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Students' readiness to learn politics is an important thing to consider nowadays. By encouraging positive emotions and good intrinsic learning motivation, students can prepare themselves well to learn this discipline. This study examines how self-regulated learning, competence, autonomy, relatedness, positive emotion, and intrinsic learning motivation affect political learning preparation in students. Additionally, information literacy is explored as a moderating variable on the association between positive emotion and political learning readiness, as well as intrinsic learning motivation and political learning readiness. Data were collected from 422 university politics students. Researchers first utilized SPSS to see the distribution of good data, then the SEM model and SmartPLS version 4. The study found no correlation between autonomy and intrinsic learning readiness. Other hypotheses in this study were tested and shown to be beneficial. Testing the interaction model shows that information literacy boosts positive emotions and learning motivation on political learning readiness.

It will be very useful for the E-Learning departments, dean's offices, and academic monitoring of the higher education institutions (HEI) of El Salvador to know the perception that students have regarding the academic support of the virtual learning environments (VLE) implemented or strengthened as a response to the events generated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Although this event is in the health area, it has had an impact on other areas, including education, leading HEIs to advance in the virtualization of content for the care of their students. This research allowed us to know the perception of students regarding virtual environments as facilitators of learning and guarantors of favorable social environments in the development of content. Opportunely, the topic is relevant during the social distancing due to the pandemic and, undoubtedly, provides new data to support other studies. In this descriptive study, with a quantitative approach, with a non-probabilistic sample, 279 students from several HEIs from El Salvador participated, to which an online survey was given to know their perception of VLE as learning facilitators. As a main result, it was obtained that such perception depends on your previous experience in VLE.

Institutional politics and emerging changes to the professoriate have potentially positioned tenure-track faculty within an academic labor system that assumes academic training and expertise guides their progression. This qualitative narrative study of 12 higher education and student affairs (HESA) pre-tenure faculty explored their navigation of tenure experiences at their institutions. Participants shared personal and professional challenges related to tenure in which they were challenged to negotiate academic and student affairs professional identities. Personal challenges included strained personal lives and relationships with feelings of isolation or loneliness. These findings offer insight into HESA pre-tenure faculty experiences as an avenue to better support this unique population. Study implications center equitable practices and community building.

Purpose: Following globalisation, a rich literature on global citizenship education developed (Akkari & Maleq 2020; Goren & Yemini 2017). However, recent developments in international politics prompt us to ask whether global citizenship education gives young people a grasp of the international world. We argue that global citizenship education theory must be supplemented because it does not provide much guidance to help young people understand international politics properly. Design/methodology/approach: We discuss how theories of global citizenship education conceptualise international conflicts and how three theories on international politics offer supplementary conceptions and perspectives. Findings: Global citizenship education should be supplemented with theories of international politics. Research limitations/implications: Our analysis only indicates some implications for global citizenship education, and further research on the didactical implications is required. Practical implications: Global citizenship education must rely on a wider set of theories to prepare the students for understanding global issues.

In the last few years, international student mobility has been disrupted not only by the global health crisis resulting from the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic but also adversely affected by the rise of geopolitics. The worsening relationship between China and its western counterparts led by the United States and its allies has significantly influenced students' motivation and plan for overseas education. Based upon interviews with 75 students from leading universities in mainland China, this article examines how Chinese elite students evaluate the impact of the new geopolitics on their overseas study plans and opportunities. The study found that, due to the influence of scientific internationalism ideas and institutional habitus, interviewees underestimated the impact of geopolitical factors. Furthermore, unpleasant environmental factors (such as racial discrimination) caused by geopolitical changes are tolerable because most of the interviewees plan to return China after studying abroad. On the other hand, deterioration of Sino-US relations has substantially affected Chinese students' international mobility. Many interviewees, especially those majoring in science and engineering, were unable to obtain visas. Some of them gave up their study abroad plans, while others transferred to other study abroad destination countries such as the United Kingdom and Singapore. We also find that the perception of the power shift in the field of higher education shapes the students' decision making. This article critically reflects upon the international student mobility from the broader political economy perspective, discussing policy implications for future international education.

If psychometrics has long concerned itself with validity, reliability, and fairness, then what could psychometrics learn from the cybernetic theories of AI? Through engagement with Burstein's (2023) Responsible AI Standards, this paper unpacks some paradigmatic differences between psychometrics and cybernetics, points to how recursivity and contingency are both a challenge and opportunity for psychometrics, and how this matters epistemologically, ethically and politically. Following these epistemological differences, the paper raises ethico-political concerns with the promise of the "human-in-the-loop".

