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Copyright of Political & International Approaches / Faṣlnāmah-i Rahyāft/hā-yi Siyāsī va Biyn/almilalī is the property of Shahid Beheshti University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Osmanlı Devleti’nden Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne kalan sorunlu miraslardan birisi eşkıyalık ve çetecilikti. On yıl boyunca devam savaş döneminde asayişi sağlamakla görevli jandarmanın cephelere savaşmak için gönderilmesiyle birlikte huzur ve güven ortamı bozuldu. Uzun savaş yıllarının ortaya çıkardığı firari askerler meselesi de ülke içerisinde faaliyet gösteren eşkıya sayısının artmasına neden oldu. Eşkıyalık, 1914’ten itibaren her zamankinden daha güçlü bir Anadolu gerçeğine dönüştü. On yıl boyunca devam eden savaş, asayişin bozulmasına neden olduğu gibi asayişi sağlaması beklenen kolluk kuvvetlerinin de yıpranmasına sebep olmuştu. Söz konusu dönemde devlet-toplum veya toplum-birey arasındaki kopuşun kanunsuz bir hüviyete bürünmüş hâli olarak ortaya çıkan eşkıyalığın bertaraf edilmesi yeni kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ni uzun süre uğraştırdı. 1924’ten itibaren ise ülke genelinde büyük çaplı isyan ve ayaklanma faaliyetleri görüldü. Toplumun belirli bir grubunu temsil etme iddiasıyla faaliyet gösterenlerin yanı sıra azımsanamayacak miktarda da şahsi çıkarları için eşkıyalık yapanların varlıkları söz konusuydu. Ülkenin belirli bölgelerinde hüküm süren feodal yapı, yoksulluk, uzun süre silah altında kalma, vergi yükü, toprak sahibiyle olan ilişkiler eşkıyalığın artmasına neden olan en temel sebepti. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti asayişi bozan unsurlarla mücadele edebilmek için önce asayişi sağlamakla mükellef olan kurumlarla kamu idaresini yeniden düzenledi. 1931’den itibaren eşkıyalığa karşı sergilenen kararlı tutum yedi yıl gibi bir sürede bu durumu ülke gündeminden çıkarmayı başardı. Çalışmada Cumhuriyetin tesisinden itibaren Türkiye’de görülen eşkıyalık türleri arşiv belgelerine göre kategorize ve tasnif edildi.

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Jews, who have developed relations at different levels with various nations since ancient times, have sometimes been remembered with positive characteristics and sometimes with negative ones, encountering widespread violence, particularly in their relations with Europeans. Jews, who were under the pressure of anti-Judaism arising from religious reasons for centuries, have been under the pressure of anti-Semitism arising from secular reasons since the 19th century. While Jews living in Europe suffered such a fate, Jews living in the Ottoman Empire experienced deep religious and secular tolerance. When the Republic of Turkey was established after the Ottoman Empire withdrew from the historical stage, the Ottoman Empire's tolerance towards Jews continued, but its basis changed. In the 20th century, global governance evolved. Instead of the religious-based nation concept of the age of empires, the modern world adopted a secular nation concept. In the Republic of Turkey, established in line with this new understanding, the perspective towards Jews was shaped accordingly. In this new period, the state evaluated Jews based on their citizenship and loyalty to national values, rather than the religion-based nation system. Peyami Safa, who lived through the final periods of the Ottoman Empire and saw the establishment of the Republic, successfully reflected this transition period and the difference in perspective in his writings about Jews. This feature of Peyami Safa made his thoughts about Jews important and worthy of research. Another reason Peyami Safa's thoughts are significant is that his writings are not confined to the period in which he lived; they are still read with interest today and attract the attention of researchers. Peyami Safa's thoughts about Jews are found in his articles in newspapers and magazines. Writing for over forty years and earning his living from his writings, Safa penned hundreds of articles in many newspapers and magazines. These articles were sometimes written under his own name, sometimes under a pen name, and sometimes anonymously, in line with the changing conditions of the time. This creates difficulty in accessing and classifying Peyami Safa's thoughts about Jews according to their subjects. Another difficulty faced is the evolution of Safa's thoughts according to the conditions of his time. His changing thoughts affected his perspective on Jews, leading to different viewpoints in his writings. This made it challenging to understand his writings about Jews without delving into their context. As a Turkish nationalist who evaluated the 20th century as a century of nationality, Safa discussed Jews in two dimensions: national and international. On a national scale, he criticized Jews in the context of Turkification and speaking Turkish. On an international scale, he criticized Jews in the context of the Second World War and the subsequent Arab-Israeli Wars. The basis of his national criticisms is the experiences gained during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic. Having experienced the harmful activities of foreigners and minorities