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Sheila Fitzpatrick's book, "The Shortest History of the Soviet Union," provides an accessible overview of Soviet history. The book explores the relative stability and comfort experienced by Soviet citizens in 1980, as well as the decline and collapse of the Soviet Union within a decade. Fitzpatrick's expertise and clear prose make this book a valuable resource for both specialists and general readers. While the book primarily focuses on high politics and the leaders of the Soviet Union, it also includes vignettes and examples of Soviet culture to provide a broader understanding of the era. Overall, "The Shortest History of the Soviet Union" offers a concise and authoritative analysis of Soviet history. [Extracted from the article]

Gendered order in the Soviet camp system shaped women inmates' experiences of labour and factored in their survival. This article zooms in on the published memoirs of four women political prisoners who survived the Gulag and explores how they experienced and narrated carceral labour. It focuses on three types of labour taking place in the carceral setting – forced labour, care work and clandestine crafts – and investigates the gendered dynamics that surrounded each of these interrelated types of labour. Historically‐situated forms of women inmates' constrained labour‐related agency, as the memoirs show, were diverse and not always limited to outright resistance or compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This afterword brings the four articles in the cluster on "Gender in Russian and Soviet Military History" into conversation and suggests new ways to frame the theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stalin's era in Soviet history is one of the darkest. Nevertheless, despite numerous historical research, nonfiction and fiction, movies, and museum exhibitions exposing and discussing Stalin's atrocities, a sizable portion of the Russian population is neutral at best and respectful at worst of Stalin's leadership and personality. This article examines the "dark side" of Russian memories of Stalinism. According to our analysis of pro-Stalin content on TikTok, there are five major themes that users discuss in their pro-Stalin tiktoks: (1) Stalin as a leader in the victory of the Great Patriotic War, (2) a critique of contemporary culture's commemoration of victims of Stalinist repression, (3) a critique of the present, (4) the Stalin regime's achievements in economics and politics, and (5) admiration of Stalin's personality, focusing on his appearance and aesthetics. Furthermore, we hypothesize that social media's design and technological infrastructure can significantly influence which and how memory narratives are broadcast. In particular, "Stalin as a celebrity" is a framework largely overlooked by the researchers due to their focus on different media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how the official patterns of commemorating the Soviet historical past in Russia match its local projections. Based on interviews with experts from 27 regions and some other field materials, the article maps the diversity of commemorative agendas across Russia. Focusing on the violent aspects of Soviet history, it outlines current configurations of the usable past important for local identity and notably used by regional authorities and other mnemonic actors over time. These repertoires of the usable past depend on the cultural infrastructure that was formed over time, but also on the efforts of mnemonic actors, who promote specific memories. This article argues that although regional approaches to commemorating the historical past are evidently dominated by the official federal narrative, local visions of common history are far from being uniform. The aspects that are downplayed or silenced at the federal level might be indispensable to regional and local identities. Expert interviews suggest that collisions between the narratives circulating at different levels typically do not escalate to open conflicts. The commemorative projects supported by regional authorities tend to conform to the federal-level framing, which is flexible enough to tolerate some local peculiarities. However, in many regions there are also non-state mnemonic actors who promote a commemorative agenda that deviates from the official state discourse. While being short of resources for developing memory hardware, they affect public discussions raising awareness about the downplayed aspects of the local past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE SHORTEST HISTORY OF THE SOVIET UNION SHEILA FITZPATRICK 256pp. Old Street Publishing. 12.99 [pounds sterling]. By 1980 Soviet communists could reasonably have claimed the achievement--'more or less', qualifies Sheila [...]

The article discusses the decolonization of the history of the Soviet Union and late Russian empire and explores developments on the Russian Revolution amid the war between Russia and Ukraine. Topics tackled include histories of empire and the internal colonisation of Russia with its territorial expansion from the 16th-century onwards, depoliticisation of the Russian Revolution and its connection to the European decolonisation, and Ukraine's fight for national self-determination.