The recent spike in book challenges has put school libraries at the center of heated political debates. I investigate the relationship between local politics and school library collections using data on books with controversial content from a sample of 6,631 public school libraries. Libraries in conservative areas have fewer titles with LGBTQ, race/racism, or abortion content and more Christian fiction and discontinued Dr. Seuss books. This is true even though most libraries have at least some controversial content. State laws that restrict curricular content are negatively related to access to some LGBTQ and race/racism titles. Finally, I present short-term evidence that book challenges in the 2021-22 school year are associated with decreases in the acquisition of new LGBTQ materials.

Factors influencing evaluation use has been a primary concern for evaluators. However, little is known about the current conceptualizations of evaluation use including what counts as use, what efforts encourage use, and how to measure use. This article identifies enablers and constraints to evaluation use based on a scoping review of literature published since 2009 (n = 47). A fulsome examination to map factors influencing evaluation use identified in extant literature informs further study and captures its evolution over time. Five factors were identified that influence evaluation use: (1) resources; (2) stakeholder characteristics; (3) evaluation characteristics; (4) social and political environment; and (5) evaluators characteristics. Also examined is a synthesis of practical and theoretical implications as well as implications for future research. Importantly, our work builds upon two previous and impactful scoping reviews to provide a contemporary assessment of the factors influencing evaluation use and inform consequential evaluator practice.

This article presents the consensus of an National Council on Measurement in Education Presidential Task Force on Foundational Competencies in Educational Measurement. Foundational competencies are those that support future development of additional professional and disciplinary competencies. The authors develop a framework for foundational competencies in educational measurement, illustrate how educational measurement programs can help learners develop these competencies, and demonstrate how foundational competencies continue to develop in educational measurement professions. The framework introduces three foundational competency domains: Communication and Collaboration Competencies; Technical, Statistical, and Computational Competencies; and Educational Measurement Competencies. Within the Educational Measurement Competency domain, the authors identify five subdomains: Social, Cultural, Historical, and Political Context; Validity, Validation, and Fairness; Theory and Instrumentation; Precision and Generalization; and Psychometric Modeling.

This article proposes that researchers should seek to understand the value conflicts inherent in the career choices of gifted students. This study explored those conflicts using a narrative analysis based on the McAdams (1993) model of personal meaning-making. The subjects were two gifted female political leaders: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Jacinda Ardern. The findings showed that each leader enacted predominantly agentic motives in responding to political challenges and crises; communal motives were enacted as well, but with lower frequency. These results are discussed in relation to the conflicting values and motivations that extraordinarily talented students encounter in forming a cohesive life plan.

Universities in many liberal democracies, such as the US, the UK, or Germany, grapple with a pivotal question: how much room should be given to controversial utterances? On the one side, there are those who advocate for limiting permissible speech on campus to create a safe environment for a diverse student body and counter the mainstreaming of extremist views, particularly by right-wing populists. On the other side, concerns arise about stifling the free exchange of ideas and creating an atmosphere of fear and censorship. The debate is further complicated by participants' occasional uncertainties about the legal norms relevant in the given context, such as when freedom of speech is an issue and when it is not. This paper addresses the question of whether universities should allow actors with primarily political (as opposed to scholarly) agendas to speak on campus. Focusing on German universities, we begin by discussing some of the potentially relevant legal norms. We then propose shifting emphasis from "whether" we should make room for public political discussions on campus to "how" such events must be organized so that they deliver the goods that their advocates emphasize while avoiding the dangers of which critics warn. Drawing on conflict management literature concerned with process design, we make several practical suggestions on how to organize an event that brings political discourse to the university campus without causing harm.

This teaching case explores the complexities of teaching students about race and racism, a struggle complicated by political efforts to restrict the discussion of critical educational theories. It emphasizes the political ideologies that faculty must consider as they teach in an academic setting. The case narrative illuminates the complexity of diverse and divisive political ideologies that veer from scholarship into emotion. This case offers questions for further reflection on solutions to these challenges.