and witnessed the occupation period, Safa drew on these experiences in his criticism of Jews, driven by security concerns. This security concern led him to adopt a critical attitude towards Jews, generally creating a negative image of them in his writings. The basis of his international criticism is his closeness to the Germans and the attitude of the Jews in the Arab-Israeli conflict. In this study, Peyami Safa's thoughts are discussed, and his writings about Jews are examined through newspaper archives. The study is divided into three parts: Peyami Safa's mental background, his worldview and thoughts about Jews, and the Jewish image that appears in his writings. The analysis is presented using a chronological and descriptive method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new world order that emerged in Europe at the end of the Treaty of Westphalia in the 17th century laid the foundations of the modern state system. The Republic of Turkey continued its structuring within the framework of modern principles as a continuation of the Ottoman Empire. The misery, poverty and destruction that emerged in Anatolia after the First World War and the War of Independence had to be eliminated. In this framework, social state principles, one of the main objectives of the new Republic, were implemented. After the war in Anatolia, work was quickly started on issues that included the basic duties of the social state, such as immigration, public order and construction. Iğdır was subjected to great destruction and war during the War of Independence. The reconstruction of Iğdır, which was included in the borders of Turkey in December 1920, and the establishment of social order covered a long process. During the fifteen years following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923 and until 1935, border violations, public order problems, the fight against epidemics, and the settlement of immigrants were among the problems that needed to be solved in Iğdır. The aim of the study is to examine the social problems that emerged in Iğdır and to analyse the process in which the social policies of the Republic of Turkey were implemented in the light of Turkish archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to exhibit a bibliometric analysis of historical studies on Turkey. A total of 1288 articles from 230 journals indexed in the Web of Science (WoS) database in the years 1975 – 2023 were used in the analysis. The analysis aims to provide a review of historical studies on Turkey by identifying the dynamics of research by presenting the periodical process, current situation, and future directions. The main focus of the analysis is set to the recent history of Turkey. Therefore, the scope of the study was defined as Turkey’s founding period, its aftermath, and the period up to the present day, and accordingly, the keywords ‘Turkey’, ‘Turkish Republic’, and ‘Republic of Turkey’ was utilized in the search query in the WoS database. On the data obtained, it is observed that the word ‘Turkey’ is found to be more than ‘Turkish Republic’ and ‘Republic of Turkey’ in the published articles. Also, most of the studies on Turkey were conducted in Turkey by Turkish authors. In this study, it is observed that the historical studies on Turkey are differentiated not only according to internal developments in Turkey, such as the foundation of the Republic, World War I, nationalism, etc. but also according to the effects of external factors, such as issues concerning asylum seekers/migrants, and regional issues such as the Middle East and the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of the article is to trace an evolution of Turkey’s foreign policy towards African countries. Assuming that during the rule of the Justice and Development Party a qualitative change took place in Turkey’s approach to this area, the paper will analyse its particular importance in the process of shaping the new identity of Ankara’s foreign policy after 2002. In addition, the ambition of the submitted paper is also to indicate the reasons for the change that took place in the way of building relations with some countries of the region, so characteristic for overall Turkey’s international activities during the rule of R.T. Erdoğan and his political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there any relationship between the seemingly separate histories of demographic engineering that affected millions of Ottoman peoples of Albanian, Arab, Bulgarian, Circassian, Georgian, Greek, Jewish or Kurdish origin and the Muslim refugees from the Balkans and Russian territories during the late-Ottoman period? Does this historical legacy play a role in the nation-state building processes of the Republic of Turkey and other post-Ottoman nation-states? What may sound like simple and rhetorical questions, taken at their face value, provide a scholarly framework for a more connected and holistic history of demographic engineering. Focusing on the personal micro-histories of the victims and perpetrators of demographic engineering clearly demonstrates how such histories are entangled with each other, and their role in the creation of the post-Ottoman world. The article argues that, unique as it may