Literature on technological decline and related concepts is growing. We aim to advance theorizations of the dynamics of technological decline by mobilizing the concept of sociotechnical configuration and a metaphor of its "unraveling." We take as a case study the declined Soviet computer series Ural. Ural was once among the top three most used computers in the former Soviet Union, but went into decline and got lost even before the dissolution of the country. We find that technological decline is not a trivial process, it is not guaranteed to be gradual but can feature sudden shifts. These shifts can be drops of production and loss of knowledge, as well as efforts to push back. Policy could make use of ongoing processes of decline and try to replicate the effect of the decline of Ural via cessation of access to materials and competences and delegitimation of the technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Russian etiquette expressions (greetings, invitations, consents, apologies, thanks, etc.) used in Russian television series of recent decades. For the first time the factual material of three films is considered in detail: “Liquidation” (2007), “Alexander Garden” (2005) and “Black Wolves” (2017). It is shown that screenwriters and directors allow the use of modern (latest) lexical units in films showing the history of the Soviet Union in the 1920s–1950s. These are expressions like Проехали! and idioms like Интересное кино! Such an anachronism is explained, in particular, by the genre properties of films: they combine the features of action films, detective stories and melodramas. Although these facts are a violation of historical reality, they can be justified by the desire to bring the situations of recent history closer to the modern viewer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author identifies the role of the economic factor as an integral part of the broad Russian-Austrian rivalry in the Balkans, as well as its role in the implementation of the global political strat-egy of St. Petersburg ruling circles. The source base is the materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The article analyzes the plans of the Russian Empire for economic penetration into the Serbian markets in the late XIX - early XX century, as part of the global political strategy of St. Petersburg ruling circles to strengthen their influence in the region. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Russian Danube Shipping Company, since its development at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century allowed the Russian Empire to gain a foothold in the oil markets not only of the Balkan countries, but also of Austria-Hungary and Germany. Its strategic role increased significantly after the coup of 1903, when big Russian capital began to penetrate into Serbia; it was connected with Belgrade’s interest in military supplies from the Russian Empire. The author comes to the conclusions that Russian diplomacy did not always correctly use its capabilities to strengthen its influence in the country. The Russian Empire products failed to gain absolute dominance on the Serbian market. However, obtaining a monopoly on the sale of kerosene in Serbia, despite the general unprofitability of the Russian Danube Shipping Company, provided St. Petersburg with important strategic presence in the Balkan region, being a serious argument in the political confrontation with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was especially evident during the First World War.

The modification of the settlement structure of the Yeisk fortification, which belongs to one of the first Russian settlements on the Azov coast, is analyzed. The foundation of the Yeisk fortification is associated with the struggle of Russia with the Ottoman Empire for access to the southern seas. Subsequently, the Yeisk fortification (Eisk town) was an important stronghold in establishing ad-ministrative boundaries between the Land of the Black Sea Cossack Army, the Land of the Don Army, the Yekaterinoslav Governorate and the Caucasian Viceroyalty. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of the transformation of the settlement structure and land surveying in the southern territories of Russia in the process of settlement and development of new territories. It is concluded that the evolution of the settlement from a military fortification to a village demonstrates a model of coexistence of various historical types of settlements in Cossack territories at the end of the XVIII - first half of the XIX centuries. After the General Land Survey at the beginning of the XIX century. Compared to neighboring settlements in the territories of the Rostov district of the Ekaterinoslav province, the Black Sea Cossack Army and the Don Army, the Yeisk fortification found itself in a less advantageous position. It lost many lands and access to fishing. However, the further history of the Yeisk fortification demonstrated its sustainable development. Fishing re-mained the leading economic activity of the settlement's residents. Thanks to the economic devel-opment of new southern territories, trading activity was revived in the Yeisk fortification.

The author examines the view of gendarmerie officers on the apparatus of officials in Siberia in the 30s - 50s of the XIX century. Through the course of their study, the author formed a list of officials in order to determine about whom gendarmes reported in their reports, sources were also identified of where gendarmes the received information about officials, and the transformation of the views of gendarmerie officers on the imperial administration in Siberia was revealed through source material. The main sources for the research were legislative acts of the imperial government, orders on the Gendarmes Corps, annual reports, reports, various reports of gendarmes stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Some of these sources were introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Though the course of research, a historical and systematic method was used, a method which allowed them to explore both the subject and the object of research as a set of interrelated elements. As a result of the research conducted, the author came to the following conclusion: that gendarmerie officers innately considered Siberia an integral part of the Russian Empire. In their re-ports, gendarmerie officials reported on virtually all other officials, despite their official position. In their reports, they also highlighted a number of features of the Siberian administration: the lack of effective supervision of their activities, that local officials were not afraid to commit any official crimes, excessive corruption of the bureaucracy, the spread of favoritism, etc. However, over time, the severity of criticism of the Siberian bureaucracy decreased in gendarmerie reports, as the gen-darmes themselves gradually entered officialdom. Eventually, the gendarmerie department in turn became the main tool of political investigation of the state government.