Philosophical work on self-respect has distinguished between various kinds of self-respect. In this paper, Shiying Li begins by introducing important kinds of self-respect and exploring the conceptual and empirical relations among them. She then discusses the value and political significance of social bases of self-respect for both individuals and society. While political theory on this topic, especially from the Rawlsian tradition, has focused on the social bases of self-respect in a well-ordered society, Li takes on the task of uncovering the social bases of self-respect in an unjust society marked by structural injustices such as racism, sexism, social stigmas, and economic and other social inequalities. She provides arguments, including public reason arguments, for the political priority and urgency of securing robust self-respect for all in an unjust society, and thus paves the way for a discussion of the role that education, especially schooling, can and should play in securing robust self-respect. Li concludes by offering reasons to direct special attention to specific aspects of schooling and by making suggestions regarding a curriculum and pedagogy aimed at securing robust self-respect for all.

Political knowledge and democratic attitudes are recognized in contemporary studies as important dimensions of democratic political culture. Furthermore, knowledge and attitudes can be seen as integral parts of political competence. Unlike other dimensions of political culture such as, for example, political participation, political interest, etc., research on political knowledge and democratic attitudes are more an exception than a rule. This assessment is especially true for Croatia. In this paper, we attempt to address some of these gaps by focusing on the exploration of political competences of Croatian final-year secondary school students. The paper is divided into two major sections. In the first part, we discuss the meaning and importance of political competence for the functioning of democratic political systems. The second part consists of a presentation and discussion of the research results on political knowledge and democratic attitudes of Croatian final-year secondary school students conducted in three time points - 2010, 2015 and 2021. By doing so, we want to detect the levels of political knowledge and democratic attitudes, as well as the possible changes that occurred in these levels during the research period. Finally, we are also interested in the relationship between these two dimensions of political competence.

This article draws attention to shifting educational discourses on the two texts of the 1840 treaty: te Tiriti o Waitangi and the Treaty of Waitangi. Policy and resource conversations in education reveal subtle strategic shifts in use of an invented idea of "treaty principles"--from standing in for and attempting to reconcile the two language texts, to a focus on the specific language of te Tiriti o Waitangi with reference to so-called principles to support contemporary application. Tracing these changes assists our teachers and educators in developing a critical understanding of the language employed in education policy and teaching resources. Examining these shifts with students also provides "teachable moments" about the politics of treaty discourse.

Amidst ongoing global debate about reproductive rights, questions have emerged about the role of language in reinforcing stigma around termination. Amongst some 'pro-choice' groups, the use of "pro-life" is discouraged, and "anti-abortion" is recommended. In UK official documents, "termination of pregnancy" is generally used, and "abortion" is avoided. Lack of empirical research focused on lexis means it is difficult to draw conclusions about the role language plays in this polarized debate, however. This paper, therefore, explores whether the stigma associated with "abortion" may reflect negative semantic prosody. Synthesizing quantitative corpus linguistic methods and qualitative discourse analysis, it presents findings that indicate that "abortion" has unfavourable semantic prosody in a corpus of contemporary internet English. These findings are considered in relation to discursive salience, offering a theoretical framework and operationalization of this theory. Through this lens, the paper considers whether the discursive salience of extreme anti-abortion discourses may strengthen the negative semantic prosody of "abortion." It, therefore, combines a contribution to theory around semantic prosody with a caution to those using "abortion" whilst unaware of its possibly unfavourable semantic prosody.

The 21st century has been riven by information challenges, from mis/disinformation campaigns, fake news, and propaganda to online conspiracy theories. At a time when more people are literate than perhaps at any other time in history, we still see the rise and viral global spread of unhinged conspiracy theories across the web. The existence of such crowd-sourced conspiracy theories presents unique challenges for scholars and teachers of information literacy (IL), who face intractable challenges in inculcating healthy information practices. This is especially visible when we compare current IL frameworks with principles espoused within these conspiratorial movements. The online conspiracy theory QAnon demonstrates a particularly thorny problem for IL efforts because QAnon operates according to many of the same principles espoused in literacy frameworks. Since its inception in 2017, QAnon has become one of the most complex online conspiracy theories precisely because it relies on a complex set of informational practices enacted by thousands of followers known as anons. In this article, I argue that internet conspiracies such as QAnon weaponise IL through incitement to "do your own research". I apply a qualitative approach to compare established principles advocated by the Association of College and Research Libraries (ACRL) to social media posts by Q and his anons to demonstrate the striking similarity in orientation toward questions of authority, context, literacy and research. In my analysis, we need new models for IL to combat conspiracism through a better understanding of the political contours of information ecosystems precisely because these similarities preclude effective engagement, and I conclude by gesturing toward future interventions.