seem, a segment in the life of a Unionist-appointed and Muslim nationalist Ottoman civil servant; Ferid Bey, who was both a victim and a culprit of ethnic violence, points out to a pattern that connects histories of demographic engineering designed primarily by competing nationalists in the late Ottoman Empire. It underlines the impact of this legacy on the nation-state building processes of the post-Ottoman world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Pan-Turkists, the Nazi German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941 seemed to offer a chance for the liberation of Turkic peoples from Soviet domination. Consequently, they attempted to win over both the Turkish and the Nazi German governments to support their aims. Although active Pan-Turkist policies—entailing entry into the war on the German side—were intensively debated during 1941 and 1942, Turkey ultimately suppressed the Pan-Turkist movement for fear of alienating the Soviet neighbour and provoking Soviet retaliation. The Germans saw themselves confronted with collaboration offers by Pan-Turkist activists from the Soviet Union. Such collaboration provided the increasingly hard-pressed Germans with large numbers of volunteers, but indecision and the clashes of racist and imperialist Nazi ideologies with the interests of the peoples living under Soviet authority ultimately rendered this cooperation ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper calls into question the development of the digital competence of future philologists, taking into account the Turkish and Ukrainian experiences. The study of digital competence development is attracting increasing interest due to a growing need for experts capable of processing the enormous streams of continuously transmitted information and experts willing to improve their digital skills for professional growth. The purpose of the study is to broaden the current knowledge about the ways of developing digital competence. In this respect, the paper investigates two systems of future philologists' training in Ukraine and Turkey in the Digital Tools for Translation course. The authors analyze the experience of the Turkish and Ukrainian higher education institutions regarding the use of appropriate ICT tools using theoretical and empirical methods. Fifty-two future philologists from Turkey and Ukraine took part in the research. The study presents the results from observing the training and interviews with Ukrainian and Turkish students. The Shapiro-Wilcoxon method (non-parametric criterion) was used to verify the results. An analysis has highlighted the positive experience of Turkish universities, which can be implemented in future philologists training in Ukrainian universities. The findings of this study support the idea that the insufficient level of digital competence development lengthens and complicates the period of adaptation of graduates to modern working conditions. The authors found that the integration of Ukrainian higher education into the European higher education area occurs in times of globalization and the digitalization of society, which radically changes the nature of many activities. This research has clearly shown that digital competence development is more effective with the implementation of a holistic approach when students enhance digital competence while acquiring all other competencies. Our research suggests that the digitalization of education reduces the gap between graduates' digital competence level and modern society's expectations.

Deniz kuvvetleri, sadece savaş zamanında ulusal güvenliğin teşkil edilmesinde değil barış zamanında bayrak ve varlık gösterme, barışı destekleme, insani yardım ve arama-kurtarma harekâtlarının icrasıyla da ulusal çıkarların gerçekleştirilmesinde kritik rol oynamaktadır. Özellikle barış zamanında gerçekleştirdiği faaliyetler ile dış politik hedeflere hizmet eden deniz kuvvetleri, dış politikanın önemli bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır. Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri, küresel siyasette Türkiye’nin rekabet gücüne önemli ölçüde katkı sunan hem sert hem de yumuşak güç araçlarından biridir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Cumhuriyetin 100. yılında Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’nin ne boyutta geliştiğini incelemek ve dış politikada etkili bir ulusal güç aracı olduğunu ortaya koymaktır. Bu çalışma, Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’nin 1997’de yayınladığı ve özellikle 2000’li yılların başından itibaren hız kazanan “Açık Denizlere Doğru” stratejisi kapsamında gerçekleştirdiği modernizasyon faaliyetleri, uluslararası harekât, tatbikat ve uygulamalar ile ülke dış politikasında daha etkin rol oynadığını savunmaktadır. Küresel gelişmeler neticesinde denizlerin artan önemi, Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’ni donanma gücünü geliştirmeye yöneltmiş bu kapsamda donanma altyapısını oluşturan araçların sayısından çok niteliği dikkate alınmıştır. Türk donanma gücü daha teknolojik, daha milli, daha yetenekli ve daha stratejik unsurlarla donatılmış, Cumhuriyetin 100. yılında daha modern bir Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri ortaya çıkmıştır.

