and the hypothetico-deductive method is relevant to contemporary debates. Philosophers of science have also debated relationships between theoretical concepts and measurement. While a crude operationalism that maintains concepts can be unambiguously defined only in terms of measuring operations is unsatisfactory, the divorce of measurement from conceptualization is equally unacceptable. This is as true of the social as of the natural sciences. It raises pertinent questions in comparative education about the possibilities of constructing internationally valid tests. In short there are real difficulties associated with ensuring construct validity.

The article presents information on the development of the educational sociology in the in colleges of education in Great Britain. It is now possible to take sociology as a main subject in 50 colleges of education and at 29 of these it is possible to go on and offer the subject for the B. Ed. degree. A survey conducted by the British Sociological Association in 1968 reported that one quarter of the respondents gave sociology of education as a main interest. Many of the increasing number of sociologists trained in university departments of sociology go on to teach their subject at various levels within the educational system. It has been argued that the term educational sociology should refer to the discipline as practiced in the early years of its development when the emphasis was on the practical problems facing the teacher. Educational sociology is the applied branch of the subject where the concern is with solving practical problems which are likely to arise for the educationalist. Educational sociology has been given a normative orientation, being particularly concerned with solving problems, with fulfilling a social welfare role and with an emphasis on what seems to be sociologically significant.

The article discusses the efforts of the British government to provide good school education in Great Britain. The 1870 Act covered the country with elementary school buildings in an astonishingly short time. By 1876 their number had been doubled, by 1880 there were sufficient to enable the Government to make attendance everywhere compulsory. By comparison with the advance of elementary education between 1870 and 1900, that of secondary education was halting, and largely haphazard. While the English educational system was thus being administratively improved, new ideas were seeping into it from overseas, ideas which completely undermined conventional concepts of schooling; which declared that education was not instruction but experience, not preparation for livelihood but actual living. Today, a quarter of a century later, there is a tendency in some sophisticated quarters to look down the nose at the Education Act, 1944 to regard it as a rather feeble middle-class compromise which has not altered anything very much. The country inherited in 1870 a good infant school tradition, which it has immensely enhanced.

The article discusses the advantages of laissez-faire financing of education in Great Britain. Despite the rise of Keynesianism to the position of economic orthodoxy and the steadily diminishing significance of private finance in education, there has developed, in recent years, a mounting campaign for the laissez-faire finance of education, The objectives of this campaign were well illustrated in a document drawn up in 1969 by a joint working party of the economic and education committees of the Confederation of British Industry. The financing of education largely by direct charges was advocated, and specific recommendations included standard fees for nursery schools, charging the full economic price for school meals, and re:examining the need for school milk provision. A major role in the campaign for the laissez-faire finance of education has been played by the Institute of Economic Affairs which has published a number of works advocating a considerable reduction in the state's direct involvement in the finance of education. It can, of course, be argued that the objection to the existing distribution of incomes is a separate issue that should be dealt with directly and independently of the method of financing education. An illuminating example of the application of neo-classical economic theory provided by recent discussion of the brain drain. Among the problems which the panacea of laissez-faire finance is supposed to solve is that of student unrest.

The article focuses on English language education in Great Britain. Historians of English education have unfailingly criticized the eighteenth-century grammar school for curricular rigidity. They allege that the grammar schools, bound by their foundation statutes, were unable to change their narrow classical curriculum even if they wished to. At the same time a contradictory criticism is leveled, namely that the schools were often degraded by alteration of their curriculum, especially when English subjects (reading, writing and arithmetic) were added. But neither of these criticisms will be sustained by a survey of grammar schools' legal foundations and an analysis of the ways in which the schools changed curriculum during the eighteenth century. When schools did make changes, it was more often to preserve than to pervert the original foundation. A complete survey of the eighteenth-century grammar schools of England would entail the examination of about 700 schools, many of which have little or no record of their operation in the eighteenth century.

The article presents a discussion on the development of art education in the nineteenth century in Great Britain. Several writers have described the development of art education in the nineteenth century, but relatively little has come to light about the art masters themselves. In this article, the author provides an outline of the growth of a new class of teacher up to the time when it was found necessary to form a professional association to protect their interests. Whilst art schools were in existence in Scotland in the eighteenth century, the main center for academic instruction in England was founded in 1789 at Somerset House, England, where the Royal Academy Schools provided a training for future academicians. The local art masters would have classes in private or grammar schools and give private tuition to fee-paying pupils. They would therefore pose as gentlemen and as artists would be included amongst professional classes in the census returns from 1841, but for all this, would not be high in public esteem. It should also be remembered, that while the drawing masters saw themselves handing on an academic tradition, their success as teachers was not dependent upon any real intellectual discipline or training, but on the practice of an inborn skill and upon their experience in such practice.