This paper explores the leadership styles of fourteen elected female politicians in executive government positions, as communicated through the official Instagram accounts that were in use during the COVID-19 pandemic. Seven of them are, or were, heads of government, six are or were mayors, and one is the president of an autonomous region in Spain. These women are Angela Merkel (Germany), Jacinda Ardern (New Zealand), Sanna Marin (Finland), Mette Frederiksen (Denmark), Erna Solberg (Norway), Katrin Jakobsdottir (Iceland), Tsai Ing-Wen (Taiwan), Anne Hidalgo (Paris), Virginia Raggi (Rome), Ada Colau (Barcelona), Claudia López (Bogotá), Claudia Sheinbaum (Mexico City), London Breed (San Francisco) and Isabel Díaz Ayuso (Madrid Region). A comparative content analysis of 2,330 units was conducted over a 6-month period. The study analyses the hard or soft leadership style conveyed by the women politicians selected in relation to four variables: political ideology, generational affiliation, level of government and techniques used in communication. The results show that the values of the variables affect leadership styles; therefore, the assumption that all female politicians have a single leadership style is erroneous and related to gender stereotyping.

This research was originally presented as a chapter in the doctoral dissertation "On Becoming a People's College: An Appreciative Inquiry." Appreciative Inquiry (Ai) is a participatory approach to organizational change focused on an affirmative topic choice. The topic choice of the dissertation was equity, democracy, and justice at the selected site. This article shares the motivations and relevant characteristics of the chosen fieldwork site, De Anza College. Three categories of considerations for the role of place and placemaking within the institution's hidden curriculum are described: institutional identities, organizational features, and resource scarcity. These characteristics are followed by a discussion of levers of change for enhancing the role of placemaking within the hidden curriculum: prefigurative politics, creativity, and the Anchor Institution approach.

In this essay, place-based education is discussed within a social theoretical context. In particular, place-based education in social studies is advanced as a panacea for the depoliticization of the U.S. populace at "the end of history." The argument is twofold. First, it suggests politicizing potential in place-based social studies education as students explicitly contextualize their lives and experiences within history. Second, it suggests the radical potential for the social imaginary, as classroom spaces are reconstituted for knowledge production that defies positivist orthodoxy. Finally, the author's experiences as a place-based educator in Detroit are offered as inspiration and as a curriculum prototype for prospective place-based educators at large.

New Zealand National Party's 2022-2023 policy of Social Investment, which if adopted, will legitimise the management of young unemployed in the name of correcting and helping them. Zygmunt Bauman's (1989) concept of 'rational bureaucratic culture' is used to examine the aims to bring the 'abnormal' citizen into the tax-paying fold. The policy will 'manage and make productive' young welfare recipients to avoid them 'bludging' and encourage them into 'productive work', no matter how menial. Using philanthropic monies alongside funding through Vote : Social Development is a new development which removes the state's sole financing of its safety-net responsibility. It will see a new interpretation of Principal: Agency policy.

This white paper is a conceptual summary of a think tank discussion sponsored by The Forum on Education Abroad. Following the traditional use of "white paper" as a call to action in specific contexts, this paper defines the contexts of programming for education abroad and for domestic diversity education and argues for an incorporation of their differing perspectives into the general category of intercultural learning. The result of the application would be that intercultural learning in education abroad would continue to expand its current emphasis on the developmental experience of contemporary global cultures to include more transformational experience of historical and political context, while domestic diversity education would expand its current focus on transformational experience of historically situated power inequities to include more developmental experience of contemporary domestic multicultural relations. Several illustrations of practical application of the ideas follow the call to action.

As democracies have deteriorated worldwide, understanding preservice teachers' perceptions regarding teaching about the 2020 US presidential election helps teacher educators better guide them to make informed and intentional pedagogical decisions for democratic education. Through a survey study, we found that early childhood and elementary preservice social studies teachers did not express a strong degree of comfort teaching about the presidential election and were most comfortable teaching about matters of literacy and of political agreement.

The urban development of learning is a key goal of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). However, the drive to achieve urban learning requires several key points. Citizenship and cooperation are associated with developing the city of learning. This research studies the relationship between citizenship and cooperation in driving the learning city. The study uses the methodology of the structure-equation model (SEM) to study citizenship relationships. Cooperation and learning cities are based on civic data analysis of 500 samples. The result showed that the two observed variables were public participation and The four observed variables are: policy collaboration's positive effect on cooperation; citizen-subjectivity, citizen-intersubjectivity, citizen-sub politics, and citizen-globality's positive effect on citizenship; Furthermore, the six observed variables are: inclusive learning in the education system; revitalized learning in families and communities; effective learning for and in the workplace; expanded use of modern learning technologies; improved learning quality; and a vibrant culture of lifelong learning. In part of the regression between latent variables, we found that cooperation has a positive effect on learning cities (b=0.882), and citizenship has a positive effect on learning cities (b=0.056) and cooperation (b=0.217).