The authors examine the service discipline and legality in the territorial bodies of the NKVD of the Far East during the Great Patriotic War, the reasons for the commission of offenses by the NKVD employees, the specificity of bringing perpetrators to justice, as well as forms and methods of preventive work with the personnel. The source base for the analysis was the internal documentation of the NKVD departments of the Khabarovsk and Primorsky Territories, as well as the materials of primary party organizations stored in the regional archives of the subjects of the Russian Federation. There were also used the documents of the central office of the NKVD of the USSR, the Procurator's office of the USSR and the CPSU Central Committee Politburo stored respectively in the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Modern History. Studying the problem, it was possible not only to state the facts of the unfavorable situation in the field of discipline and legality, but also to establish the determinants of these phenomena. In the course of the study, there was largely confirmed the fact repeatedly noted in historiography concerning the influence of the staff shortage and problems of material security on the effectiveness of the NKVD bodies in the war and post-war periods. It was established that the set of preventive measures aimed at strengthening discipline and legality included as follows: prevention of the employees’ moral decay; the use of methods of group responsibility; collective discussion of the most resonant violations of the rule of law; control by the NKVD leadership; personnel rotations; improvement of legal culture and literacy of the personnel; introduction of army methods of maintaining discipline.

The authors consider the problem of the Central Caucasus peoples’ joining Russia in Soviet and modern historiography. The purpose is to determine the main trends of the regional segment of Soviet historiography which remain relevant in the modern discourse, and to present the modern vector of research of the problem under consideration. There is given the periodization of the Soviet historiography. It is revealed that in the 1930s the formula of “absolute evil” was replaced by that of “the lesser evil” from the point of view of non-Russian peoples’ joining Russia. In the 1950s, there was taken a course to substantiate the progressive role of non-Russian peoples’ joining Russia and there appeared the idea of the voluntary nature of their joining. The article shows the fate of those historians who could not unconditionally accept the change in the research paradigm. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of modern historiography; its fundamental difference from the Soviet one is shown - the study of the issue without any ideological guidelines and its transfer exclusively into a scientific plane. The motive for addressing the problem is the research interest in the modernization processes of the post-reform period. As a result of the multifaceted research, there has been revised the assessment of the role of the socio-cultural institutions that served the goals of the peaceful conquest of the Central Caucasus peoples, and their positive role has been identified.

The research is devoted to the reflection of the economic activity of citizens of the Czechoslovak Republic in the Russian Far East during the Civil War. The main focus is on the Czechoslovak Central Economic Commission created to solve the economic problems of the considerable military contingent concentrated in Vladivostok awaiting departure to Europe. The activities of the commission have not yet been reflected in historiography; there have not been introduced into scientific use the documents that allow reliably presenting the structure, personnel, main field of activity, and contribution to the solution to problems vital for former prisoners of war and members of their families who were in a foreign land. The research is based on documents of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East, primarily on the funds of government institutions located in Vladivostok. Particular attention is paid to the agreements concluded by the Czechoslovak Central Economic Commission with the Provisional Government of the Far East - the Primorsky Regional Zemstvo Administration, the Central All-Russian Union of Consumer Societies (Tsentrosoyuz). It is shown that the status of the Czechoslovak Central Economic Commission changed during the Civil War. If initially it acted as a government agency, then later as a private commercial enterprise, the activities of which ended in criminal prosecution.

The author examines the problem of forming new foundations of the managerial ethos in the Rus-sian Empire in the first years of the reign of Alexander II. As an example, there is analyzed the Note of legal adviser of the Naval Ministry V.E. Wrangel, as well as the opinions of high-ranking officials on it. The purpose of the research is to establish the foundations of new ethical standards that the authorities intended to apply to officials. The article shows an important aspect of the problem of reforming the administrative apparatus - the change in the moral character of senior officials, most of whom were never classified by either contemporaries or researchers as the so-called enlightened bureaucracy. There are also identified new ethical standards that laid the basis for the formation of new ethical principles. The author comes to the conclusion that the appearance of the Note indicated the continuation and acceleration of the important process of professionalization of the bureaucracy, a change in the moral guidelines of officials, which was fully consistent with the very spirit of the times. Although the Note itself was never officially enforced, the problems it raised, and the changes planned served as an important basis for the development of new manage-rial ethos in the future.