Bu çalışmada ABD’nin Panturanizm’e bakışı ele alınmaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin son yıllarında dünyadaki Pan hareketlerinin bir yansıması olarak ortaya atılan Panturanizm-Turancılık, Osmanlı Devleti nezdinde kabul görmüştür. Turan ırkının bir araya getirilmesini amaçlayan Panturanizm, İngiltere tarafından Milli Mücadele karşıtlığı için propaganda malzemesi yapılmıştır. ABD’de Türk karşıtlığı üzerinden şekillenen Panturanizm, Ermeni ve Yunan lobilerinin etkisi ile kamuoyunda geniş yer tutmuştur. Milli Mücadele’nin hemen başında Amerikan kamuoyunda Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın bu olgu üzerinden hareket ettiği iddiaları, Milli Mücadele’ye karşı propaganda faaliyetlerinin ne kadar etkili olduğunu göstermektedir. Milli Mücadele’nin askeri alanın yanı sıra propagandalara karşı da mücadelesinin bir örneği de Panturanizm hakkında yaşananlardır. Cumhuriyetin ilanının hemen başına kadar varlığını koruyan Panturanizm algısı, yeni devletin bu fikirde olmadığı yönünde açıklamaları ile Amerikan kamuoyunda bu konuda yayınlar nedeniyle gündemden düşmüştür. Çalışmada tarih sınırlandırılmasına gidilerek, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin ilk yıllarına kadar olan kısım ele alınmaktadır. Panturanizm’in Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti aleyhinde nasıl bir propaganda malzemesi olarak kullanıldığı, iki ülke ilişkilerine nasıl etki ettiği ve Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın bu propagandaya karşı nasıl mücadele ettiği sorularına arşiv kaynakları ve birinci el kaynaklar başta olmak üzere araştırma eserlerinden elde edilen bilgi ve bulgularla cevap verilmektedir. Bir propaganda malzemesi olarak kullanılan ve Amerikan kamuoyunda yer alan Panturanizm’in ülkedeki Türk aleyhtarlığını güçlendiren unsurlardan birisi olduğu bu durumun da iki ülke ilişkilerinde olumsuz bir etkiye neden olduğu savunulmaktadır.

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Online Journal of Music Sciences (OJOMUS) is the property of Online Journal of Music Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The meeting of the Ottoman Empire with the railway is in the middle of the XIX. century. The railway lines, which were used commercially as a priority area, were used to reflect the military and state power of the II. Abdulhamit. In the First World War, railway lines played an important role in the war, in the transport of military equipment and the army. In the Late Ottoman and Early Republican Periods, the railway, in a sense, became one of the main points of the nation-state building process. The railway, which was used as both military superiority and propaganda in the National Struggle, became the most important area with the establishment of the Republic administration. This study has been prepared in order to reflect for what purposes the railway is used and at what point its functionality is in the nation-state building paradigm. In the study, the foundation of the Ottoman railway policy and its transformation in the Republican Period are included. Starting from the railway policy of the Republican Period, it has been tried to express with examples how important the railway network is in the nation-state building process. In addition, the importance of the railway network in the transfer of the Republican space ideology to other Anatolian cities was mentioned. In this study, the effect of the central cities on the surrounding cities is included in the economy, population and socio-cultural gains gained thanks to the railway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish History Education Journal (TUHED) is the property of Ahmet Simsek and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study was conducted to investigate the perspectives of social sciences faculty members on the development of the Turkish Republic History of Revolution and Kemalism Curriculum for eighth-grade education in Turkey. The study was carried out via the Qualitative Research Method. The study participants consisted of 15 faculty members from eight different universities in Turkey. The Purposive Sampling Method was used in the selection process of the research participants. A semi-structured interview protocol developed by the researcher based on expert opinions was used to collect research data. The Descriptive Analysis Method was employed to analyse the obtained data. The study results showed that according to the faculty members, the curriculum under scrutiny should be developed through a learner-centred approach, the name of the curriculum should be changed, the time allocated for the units should be adjusted, the content of the curriculum should form a link between the past and the present, and the curriculum should make more emphasis on the economic, social and cultural developments by incorporating different perspectives. The faculty members stated that the course objectives should be developed by taking the nation’s recent past into account, emphasizing a sense of unity and solidarity, homeland-nation consciousness, and the struggles of the Turkish Republic in gaining its independence. The faculty members suggested that the learning outcomes of the curriculum should be simplified by reducing the number of standards, ensuring the balance between the time allocated for teaching and learning outcomes. From the perspectives of the participants, the curriculum should be redesigned under the principles of the Constructivist Learning Theory or learner-centred education so that students can gain a deep understanding of the subject and develop their higher-level thinking skills.