Suburban inequality is the focus of this double issue of "RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences." This introduction addresses the limited related scholarship, describes how inequality unfolds differently in suburban communities than in urban and rural communities, and draws attention to urgent issues related to stratification between and within suburban communities. We argue that inattention to the study of suburban space, methodological and disciplinary silos, and the changing nature of the suburbs have left large holes in our understanding of how inequality operates. This critical review covers areas such as measurement, forgotten suburban scholarship, demographic change, suburban poverty, social supports, race, immigration, education, politics, policing, and future directions for suburban studies. In our call for resisting amnesia, we also draw attention to forgotten suburban histories and studies of a diverse range of suburban communities.

Secret societies and fraternal orders came to America with the arrival of the colonists, bringing ideals that influenced the founding of the United States. As the country grew and prospered, so did fraternal organizations, which exerted political influence, provided mutual aid for health and security to its members, and were instrumental in the growth of civic engagement. During the height of the Golden Age of Fraternity, one third of American men were members of a fraternal order. With the Depression of the 1930's, fraternal societies began a slow decline that continues to the present although the groups evolved to became more inclusive in their membership and took on community service projects in their local communities. Scholars suggest that despite efforts to adapt to societal changes, fraternal groups, like other American civic institutions, are suffering from the growing lack of civic engagement in society, which may be traced in part to the rise of digital communication. This paper follows the evolution of fraternal organizations in the United States, explores their changing roles in society, and suggests additional research to explore the future viability of fraternal groups.

For the first time in U.S. higher education history, new international student enrollment at four-year U.S. institutions declined for the second consecutive academic year in 2017-2018. Many studies have investigated why international students choose to pursue U.S. higher education. However, scant research has explored how U.S. politics affects the number of new international students studying in the U.S. We explore whether there was a "red effect" (Republican counties) or a "blue effect" (Democratic counties) experiencing declines in international student enrollment. Using institutional-level fixed effects approaches, new international student enrollment declined at many institutions in Republican-voting counties, while new international student enrollment remained steady or increased at institutions in Democratic-voting counties. Implications for research, practice, and international education are addressed.

Social media have established a new way of communicating and understanding social relationships. At the same time, there are downsides, especially, their use of algorithms that have been built and developed under their umbrella and their potential to alter public opinion. This paper tries to analyse the YouTube recommendation system from the perspectives of reverse engineering and semantic mining. The first result is that, contrary to expectations, the issues do not tend to be extreme from the point of view of polarisation in all cases. Next, and through the study of the selected themes, the results do not offer a clear answer to the proposed hypotheses, since, as has been shown in similar works, the factors that shape the recommendation system are very diverse. In fact, results show that polarising content does not behave in the same way for all the topics analysed, which may indicate the existence of moderators --or corporate actions-- that alter the relationship between the variables. Another contribution is the confirmation that we are dealing with non-linear, but potentially systematic, processes. Nevertheless, the present work opens the door to further academic research on the topic to clarify the unknowns about the role of these algorithms in our societies.

The dominant analytical and programmatic frameworks used when writing about conflict-affected contexts such as Libya in Global Northern academia belong to the interdisciplinary field of peace and conflict studies (PACS). Within this, education is increasingly gaining attention as a tool for building peace and developing social justice. This article is a cautious conceptual exploration of how pragmatism might be a timely intervention in the fields of PACS and peacebuilding education. In particular, the article takes a deeper look at the American philosopher John Dewey's pragmatist approach to politics and education, and his conceptualisations of a context-specific 'public', teachers and enquiry for peaceful and democratic living. Throughout, I argue that a pragmatist philosophy is a worthwhile pedagogical project in a challenging context such as Libya, as it is an internal and ground-up discourse, compared to the often externally initiated and top-down discourses of peacebuilding. I speak as an adjacent and connected critic, because I am both a Libyan and a German researching a problem in my country to which I hope to find possible solutions by engaging with discourses and practices in an academic institution in the Global North.