The author gives an expanded interpretation of the “Greek Project” as not only a foreign policy undertaking, but also as an internal political project used in order to buttress state authority with specific ideological components. The source base for the project, in addition to the letter of Catherine II to Joseph II, are the papers of G.A. Potemkin, A.V. Khrapovitsky, the letters of Alexei and Grigory Orlov, and correspondence of the Russian Empress with Voltaire and other ideologists of the European Enlightenment. In addition, the writings of Greeks, in particular Eugenios Voulgaris, along various documents of foreign and domestic policy, and Russian cultural monuments are important to the project. It is shown that a characteristic feature of the imperial ideology of the reign of Catherine II was philhellenism, which included, above all, the noble elite’s awareness of the heritage of ancient Hellas as the source of pan-European civilization. On one hand, this ideology also included sympathy for the descendants of the great Hellenes, co-religionists who fell under the foreign Ottoman yoke, and on the other hand, the authorities and Russian society unanimously positioned the Russian Empire as the legitimate successor of Byzantium, which could and should return fellow Greeks to European civilization.

The article considers the phenomenon of everyday anti-Semitism based on mass statistical data on the elections to local Soviets of Workers' Deputies. The ethnic composition of deputies sheds light on the attitude of the population towards not only Jews, but also the national policy of the authorities. The author shows that the election results indicate persistent negative attitude of the population towards Jewish candidates and, accordingly, towards Jews in general. In the local government Jews were always underrepresented, since their share among deputies was almost always lower than that in the population. However, the representativeness of Jews grew along with the enhancing of the status of the Soviets, as the influence of the authorities on the composition of deputies increased. In the All-Union and Republican Soviets before the war, Jews were even overrepresented. Thanks to the state, the anti-Jewish sentiments did not exclude Jews from the public life, elite and governance of society. Only the moving of many Jews into the opposition to the regime and the mass emigration to the West which began in the 1950s fundamentally worsened the attitude towards them on the part of the Soviet authorities and voters.

The author analyzes the place of genealogy as a unique indicator of humanitarian culture both in historical retrospect and modern society, since the subject of its study has traditionally been universal human values - family, kinship and relationships between different generations. The purpose of the article is to show the role of famous historian O.M. Medushevskaya and the significance of the theory and methodology of cognitive history developed by her for determining the place of genealogy in the system of modern knowledge. In the article, within the framework of this theory the place of genealogy in the system of modern knowledge is determined; the author gives a clear definition of the subject area of genealogy as a sphere of research, the possibility of interdisciplinary synthesis with a number of fundamental sciences, and formulates a program for the development of this field of knowledge in Russia. The author comes to the conclusion that the approach developed by O.M. Medushevskaya transforms genealogy from an auxiliary and applied discipline into one of the central areas of humanitarian-historical knowledge, making it an information resource for studying the history of family and clan, economic history (movement of property), the socio-political structure of society (or the history of classes), culture and its individual representatives.

This article explores the dominant morality to which wealthy Russians adhered in their vision of how society should be organized and the role they see for themselves. The interviews with, and observations of, eighty Russian multi-millionaires and billionaires, their spouses, and their children, on which the article is based, were conducted from 2008 to 2017, a time when Russia's rich were most settled in their positions. The interview analysis highlights the role of Soviet history and shows how it is integrated into, and harmonizes with, contemporary upper-class Russians' notions of meritocracy. The author argues that drawing on international sociological research considerably advances our understanding of how Russian elites ideologically construe and morally legitimize the concentration of money and power in their own hands and how they model themselves as "good" in their actions and "deserving" of their fortunes. Conversely, the article suggests that these new findings on Russian elites (in particular, their references to their superior genes and their unwavering preference for private capital as a means to develop society—if necessary, to the detriment of democracy) offer great insights into, and have the potential to complement, established scholarship on Western elites (who emphasize hard work but tend to gloss over biology). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Soviet court verdicts under Article 122 of the Criminal Code of the Soviet Lithuania, which tried men for homosexual relations, as historical sources. The author argues that the documents stored in the contemporary archives remain programmed according to Soviet logic. The 20 verdicts examined reveal that in practice, men in Vilnius Lenin District were mainly tried for having relations with minors or for sexual coercion rather than consensual sexual relations. The testimonies in which the convicted men's traces of subjectivity can be detected are proposed to be defined as 'post-voice'. In some cases, these 'post-voices' reveal how the 'weak' resorted to their own tactics when they found themselves in the judicial and political power field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Современная историография отмечает, что впервые термин «иго» применительно к зависимости Руси от Орды употребил в конце XV в. польский хронист Ян Длугош. В связи с тем, что современники владычества Орды над Русью не знали термина «иго татар» и эквивалентных ему понятий «татарское иго», «монголо-татарское иго», «ордынское иго», они признаются анахронизмами. Поскольку анахронизм – это ошибочное или условное приурочивание событий и черт одной эпохи к другой, использование его в отношении периода зависимости Руси от Орды выглядит не вполне корректно. В ходе исследования выявляются синхронные установлению системы зависимости Руси от Орды свидетельства об употреблении термина применительно к явлению. Широкий культурно-религиозный аспект осмысления изменившейся после завоевания монголов геополитической ситуации в Евразии позволяет утверждать, что концепция «вавилонского ига» была известна в католическом и православном мире. При этом все участники формулирования образа «вавилонского ига» – и католического, и православного мира – были прямо или опосредованно связаны между собой. В решении непростых церковных и межгосударственных отношений XIII столетия закономерно использовались сакральные библейские сюжеты и понятия. Вполне объяснимо, что в письменной традиции второй половины XIII в. обнаруживаются следы заимствования из Писания идеи «вавилонского плена» для приспособления ее к реалиям ордынского владычества, связанные с деятельностью митрополита Кирилла II, возглавлявшего Русскую церковь с 1240‑х гг. до 1280 г. В статье исследуется проблема происхождения термина «иго», делается вывод о рецепции данного понятия из библейской сакральной или древнеримской истории, ставится вопрос об адекватности этого термина для описания русско-ордынских отношений в указанный период. Автор приходит к выводу, что мнение об анахроничности термина опровергается имеющимися свидетельствами и позволяет в дальнейшем применять гносеологический потенциал понятия при рассмотрении истории русско-ордынских отношений в XIII–XV столетиях. Кроме того, выявляется механизм появления различной «латинизированной» терминологии в условиях международного дискурса взаимоотношений католической и православной церкви и языческого, а затем и мусульманского кочевого общества и государства.