The naval forces play a critical role not only in establishing national security in wartime, but also in realizing national interests by displaying flags and presence in peacetime, supporting peace, carrying out humanitarian aid, and search and rescue operations. The activities carried out especially in peacetime and the naval forces serving foreign policy objectives constitute an important part of foreign policy. The Turkish Naval Forces is one of the tools of both hard and soft power that significantly contribute to Turkey's competitiveness in global politics. The study aims to examine the extent to which the Turkish Naval Forces have developed in the 100th year of the Republic and to reveal that it is an effective national power tool in foreign policy. The study argues that the Turkish Naval Forces plays a more active role in foreign policy of the country with its modernization activities, international operations, exercises and practices carried out within the scope of the “Towards Blue Waters” strategy, which was published in 1997 and gained momentum especially since the beginning of the 2000s. As a result of global developments, the increasing importance of the seas has also led the Turkish Navy to develop its naval power, and in this context, the quality of the vehicles that make up the naval infrastructure has been taken into account rather than the number of vehicles. A more modern Turkish Naval Forces emerged in the 100th year of the Republic, equipped with more technological, more national, more talented and more strategic elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comprehensive exploration of the history and cultural significance of garbage in Turkey. It examines the changing definition of garbage and the practice of garbology, analyzing garbage to gain insights into society. The article traces the history of garbage collection in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, highlighting the challenges faced in modernizing waste management. It also discusses the social and political implications of garbage management, including class conflicts among sanitation workers and the impact on the Kurdish population. The text emphasizes the importance of garbage as a political issue and its cultural significance in Turkish society. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the history and cultural significance of handkerchiefs in Turkish society. It explains that handkerchiefs have multiple uses and are often used symbolically. The article explores the etymology of the Turkish word for handkerchief and its origins in various languages. It also discusses the role of handkerchiefs in different contexts, such as religious celebrations, mining communities, and the film industry. The article further explores the impact of political events on Turkish society and the loss of minority populations. It concludes by discussing the symbolism of handkerchiefs in relation to love and cultural heritage. Another text explores the disappearance of handkerchiefs from daily life in Turkey. The author reflects on their childhood memories of using handkerchiefs and how they were once an important part of social and cultural practices. The text discusses the shift from handkerchiefs to disposable tissues and the reasons behind this change, including the influence of neoliberal policies and changing consumption patterns. The author also highlights the cultural significance of handkerchiefs in literature and songs. The text concludes with a personal memory of watching a film with family and neighbors, where handkerchiefs were used to wipe away tears and provide comfort during a difficult time. [Extracted from the article]

This article delves into the historical and cultural significance of cloth in Turkey, specifically focusing on its role in cleaning practices. It explores the shift from traditional cleaning methods to modern disposable products and examines the social and spatial organization of domestic labor. The text also highlights instances of resistance and solidarity among cleaning workers, as well as the use of cloth as a symbol of rebellion. It concludes by discussing the use of yellow washcloths as a form of protest during the COVID-19 pandemic. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the relationship between Turkey and its forests, focusing on the cultural significance of trees and the exploitation of forests for profit. It traces the history of forest management policies and highlights the negative consequences of privatization. The article also discusses recent examples of resistance and activism in defense of trees, including the Gezi Uprising. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing and valuing diverse ecological landscapes and struggles across Turkey, including those in Kurdish provinces. The text also explores the destruction of forests in various regions of Turkey and the impact on local communities. It concludes by acknowledging the efforts of those who have worked to protect trees and the environment. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the wake of the French Revolution of 1789, a seismic event that reverberated globally, the Ottoman Empire found itself grappling with transformative changes. This upheaval recalibrated the empire's understanding of citizenship and the corresponding expectations from citizenship education. This revolutionary shift set in motion significant eras such as the Tanzimat, Reform, First and Second Constitutional Monarchy periods. Subsequent to World War I, the Republic of Turkey emerged from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. This new state embarked on a series of radical reforms that would shape the socio-political landscape across myriad domains. It was within this crucible of change that the Turkish society's conceptualization of citizenship, anticipations from citizenship education, and the archetype of the ideal citizen were molded. This study undertakes ana analysis into the metamorphosis of the ideal citizen profile in