Over the last three years, crises of a historical magnitude have had a profound impact on the higher education system in the U.S. During the spring of March 2020, COVID-19, referred to as the coronavirus, caused a significant health crisis, killing hundreds of thousands of people, while disrupting the educational, economic, and health system (Gupta, 2021). The following year, a 46-year-old black man, George Floyd, was brutally murdered by a white police officer, sparking violent protests and debate around racial equity, policing, and justice. A toxic and polarizing political environment further complicated issues under the controversial leadership of President Donald Trump. Colleges and universities had to quickly pivot to remote instruction, enforce mask mandates, and carefully navigate discourse to minimize disruption to the education of students. The adjustment was challenging for most institutions, particularly those classified as Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSI) or Minority Serving Institutions (MSI). They are usually under-resourced but serve many marginalized, low-income, first-generation, and at-risk students. These organizations encountered both obstacles and opportunities in the attempt to usher in a new generation of learners, Generation Z. Generation Z, often referred to as Gen-Z, are those individuals born between the years 1995-2015; a group that has experienced an untraditional and unprecedented college transition that will have a lasting impact on their younger and older adult lives. This qualitative case study explored the lived experience of Generation Z college students as they navigated the uncertain and tumultuous college transition into an HSI/MSI during the large-scale U.S. and world crises.

We incorporated trauma-informed principles into the design of a synchronous, online Religion and Politics course and then evaluated impacts on student learning through qualitative methods. Using a novel approach, students self-evaluated their learning throughout the course in weekly reflections. Using content analysis and directed coding techniques, we analyzed students' reflection assessments for themes of trauma-informed principles: safety, trustworthiness, choice, collaboration, and empowerment. We found that students co-developed a sense of safety by engaging in respectful peer dialogue; established trustworthiness through self-disclosure of personal beliefs; collaborated with peers to develop a deeper understanding of course content; and acquired transferable skills through choice in assessments. In addition, students experienced empowerment by recognizing their growth in four primary areas: (1) their personal beliefs and perspectives; (2) their understanding of the course material; (3) their learning; and (4) their ability to use academic tools. Our findings extend and support existing research on the efficacy of trauma-informed practices; furthermore, our research suggests that incorporating trauma-informed principles into course design can support students in their learning as well as bolster their capacity to succeed in other areas inside and outside of the classroom (e.g., engaging in difficult conversations, seeking out support, using transferable skills in other contexts, applying course content to their own lives). Finally, our case study presents innovative approaches for assessing how students engage with trauma-informed course design.

The notion of belonging is an often-referenced but under-theorized concept in studies of school organization. The purpose of this study is to examine the politics of belonging in schools and accompanying implications for how schools are organized and led. This research employs an autophotographic methodology. Student participants took photographs across 2 years of data collection of spaces where they did and did not "fit in" and participated in interviews to explain their photographs. Students identified four themes in their photographs regarding their sense of membership at school: (a) the importance of spaces where belonging is noncontingent; (b) the distinction between calm spaces and surveilled spaces; (c) anxiety in public, "wild" spaces where no help was available; and (d) generally positive but mixed impressions of teachers. An increased understanding of organization leadership for belonging is linked to numerous other timely concerns in educational administration, including equity and inclusion.

Purpose: The aim of this study was to explore the link between upper secondary school students' experiences of school democracy and their future role as democratic citizens, focusing on a comparison between men and women. Design/methodology/approach: The data derives from a questionnaire conducted to all last year upper secondary school students in Kronoberg county, Sweden. A hypothesis based on the theory of participatory democracy was tested through a four-step multilevel regression analysis. Findings: The result show no direct effects from experiences of school democracy on the intention to vote, neither for female nor for male students. Instead, the most important factor for civic virtues and behaviour seems to be the personal trait of ambition, which is more prevalent among female students. Research limitations/implications: More research on different ways to realize democracy in classroom connected to promotion of citizenship is needed, and so is research on how to encourage students' ambition which is shown to be beneficial both for the individual and for the common good in a democratic society.

In this critical discourse analysis, we examined 18 college student government campaign platforms from 9 institutions in the state of Florida. We used neoliberalism as a conceptual framework to examine platforms and, in particular, the way(s) students running for office described neoliberal agendas, policies, and thought. Findings revealed concern for student finances and increasing student fees, proposed private sector solutions, an unacknowledged political climate, communications trends, and notable differences by institution type.