События во Франции в 1814–1815 гг. стали поворотными в истории Европы и мира. В ходе краха наполеоновской империи, когда «свои» и «чужие» нередко менялись местами, многие французы столкнулись с необходимостью выбора или смены жизненных стратегий. В новой книге профессора А. В. Гладышева, которой посвящена данная рецензия, поднят ряд ключевых проблем, активно обсуждаемых ныне на материалах истории войн в рамках историко-антропологических дискуссий. Обратившись на основе широкого комплекса источников к событиям, происходившим в северо-западных департаментах Франции в конце 1813 – начале 1814 г., А. В. Гладышев показал всю противоречивость ситуации, в которой французским подданным приходилось делать выбор между «предательством» или «патриотизмом» по отношению к «своему» тирану и готовностью бороться или принять власть «чужих» освободителей. В центре внимания автора оказалась фигура казака, которая не просто стала символом всего русского, но и то воплощала в себе добродетели «благородного дикаря», то становилась символом социального протеста и борьбы за свободу.

Статья посвящена исследованию проблемы российского конституционализма начала XX в. В центре внимания авторов находится вопрос о специфике российского конституционализма, его особенностях в сравнении с европейской версией данного явления. Авторы доказывают, что, по сравнению с Западной Европой, конституционализм в России возник поздно, не имел глубоких исторических корней, не пользовался поддержкой основной массы населения. Он был неразрывно связан с теми политическими настроениями, которые существовали в среде правящего класса Российской империи. Носителями конституционалистских идей являлись дворяне, интеллектуалы-разночинцы и бюрократы. Наиболее заметным явлением русский конституционализм стал в период революции 1905–1907 гг. Идеи конституционалистов о правовом государстве, надзоре за административными органами со стороны представительных институтов и значении общественного мнения для принятия ответственных государственных решений являлись исключительно важными и продуктивными. В то же время российское конституционное движение столкнулось с политической культурой, в рамках которой было крайне трудно решать социальные проблемы законными средствами.