This article reports that the inspectorial roles of the British Ministry of Education and the Local Education Authority are in essence complementary, as expressed in a former Board of Education Report 1922-23--the one supervises education over the whole country for the purpose not only of safeguarding the parliamentary grant, but of administering in convenient fashion results and suggestions derived from continuous recorded observations; the other must supervise and provide for the various grades of education taken together and in their actual relationships within the particular area. The most important priority for Her Majesty's Inspector of Schools is to interpret to the local education authority in acceptable fashion the wishes of the Minister of Education, to ensure that Ministry and Local Education Authority work together in harmony. As a corollary, he also helps the Minister understand the point of view of the Local Education Authority, for their partnership is fundamental to successful administration. Inspector therefore humanizes administration, he is an educational ambassador. Moreover, he represents a most useful of fictions in his independence of the Ministry of Education.

The article presents a discussion on the element of secularism in education in the nineteenth century Great Britain. The evolution of a national education system was the result of many forces, whose complexity, diffuseness and ramifications in fields other than education make it possible to speak of a general, forward movement only in a very wide sense. One of the men who, in the first half of the century, provided one of these forces was George Combe, the leading advocate in his day of phrenology and the first proponent of secular education. Combe's place in the reform of education has been very largely obscured both by the greater men who followed him in the field and by his being associated with what became a disreputable theory, phrenology. Phrenology was introduced to the world as a theory of the brain as the seat of the mind. It was before 1820 that Combe took up the study of the theory and very shortly afterwards published his first writings on the subject, not as a physiological but as a moral science, to use his own description. According to phrenology the mind, the organ of which is the brain, is made up of a number of distinct faculties, each corresponding to a definite area of the brain's surface and manifested externally in the contours of the skull. When these organs are activated, from whatever cause, the appropriate faculties manifest their characteristics in the behaviour of the individual. Phrenology thus postulated a primitive behaviourist psychology.

The article presents information on published sources related to education in Great Britain. Sources for a detailed study of special aspects of technological education are very varied. Problems of education for particular branches of technology are discussed in journals of appropriate professional associations. On management studies in Great Britain, the British Institute of Management's report "A Conspectus of Management Courses," reviewed courses that were available. Scientific and technological research in colleges was urged in several government circulars, and commented on in the report "Education in 1958." Regional advisory councils and academic boards publish progress reports of research projects in their areas. Proposals were made in reports such as the Robbins Report, and the Trend Report. Wastage in full-time higher education was discussed in the Robbins Report. Sources of specific information on apprenticeship, colleges, courses, examination schemes and so on are similar to those in technical education.

The article focuses on historical education in the nineteenth century in Great Britain. History textbooks should be constantly changing. They are the reflection of how each generation regards the achievements of its predecessors and evaluates what motivated their conduct, and with what result. Since they are largely used by the young, they represent what their elders think they ought to know. In this article an attempt is made to consider the aims and purposes of nineteenth-century history-teaching through a survey of the books which were being written for use in schools. The changing pattern of history textbooks in the nineteenth century marks what advances were being made in the teaching of the subject. The first history textbook in the nineteenth century was "Historical Questions," published privately in the year 1800. For over a quarter of a century there was little to challenge the virtual monopoly of the book. But the emergence of history as a separate subject, and not as an adjunct to the classics, and the influences encouraging modern history opened up a market. By the 1850s books were appearing with some profusion.

The article focuses on the role of local education authorities and teachers in education in Great Britain. Inspectability is an awkward, intractable word--not unlike inspection itself, some would add. Freedom from external inspection is, in fact, often taken to be the hallmark of university freedom in Great Britain. By "teacher" is understood, in this case, a teacher in a school maintained by the local education authority. Teachers in direct grant and independent schools are thus excluded. By "local authority" is meant any or all of the 62 County Councils and 83 County Borough Councils in England and Wales. It is the duty of local education authorities, under the 1944 Act, to provide for the physical, mental, moral and spiritual development of children in their areas of compulsory school age (at present from five to 15 years of age). Such education should be in accordance with the age, aptitude and ability of the child. The Minister of Education's job is to ensure that the local authority does this; but, within its own terms of reference under the Act, a local education authority, has wide power of policy-decision and its implementing.