The current assessment of the state of political division in the United States is foreboding. Americans are more divided than any time since the Civil War, leaving some to opine that these differences may be irreconcilable. This speculative analysis takes seriously as its point of departure the position of a growing number of American commentators and policy experts who argue that the United States exhibits many of the risk factors that could lead to another civil war. Some commentators have advocated breaking up the union to preempt this outcome. The critical analysis within this article draws upon historical analogies from states partitioned during the 20th century, such as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Palestine, and India. These comparisons are used to evaluate proposals for a geographical sundering of the United States into Red and Blue Americas. My analysis highlights how any kind of national dissolution, though appealing to some at first glance, would be more politically complex, demographically fraught, and possibly no less violent than the alternative of civil conflict.

This paper seeks to revisit the concept of "pedagogy of discomfort" through the combined lenses of Lauren Berlant's work on "inconvenience" and recent theorization of "affective infrastructure" to clarify how an infrastructural understanding of "discomfort-as-inconvenience" might provide deeper insights about the pedagogical and political risks and possibilities of discomfort. In particular, the paper highlights three insights: first, it expands our understanding of discomfort by situating it in the broader context of the inconvenience of other people, as an ethics and politics of coexistence; second, it calls for a contextual approach of a pedagogy of discomfort that examines discomfort as a multifaceted affective event entangled with other material, social, and political elements; and third, it enables educators to create environments that could enrich the moral and political potential of a pedagogy of discomfort, by paying attention to the affective conditions in which students and educators find themselves when they encounter different manifestations of discomfort-as-inconvenience.

In a rapidly developing and advancing world, citizens are expected to be involved in politics and help their administrators and politicians. Although the concept of political literacy has an old history, it has become popular today. It has been included as a skill in the 2018 and 2023 social studies curricula in Türkiye. Considering the relevant national literature and the results of the needs analysis conducted within the scope of this research, it is seen that social studies teachers and teacher candidates don't know political literacy and don't have political literacy knowledge, skills, and values as necessary. They, who are expected to raise politically literate individuals, have to be politically literate citizens or teachers in order to be successful. This research, produced from a doctoral thesis, was aimed at improving the political literacy of social studies teacher candidates. So, a political literacy education program was prepared within the scope of action research, one of the qualitative research designs, and political literacy education was given to improve the political literacy of teacher candidates. After the training, which lasted about three and a half months, the effectiveness of the program in developing political literacy and the views of teacher candidates on it were tried to be revealed.

Purpose: This study examines whether differences exist in the teaching of Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) across school types: Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS), fee-paying and 'other' schools. The study also examines whether such differences are linked to students' cultural capital. Design Methodology: A survey of 222 Irish CSPE teachers was used to identify differences in their teaching of CPSE. Responses were analysed by statistical and thematic analysis. The findings are discussed in relation to Bourdieu and Passeron's work on cultural capital and Westheimer and Kahne's typology of three forms of citizenship. Findings: CSPE in DEIS schools was aligned with personally responsible citizenship, whereas CSPE in fee-paying schools tended to align with participatory citizenship. In other schools there were elements of both personally responsible and participatory citizenship. Research limitations: The results are not generalisable. Furthermore, the findings are based on the teachers' espoused practice rather than observation of their actual practice.

Employing an institutional case study approach, this manuscript features two high-impact learning opportunities open to Albion College students who seek to contribute to solving real-world problems in collaboration with local and surrounding communities: Albion College Community Collaborative (AC3) and Human Rights Lab. The programmatic approach to community-engaged partnerships featured sought to elevate local knowledge, promote engaged citizenship, and advance social, political, and economic change. We describe each program followed by lessons learned and critical considerations to advance the field and to inform the work of others seeking to employ a programmatic approach.

Given the pervasive influence of patriarchy in politics, women in the political arena must be equipped to address the various challenges that come with it. Therefore, there is a need for political education tailored to their specific needs. Women's political representation plays a vital role in advancing democracy. This study investigated political communication strategies and ideologies of Islamist parties in Indonesia, with a focus on enhancing female politicians' voters through political education. One of the Islamic parties in this research is the Prosperous Justice Party, also known as Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). The study employed a qualitative approach as the primary research method. The research suggests that Islamic parties can enhance their political communication strategies by integrating their political ideology. This political ideology can be transformed into guiding principles and spiritual development platforms that serve as a form of political education for political party cadres. This study highlights the challenges faced by those who may be reluctant to fully support women in politics. The strategy employed by PKS does not involve the abandonment of its core party ideology but rather focuses on reinforcing and promoting this ideology among its cadres and sympathizers through effective da'wah and cadre development.