Первая в ХХ в. «История России», написанная венгерским автором, вышла в свет в 1943 г. в самый разгар войны. В прессе хвалили познания и взвешенный подход автора, майора в отставке Кальмана Ратца. В данной статье прослеживается жизненный путь бывшего гонведа и на основе изданных и неизданных источников впервые в исторической литературе доказывается, что его вряд ли можно считать автором такой монументальной профессиональной работы. Будучи членом венгерского парламента, он нанимал отличных гуманитариев, коммунистов-нелегалов, которые под его именем опубликовали множество газетных статей и книг. Благодаря их усилиям в прессе появлялись материалы, из которых парадоксальным образом складывалось снисходительное, пожалуй, даже сочувственное мнение о русских и Советском Союзе. Сам Ратц, будучи антисемитом и сторонником идеи «великой Венгрии», а также территориальной ревизии, сознательно играл на струнах социальной демагогии и объявил себя национал-социалистом, хотя и старался дистанцироваться от немцев-нацистов. Он вступил и в праворадикальную партию нилашистов. Но в то время в Венгрии уже было понятно, что национал-социализм равнозначен фашизму, поэтому Ратц постепенно отдалялся от этой линии и с конца 1942 г. стал говорить о выводе венгерских солдат из Советского Союза. В результате он не был осужден после 1945 г., но его карьера оборвалась. Ведь он был никем иным, как политическим хамелеоном, манипулятором, беспринципным карьеристом и плагиатором. И уж ни в коем случае не выдающимся русистом.

Представлен анализ периферийных жанров деловой коммуникации в аспекте категории тональности. Цель исследования – описание особенностей выражения тональности в сообщениях органов исполнительной власти в средствах массовой коммуникации. Материал исследования – посты, размещенные в трех официальных пабликах органов государственного управления в социальной сети «ВКонтакте» (Министерства здравоохранения Российской Федерации, Министерства здравоохранения Пермского края, Министерства здравоохранения Свердловской области) в период с 1 июня по 31 августа 2023 г., всего около 1 тыс. поликодовых коммуникационных продуктов. Новизна исследования заключается в применении категориально-текстового подхода к анализу стилистически гибридных (находящихся на пересечении официально-делового, публицистического и разговорного функциональных стилей) поликодовых речевых продуктов. Установлены полевый состав и коммуникативное содержание категории тональности в периферийных жанрах деловой коммуникации. В частности, выявлено, что 1) субполе волеизъявления представлено микросубполями рекомендации, пожелания и информирования; 2) субполе эмоциональной оценки формируется микросубполями имплицитной оценки и эксплицитной оценки; 3) субполе интенсивности не сегментировано, реализуется языковыми маркерами других субполей и в смысловом отношении выражает низкую степень категоричности волеизъявления в публикациях исполнительных органов и высокий уровень эмоциональности этих текстов. С учетом результатов автоматического анализа постов посредством функционала сервиса Popsters.ru выявлены предпочтительные и нежелательные для пользователей тональные варианты отдельных речевых продуктов (с одной стороны, тональные смыслы в постах, получивших наибольший отклик подписчиков, с другой – в постах, не вызвавших реакции адресата). Высокий коэффициент вовлеченности пользователей отмечается у постов, в которых реализуется индивидуальный подход к подписчикам и выражается забота представителей министерства здравоохранения о здоровье граждан. Низкая вовлеченность пользователей зафиксирована у сообщений в форме пресс-релизов, которые характеризуются высокой степенью официальности. Подчеркивается необходимость отказа от формализованного официального стиля общения в сторону персонификации и непринужденной формы, которые соответствуют природе коммуникации в социальных сетях.

В 2024 г. исполняется 50 лет Уральскому археографическому центру, существующему на историческом факультете УрФУ. Начало ему было положено организацией археографических экспедиций и созданием Лаборатории археографических исследований (ЛАИ) для проведения этих экспедиций, хранения и изучения собранных памятников кириллической письменности. Деятельность лаборатории заложила основы формирования Уральской школы археографии. Через нее прошли многие поколения студентов, получившие дополнительные знания, выходящие за пределы университетских программ. Некоторые из этих студентов сделали научную работу своей профессий. Экспедиция прекратила работу в 2003 г. из-за изменившейся социальной ситуации, но лаборатория продолжила деятельность, сосредоточившись на исследовании собранного за 30 лет полевых работ фонда книжных памятников кириллической традиции, который насчитывает около 6 тыс. единиц хранения. В настоящее время ЛАИ является исследовательским, научно-методическим и учебным центром в области археографии и шире – истории традиционной духовной культуры русских, уделяя особое внимание ее уральской специфике. В связи с юбилеем в статье дан обзор основных направлений научных исследований и наиболее значительных публикаций коллектива ЛАИ за десять лет, с 2013 по 2023 г. Основную источниковую базу исследований сотрудников ЛАИ составляет собственный фонд памятников кириллической письменности. Публикации разделены на два блока: первый – исследования книжно-рукописного наследия, включающие многоаспектный анализ и публикацию рукописей, изучение истории кириллического книгопечатания, научное описание фондов; второй – исследования истории и культуры старообрядцев как хранителей и продолжателей древнерусской книжной традиции в Новое и Новейшее время.