Turkey from 1789 to 1938. It navigates the nuanced interplay between citizenship education and the evolution of this profile against the backdrop of the pivotal socio-political events of the era. Central to this exploration is an understanding of how the transformations spanning 1789 to 1938 echoed in citizenship education, the envisaged model of citizenship in the nascent Republic, and the attendant shifts in the perception of citizenship. To distill these insights, a qualitative research methodology was employed, with the document analysis method forming the backbone of the study. The trove of data amassed was dissected using the descriptive analysis method. Gleanings from this research underscore that watershed moments such as the French Revolution, the Tanzimat, Reform, and Constitutional Monarchy periods, World War I, and the birth of the Republic of Turkey profoundly influenced the traits desired in the citizen profile. The study sheds light on the dynamic evolution of the perception of the ideal citizen and the attributes they ought to embody, all shaped by the ebb and flow of these historical epochs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology is the property of Galenos Yayinevi Tic. LTD. STI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to data that is not entirely certain, in Bulgaria, 10% of the population, in Hungary 8%, and in Romania, 9 % are composed of communities of Gypsy origin (FACEBOOK:GEN:TR: 2023). It is controversially claimed that the Gypsy population in Turkey corresponds to 1% of the country's population. In Greece, there are approximately 300,000 Gypsies, while the average number is around 100,000 in Albania (official authorities had only given the figure as 1500 until recently), an estimated 200,000 in North Macedonia (the number of Gypsies in this country varies between 50,000 and 250,000 according to various sources), and the Gypsy population in Serbia is around 540,000 when Kosovo is included. The official Serbian population census data, by reducing the Gypsy population rate to one-fifth, state the total figure as 108,193, excluding Kosovo. The fact that the Gypsy population in the Balkans varies so much is generally the result of official authorities treating the Gypsy issue as "it doesn't exist". The lower the number of Gypsy (or Romani) communities subjected to negative discrimination in all regions they live in, the less budget they will be allocated, and the violations of Gypsies’ rights can be reduced proportionally. Gypsy migrations occurred at various times in the Ottoman Empire, which was a "Balkan Empire." Official records reveal that during the Byzantine Empire, about a century before the Turks, Gypsy blacksmiths and grooms worked in the Byzantine palace. Byzantine Gypsies worked for the palace and were assigned by the state to perform privileged specialized tasks. Turks, who began to be employed in the Empire before the Battle of Malazgirt, also started to work for the palace in similar occupations. In this respect, it can be inferred that Turks in the Byzantine palace initially started working alongside Gypsy master craftsmen. This small population of Gypsies and Turks in the palace had a different position after the Turks conquered Anatolia. Some of the Gypsy migration groups who entered Anatolia with the Turks stayed there, while it should not be forgotten that a significant portion of the nomadic Gypsies spread from here to the Balkans and Europe (DURAL, 2021). This paper tries to give brief explanation on the fate and the intersection points of the two nomadic societies Turks and the Gypsies’ througout history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Turkey has an outstanding ability to wage war in both conventional war and hybrid war, where Artificial Intelligence technologies are applied. Accordingly, within the scope of this study, we aimed to put forth the general ongoing efforts to integrate the war capabilities of Artificial Intelligence technologies. Within the context of this conceptual article, we analyzed the attempt to construct the military capability of the Turkish armed forces and the effort to strengthen technological armament through the integration of Artificial Intelligence. We introduced the applications of artificial intelligence, which is the most important technological improvement that Industry 4.0 brought about in the applications carried out in the Turkish military sector. In this conceptual article according to the findings of the theoretical analysis of the factors identified, the Republic of Turkey has obtained successful results on the application of Artificial Intelligence technological improvements in a variety of war areas. The impact of these benefits makes Artificial Intelligence an essential part of modern war technologies in our time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study singles out the impact of systemic and external factors on Turkey’s foreign policy from the establishment of the Republic until now. Such an exercise accords with a neorealist interpretation of foreign policy, as the key emphasis is on the impact of the anarchical nature of the external environment, and the influence of the distribution of material power capabilities among states at a given time on foreign policy preferences. This in no way suggests that the internal and individual level of factors holds a secondary place in comparison to systemic/external factors. Yet this article simply highlights the importance of systemic factors, for the main reason that neorealism seems to account for foreign policy choices and behaviors of middle powers more convincingly than in the case of great powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study was conducted to investigate the perspectives of social sciences faculty members on the development of the Turkish Republic History of Revolution and Kemalism Curriculum for eighth-grade education in Turkey. The study was carried out via the Qualitative Research Method. The study participants consisted of 15 