This study aimed to explore the magazines and topics that female college students like to read, and the topics that senior and junior high school reading textbooks contain. Findings of questionnaire-surveys with female college students at King Saud University revealed that 77% of the students read women's magazines; 77% like to read about fashion and make-up; 66% read articles about movies, singers, and actors; 24% read poetry; 1-4% read religious, educational, literary, political, computer and internet, and historical articles. Analysis of the reading schoolbooks showed that 10% of the reading texts are devoted to Quranic verses and Prophet Mohammed's Hadiths; 29% are about Islamic history; 13% focus on general topics, and 11% deal with classical literature. It can be concluded that female college students like to read magazines and topics that prevail in satellite T.V. broadcasting and social media such as Instagram. Both magazines and satellite T.V. shows marginalize young people's local culture and distract them from vital social, and political issues. There is a discrepancy between the types of topics students read at school and those they like to read at home. Therefore, this study recommends that reading texts in the school textbooks be re-selected, re-constructed and re-designed in terms of layout, colors, pictures, paper quality, and choosing an attractive cover. It also recommends the utilization of online courses, blogs, mind-mapping software, mobile reading apps and audiobooks, digital reading, global topics and global culture, speed reading practice, and reading from multiple resources. High school and college students should be introduced to new books, magazines, and e-books. Extensive reading of serious topics should be started from the primary grades; reading texts should be diversified; developing students' appreciation skills and visiting book fairs, public libraries, publishing houses, cultural centers should be emphasized as well.

Twitter is one of the most popular social media channels and, due to its structure, it is more suitable for information sharing, persuasion, and the use of public relations methods than the other frequently used social media channels (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, TikTok). Twitter is one of the most used channels by political parties and party leaders in Turkey and in the world. In this study, the confidence and persuasion levels of the Twitter accounts of the leaders of the political parties in the Turkish Grand National Assembly were evaluated in line with the views of the Twitter followers living in Düzce. Within the scope of the research, the 'Confidence and Persuasion Scale in Interpersonal Communication' developed by Karadogan (2003), was applied to 400 Twitter users over the age of 18 living in Düzce. To check the reliability of the scale, the Cronbach Alpha test was applied, and the alpha value was obtained as 0.9086 (Karadogan, 2003, p. 240). The data obtained were analyzed with the SPSS package program and the findings and detailed explanations were given. As a result of the collected opinions, it was revealed to what extent the leaders of the political parties were perceived as reliable and persuasive, and the reasons were examined. In addition, the differences between being reliable and persuasive in social media and being reliable and persuasive in interpersonal communication were evaluated. As a result of the research, recommendations were made for social media influencers to create reliable and persuasive profiles. It is thought that these recommendations will be beneficial to individuals and institutions who actively use social media in public relations, such as companies, advertisers and artists, especially political parties, and their leaders.

What might femme pedagogy offer to sexuality education? Inspired by Jessica Fields's (2023) observation that femme pedagogies create intellectual, powerful, and intimate possibilities marked by love and care, we theorize how a femme pedagogy might be used to disrupt the cis-heteronormative, deficit spaces of conventional sexuality education. Centrally, we expand this pedagogy through four key concepts that routinely appear in our own sexuality research and teaching as two queer femmes: bodies, desire, joy, and love and care. In our analysis, we incorporate visual data we created alongside pre-service teachers who we taught in the course Comprehensive Sexuality Education Methods at a university in New Brunswick, Canada in 2023. We describe how art production informs what femme pedagogy looks like in our own sexuality education practice. We suggest that femme pedagogy can be used to mobilize and highlight queer sexualities in sensuous, imaginative, and creative ways--calling upon us to reconsider what sexuality education could be otherwise.

Dewey's influence on Chinese education has been described as a prime example of the transfer of knowledge from the West to the East. This article investigates the precise process of this transfer by re-examining two themes stressed in current scholarship: Dewey's thoughts on education and democracy and his incremental approach to educational and social reform. In doing so, it explores the many roles Dewey played in both radical and moderate reforms and in an educational discourse that shifted its focus from democratic education to education informed by the scientific attitude. As a result, it raises further theoretical questions about the conceptualisation, unity and diversity, and 'influence' of Dewey in transfer processes. In this article, we argue that Dewey's ideas were subject to constant reinvention in Republican China and that the received Dewey was largely a fragmented Dewey born out of its ever-shifting socio-political and cultural context.