The article focuses on the origins of full-time compulsory education at the age of five. Its purpose is to throw some light upon the origins of a situation that is patently not discussed as often as it ought to be. An exposition of the historical roots of an apparently time-hallowed arrangement, to which some vested interest may well attach, should facilitate an informed re-examination of it. Until a few years before the passing of the Forster Act, there had been little in the educational thought and practice of the 19th-century Great Britain to suggest that the age of five would constitute the dividing line between voluntary and universal education. Although comparatively few years have passed since the Education Bill became law, it is no longer an easy matter to trace its genesis. In the end, one is left with the deduction that the Forster Act deemed the downward extension of school age a practicable way of increasing the length of school life, and sought to protect from parental exploitation at home all children whose age made this a strong possibility, even if they were unlikely to find gainful employment outside. It appears certain, however, that it attached little importance to the point, and held no strong and decided views upon it.

The article focuses on and concerns with the nature of moral growth and the contribution that can be made to it by education in early adult life. Education seems to have been moving steadily further in the direction of the amassing of information, at the expense of the development both of intellect and of imagination. By intellect is meant here, very approximately, the power of logical analysis and judgment; while by imagination it means, a discriminating, sympathetic insight into human personality and values. It is the latter that is of central concern in the article, though this is not to suggest that the intellect has no function in this area of mental activity. The argument falls into three parts: one, a statement of what is meant by moral growth, with a definition of values; two, a reference to some traditional methods of moral education in early adult life, with their shortcomings; three, an account of further methods better adapted to the kind of society one lives in Great Britain.

This article reports that the allocation of pupils to different types of secondary school by means of what is known as the 11 plus examination has of late become the target of heated controversy and vigorous attack in Great Britain. However, most of the attack on the 11 plus examination has centred on the concept of "intelligence," and particularly on the assertion that differences in intelligence are innate and more or less permanent. Recent work has shown that the localization of functions in the brain is much less sharply defined than was formerly supposed. In practically every activity, the whole brain participates. Moreover, the latest microscopical research with unusually refined techniques has demonstrated that the differences between one individual's brain and another's are quite as conspicuous as those between different areas in the brain of the same individual. During recent years the direction of the main attack has shifted. Today the object of the fiercest criticism is not the assumption of general ability, but the claim that individual differences in this ability are largely innate.

This article focuses on the level of technical education and training in the first half of the twentieth century which is considered as an age of rapid technological advances. The introduction of automation and other technological advances in industry on a large scale, suggestively, requires some major changes in the training of managers, engineers and technologists, technicians and skilled craftsmen. The author, at first, compares the requirements of technical executives in various industries of Great Britain, with that of the U.S., and other European countries. The chief problem in training engineers and technicians for industry is that most of the problems to be solved do not lie in any one of the long-established fields of engineering. As one of the most widespread of technological changes, the author considers the effect of automation and the training of control engineers destined to develop automatic controls in industry. In view of this consideration, the executives of the future, suggestively, must have at least an appreciation of engineering and technical considerations. Consideration is being given to University courses which include both arts and science subjects, and these followed by a Graduate apprenticeship may well prove a valuable beginning. Post-Graduate Courses, both technical and of the Staff College type, are also argued to be considered essential.

This article presents some evidences and resources revealing the history of technical education in Great Britain. The first section of the article briefly reports on various industrial, technical and works schools which were founded during 1540-1851. Some began in an effort to stop unemployment in the corporate towns whose prosperity was being threatened by the new industries. Some eleemosynaries were founded in the late sixteenth century, including social reformer William Borlase's Free School at Saint Martins, London, England, founded in 1628. This free school was founded for 24 boys and girls to be taught to knit, spin and make bone lace. In 1677, Andrew Yarenton, educator and the author of the book "Englands Improvement by Land and Sea," was sent to Germany to learn the art of making tin plate with the end in view of establishing the industry in England. The second section of the article reports on various activities and movements that were aimed at improving the technical education in Great Britain.

This article focuses on the mechanism and the ways that were used for controlling educational expenditure during late 1860s and the early 1870s in Great Britain. In the earliest stages of educational history the work of the auditor seems to have been relatively unimportant. The attention was therefore rightly concentrated on positive aspects of development like the efforts of the Churches; the establishment of the Education Department in 1856; the pioneering work of the Science and Art Department; and the attempts to buy and sell education over the departmental counter on the best economic principles of the time, as embodied in the Revised Codes. But the Elementary Education Act of 1870 made the position of the auditor potentially one of cardinal importance. The Act had an inherent inconsistency. The audit of the accounts of the new school boards was, in 1870, aligned with the existing system of audit of accounts relating to the relief of the poor, and the same methods were laid down for ratepayers and auditors respectively. The Elementary Education Act of 1873 allowed school boards to spread over a term of years the expense: of providing or enlarging a school-house; or of any works of improving or fitting up a school-house, which, in the opinion of the Education Department, ought by reason of the permanent character of such works to be spread over a term of years.