faculty members from eight different universities in Turkey. The Purposive Sampling Method was used in the selection process of the research participants. A semi-structured interview protocol developed by the researcher based on expert opinions was used to collect research data. The Descriptive Analysis Method was employed to analyse the obtained data. The study results showed that according to the faculty members, the curriculum under scrutiny should be developed through a learner-centred approach, the name of the curriculum should be changed, the time allocated for the units should be adjusted, the content of the curriculum should form a link between the past and the present, and the curriculum should make more emphasis on the economic, social and cultural developments by incorporating different perspectives. The faculty members stated that the course objectives should be developed by taking the nation's recent past into account, emphasizing a sense of unity and solidarity, homeland-nation consciousness, and the struggles of the Turkish Republic in gaining its independence. The faculty members suggested that the learning outcomes of the curriculum should be simplified by reducing the number of standards, ensuring the balance between the time allocated for teaching and learning outcomes. From the perspectives of the participants, the curriculum should be redesigned under the principles of the Constructivist Learning Theory or learner-centred education so that students can gain a deep understanding of the subject and develop their higher-level thinking skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gazi University Journal of Gazi Educational Faculty (GUJGEF) is the property of Gazi University Journal of Gazi Educational Faculty (GUJGEF) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The process of modernization, which underlines the losses and sufferings of the Ottoman Empire and the Qing Dynasty under Western domination, resulted in the collapse of these two egocentric states. It was followed by the rise of the “Republican regime” to power in China in 1912 and in Turkey in 1923. Turkey and China, both forced to modernize, began to be described as the “Sick Men of the East” by the western powers from the mid-19th century onwards. Turkish-Chinese communities, both of which were shown as late comers to modern society, studied and took as a model the countries which they thought would facilitate the passage to modernization. In this sense, while the Ottoman Empire turned its face to Western Europe and especially France, the Qing Dynasty intelligentsia preferred to examine and focus on the societies that were pushed by modernization into internal and external turmoil, such as Eastern Europe and the Ottoman Empire, thereby intending to prevent the collapse of Qing Dynasty and ensure its survival. After the crushing defeat of the Qing Dynasty in the Chinese-Japanese War in 1895, Chinese intellectuals started to study more closely the political and social order of the countries which they considered as sharing the same fate. In this sense, the response to western domination and modernization in Turkish society and Turkish lands came to be a topic among the Chinese intellectuals. In this study, the reaction of Chinese intellectuals to the Young Turk Revolution and their comments and critiques over the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, which they called “Kemal's Revolution” and over the Lausanne Conference, and their “perception of Turkey”, with its change and causes by focusing on the period between 1908 and 1930, were examined through some articles, works and speeches penned. It was concluded in the study that “Turkish perception” in the Chinese lands changed from the idea of “common fate” through an “example” that should be first imitated and then Sinicized to a subject that should be criticized from the perspective of communism rising in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research for this article was conducted in archives, literature, and periodicals. The topic is the Yugoslavs' (the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1918 to 1929, then the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) connection to Constantinople/Istanbul. It explores the following questions: After World War I, what happened to Yugoslav nationals who remained in Constantinople/Istanbul and those who came and stayed throughout the interwar period? In what ways does Istanbul appeal to Yugoslav travel writers? What impact did political circumstances and relations between the two states have? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article scrutinizes the main results of the 30-year independent existence of the former Soviet republics under the conditions of modern political realities and the formation of a polycentric system of international relations, where regional states such as Turkey begin to exert an increasing influence on the ongoing processes. Based on the results of the analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that since the collapse of the Soviet Union, two trends have developed in the post-Soviet space: integration and disintegration. e main task of the Republic of Turkey in the post-Soviet region is to set the pro-Turkish model of integration of key Turkic states and to create the so-called “Turkic world” – a new subsystem of international relations under its auspices. In order to implement these plans, Ankara pursues three main goals in the post-Soviet space: to replace the “Turkic” with the “Turkish”; secondly, to bring loyal elites to power in the partner countries; and to concentrate the movement of resources within the framework of the “hub” ideology. Meanwhile, during its interaction with the former USSR countries Turkey has passed or is still passing through several stages: the “era of hope”, the “step-by-step era” and the “era of Turkish-centric integration”, which continues up to the present time and is expressed in exerting a significant influence on the Turkic actors.

Adnan Bey and Halide Edib Hanım returned to Istanbul in December 1922 as two leading figures of the national struggle centered in Ankara. Drastic changes had taken place in Istanbul and the country at large since their escape from the city about three years prior. This article examines the couple's return to Istanbul in order to shed new light on what was essentially a moment of uncertainty for the Ankara government despite its victories on the battleground. With a focus on portrayals of the couple's return in the press, the article highlights the ongoing construction of an attachment/bond (merbutiyet) between the Ankara government and Istanbul in late 1922. Zooming in on this historical moment facilitates critical engagement with reductionist portrayals of the early 1920s in much of the officially sanctioned narratives on modern Turkey. This critical engagement fosters more nuanced interpretation of the events, figures, and processes which shaped the construction of new regimes in former Ottoman domains in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adnan Bey and Halide Edib Hanım returned to Istanbul in December 1922 as two leading figures of the national struggle centered in Ankara. Drastic changes had taken place in Istanbul and the country at large since their escape from the city about three years prior. This article examines the couple's return to Istanbul in order to shed new light on what was essentially a moment of uncertainty for the Ankara government despite its victories on the battleground. With a focus on portrayals of the couple's return in the press, the article highlights the ongoing construction of an attachment/bond (merbutiyet) between the Ankara government and Istanbul in late 1922. Zooming in on this historical moment facilitates critical engagement with reductionist portrayals of the early 1920s in much of the officially sanctioned narratives on modern Turkey. This critical engagement fosters more nuanced interpretation of the events, figures, and processes which shaped the construction of new regimes in former Ottoman domains in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical development of mankind shows that money is one of the greatest and most debated creations of our time. In the conditions of the XXI century of innovations and technological rise, the practical displaces the logical. In this regard, cryptocurrencies known as digital money are increasingly being discussed. The subject of this study are cryptocurrencies as a new and innovative financial resource. for payment between economic operators at national and supranational level. The subject of the study is an analysis of public attitudes. The main goal of the research is related to the analysis of cryptocurrencies through the prism of the public attitudes of the society on the territory of the Republic of Bulgaria and the Republic of Turkey.

On the 24th of July in 1923 the Treaty of Lausanne settled the borders of the Turkish state except one area: the oil-rich Mosul Vilayet, which was desired both by Turkey and Kingdom of Iraq (under British tutelage). The parts agreed that if within a year they cannot decide on the disputed area, they turn to the League of Nations for help. The three-member Boundary Commission created by the League of Nations started its work in August 1924, then on the 24th of October designated a temporary border the so-called "Brussels line" which was the former North boundary of the vilayet. Both parties presented their views to the League of Nations. Turkish experts have wanted a referendum in the area and outlined a final boundary at the Southern border of the vilayet placing Mosul under Turkish rule. According to the British - and the same Iraqi - proposal the referendum was unacceptable, as the area was strategically, geographically, economically and administratively too important and it was impermissible for an under-educated population to decide on its affiliation. Their experts proposed the Northern Mountain range of the area as final frontier because of its relatively small population and the area could have been well protected from a military point of view. The work of the Commission - who examined the historical, ethnographical, geographical, geopolitical facts and principles of the area - was the target of many attacks and therefore got significant press coverage. They were accused of bias towards the Turks. In my study, I collected and analyzed the contemporary Hungarian (who referred back also to the British) press articles with the information that can be extracted from the reports on the committee's work and their circumstances in order to get a clearer picture of the decision-making process and the events surrounding it, the role of the commission in the judgement, as there is no document from which the opinion of the members on the issue can be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]