This article focuses on the current state of grammar schools in Great Britain by making a brief survey of their development since the beginning of the twentieth century. In the field of English education, it is generally asked whether a traditional institution like the grammar school is really fitted to meet the varying demands of a world in which the pace of change increases in both social and industrial organization. The debate about the implementation of a legislation in 1944 has caused a revival of interest in what happened in 1902, when large-scale provision first became possible for the education of the more able. During this period it was a commonplace to point out that the schools were preparing a disproportionate number of their pupils for the black-coated jobs. The maintained grammar schools, supposedly, have always had a bias towards mathematics and science, the subjects that can make a very good preparation for an industrial career. This became apparent as soon as the schools were encouraged to develop sixth form courses by the new grant system of 1917, by which each Advanced Course earned an additional grant of #x00A3;400 per annum. According to the author, in providing the technicians of the future the grammar schools are not doing too well, but there is no doubt whatever of the willingness of the schools to play their part in meeting the needs of a technological age.

This article focuses on the educational system and studies during 1848-1868 at the Queen's College which was situated at Harley Street in London, England. According to the Schools' Inquiry Commissioners of Great Britain, Queen's College was an admirable institution. Commissioners classed Queen's and Bedford College as the highest institutions for female education in England. But, they have not clarified whether they ranked as colleges or as schools. Established as the most progressive of the enterprises of the Governesses' Benevolent Institution, Queen's College both met the immediate needs of the governesses and developed a full-scale experiment in the academic education of young women. It was a remarkable achievement for a Victorian charitable organization. In 1846, the Governesses' Benevolent Institution invited the assistance of all those who have an interest in the cultivation of the female intellect, and in the preservation of the purity of the female mind; and they are satisfied to wait the time which must come for the perfection of their full designs. The next major adjustment came in the spring of 1851. The preparatory classes had been appreciated, for it was decided to maintain a much closer relationship with the first year of the college.

This article focuses on the educational philosophy of A.F. Leach, the historian of medieval schools and author of the book "English Schools at the Reformation." According to the article author, there is no subject so confidently dealt with by historians as the Chantries Act of 1547, the chief instrument of that policy. It is unequivocally stated that it led to the disappearance of elementary education, the destruction of many grammar schools and the crippling of many more in Great Britain. The authority cited in support of these views is Leach. But it was precisely Leach's methods of investigation and findings that A.F. Pollard, the leading authority on the Reformation period, was challenging when he underlined the need for further research. He did not establish his point, and Leach's conclusions have since been accepted by most historians of the period, as well as by those specifically concerned with the history of education. The author argues that Leach set the scene for his discussion of the documents with an enthusiastic account of the organization of mediaeval education; emphasizing, in particular, the importance of schools attached to secular cathedrals and collegiate churches. His arguments are not convincing, if only because they rest on formal evidence and fail to take into account the decline of the Church in the later Middle Ages.

This article focuses on various initiatives and developments brought by the Ministry of Education of Great Britain during its first ten years which was completed in August 1954. During that decade there were five ministers and three permanent secretaries; three miscellaneous provisions acts were passed; and the face of education was re-planned at an unparalleled rate and on an unparalleled scale. The Ministry of Education evolved from the Education Department of the 19th century and the Board of Education, which had existed since 1899. The Education Bill in its original form preserved the tradition of a Board and a President. The new bill imported a distinction between the minister and the Ministry which called in practice for a division of functions. The largest achievements of the bill were two: Firstly, it defined education as a series of stages in the child's life and thus put an end to the old distinction of "elementary" and "higher" with its Poor Law associations. Secondly, it re-planned the system of county and voluntary schools. The Special Services Branch of the Ministry covers a wide field embracing medical and dental services, the health and nutrition of pupils, and the provision of special educational treatment for the physically and mentally handicapped.

This article focuses on the concepts and contributions of English novelist Charles Dickens related to the field of adult education. Adult education is a minority-pursuit which has not received much attention from English novelists. But, Henry James, author of the book "Dickens as an Educator," claimed that Dickens was England's greatest educational reformer and that he had a definite purpose in mind when dealing with every one of the twenty-eight schools that are described in his writings. Litterateurs interpret that Dickens's description of ill-conducted temple of good intentions makes an energetic and sensible protest against some errors, common at the time, in the elementary teaching given at some adult schools and such-like. Dickens coined the word "Kayshuttleworry" to describe oppressive associations of "Boredom and Red Tape" which the word "education" then possessed for the general public. According to the article author, it is not the least of Dickens's merits as a moralist, and as a commentator on adult education, that he insisted on the place in the scheme of things of simple fun and frivolity.