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In 2022, Kenyan electoral authorities took the radical decision to digitally publish handwritten result forms from over 46,000 polling stations, allowing any Kenyan with an Internet connection to tabulate results. Unlike Brazil and the United States, they avoided electronic voting machines but opted for paper ballots alongside digital transparency. This combination may have contributed to the notably peaceful election seen. Kenya is a digital leader in Africa and a pioneer of digital technology in finance. But previous elections have suffered from a lack of trust in the electoral process, leading to violent unrest and the nullification of results by the Supreme Court of Kenya. In 2022, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission of Kenya (IEBC) leveraged widespread digital connectivity for voting processes, including the release of raw local tallies soon after voting closed. Access to such results led to initial confusion during tallying by media outlets but the results survived a challenge by the losing party in the Supreme Court. A consortium of civil society organisations, led by startup Ushahidi, simultaneously collected and responded to crowdsourced data and queries from partners and the public, tagging misinformation and violent threats plus escalating inflammatory material for action by authorities. There was minimal violence before and after the election. Despite post-result infighting between IEBC commissioners, the Supreme Court challenge, and the extremely expensive nature of the process, the use of digital transparency provides a viable model for other digitally connected democracies in Africa. Electoral integrity is essential for a functioning democracy. Paper voting can be combined with digital technology to facilitate voter identification, transmission of results, and real-time publication thereof. Crowdsourced on-the-ground reports can also foster accountability and combat misinformation. Such electoral technology in Africa is in its infancy

The demands of the climate movement - for rapid and profound change - are based on scientific findings and the political commitments to the Paris Agreement. The activists are, therefore, factually "right". However, being right is not enough to justify or to accelerate the practical implementation of knowledge and decisions. We explain which social factors are at work, and how the climate movement can benefit if they incorporate these factors into actions for social change.

We test the importance of responsiveness, performance and corruption to explain the evolution of political trust in Spain between 1997 and 2019. To this end, the study analyses two longitudinal datasets, namely, a repeated cross-sectional dataset from the Spanish samples of Eurobarometer and an individual-level panel survey conducted during a period of economic recovery in 2015. The study finds that perceptions about political corruption and responsiveness matter greatly in shaping political trust and to a lesser extent economic performance. Although the Great Recession is likely responsible for the sharp decline in trust towards political parties and the parliament between 2008 and 2012, the analysis suggests that trust in representative institutions remains low even after the Recession because of a series of devastating corruption incidents and a perceived lack of responsiveness of the political system. On the other hand, the study finds indications that trust in the judicial system might have been mainly affected by perceptions of corruption.

The article examines the conditions under which female legislators are more likely to act on behalf of female electorates through two underexplored cases - South Korea and Taiwan. Specifically, it investigates the effect of three conditions - seat share, electoral rules, and legislator characteristics - on legislators' sponsorship of women's issue bills using an original bill submission dataset. The finding shows that, on the one hand, female legislators' increasing seat proportion made legislators stress women's issues more and, on the other hand, new legislators elected at the party tier with civil society experience became substantially more likely to advance women's issues. In light of the evidence, this article argues that women's issues are more actively advanced when the political space allows women's issue-promoting legislators to pursue both electoral and policy interests.

Dieser Beitrag zu einem Sonderheft zur Zukunft der Politischen Theorie fragt, wie sich unsere politischen Prozesse, Institutionen und Rechtfertigungsnarrative veränderten, wenn die Überzeugung zunähme, dass der Fortbestand der menschlichen Zivilisation durch absehbare und verhinderbare Risiken existenziell bedroht ist. Im Anschluss an Theorien der Versicherheitlichung entwickelt er die These, dass "Menschheitsargumente", die politisches Handeln mit dem Verweis auf den Schutz der menschlichen Zivilisation vor existenziellen Bedrohungen rechtfertigen, über ein einzigartiges Potenzial verfügen, politische Diskurse zu entpluralisieren, die Ausweitung staatlicher Befugnisse zu autorisieren und bestehende Institutionen zu delegitimieren. Die möglichen Wirkungen und das Missbrauchspotenzial dieser Mechanismen werden anhand der politischen Beziehungen zwischen den Bürger*innen, zwischen Staat und Bürger*innen und zwischen Staaten illustriert. Es zeigt sich, dass eine Existenzialisierung der Politik durch Menschheitsargumente auf allen drei Analyseebenen zu einer Destabilisierung bestehender politischer Institutionen führen kann - unabhängig davon, ob existenzbedrohende Risiken tatsächlich eintreten. Somit ist bereits der Anschein existenzieller Risiken eine konkrete Gefahr für demokratische Gemeinwesen, der es zu begegnen gilt., This contribution to a special issue on the future of political theory asks how our political processes, institutions, and justification narratives change if the conviction grows that the continued existence of human civilization is threatened by foreseeable and preventable risks. Drawing on theories of securitization, the paper argues that "arguments of humanity" that justify political action by referring to the protection of human civilization from existential threats have a unique potential to de-pluralize political discourses, authorize the expansion of state powers, and delegitimize existing institutions. The possible effects and the potential for abuse of these mechanisms are illustrated for political relations between citizens, between state and citizens, and between states. It is shown that an existentialization of politics through arguments of humanity has a considerable destabilizing potential for democratic political institutions on all three levels of analysis, regardless of whether the risks actually occur. Thus, even the appearance of existential risks is a concrete danger to democratic societies that has to be addressed.

Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt eine neue, umfassende Datenbank über die politischen Agenden Deutschlands vor und zeigt ihr Potenzial in der politikwisssenschaftlichen Forschung auf. Dazu fassen wir im ersten Teil den theoretischen Hintergrund - Agendasetzung - kurz zusammen und stellen anschließend die Datenbank vor. Die Datenbank beinhaltet politische Aktivitäten aus allen Etappen des Policyprozesses: die Inputebene (Öffentliche Meinung und Wahlprogramme der Parteien), die Politikprozessebene (Regierungserklärungen, parlamentarische Anfragen und Gesetzesentwürfe) und die Outputebene (Gesetze). Beobachtungen aus jeder Ebene sind thematisch nach dem Schema des Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) codiert und umfassen den Zeitraum von 1977 bis 2013. Schließlich beschreiben wir die gesamte Datenbank kurz und illustrieren am Beispiel der Energiepolitik, wie dadurch politische Prozesse abgebildet und analysiert werden können. Die Datenbank ist zugänglich unter https://gpa.uni-konstanz.de/., In this article, we introduce a new and comprehensive database that traces the policy agenda in Germany and highlights its potential for political science research. First, we briefly summarize the theoretical roots - agenda-setting - and then present the database. The database covers activities from all stages of the policy process: at the input level (public opinion and election manifestos of the parties), at the policy process level (government statements, parliamentary questions, and bills), and at the output level (laws). Observations from each level are coded thematically according to the Comparative Policy Agendas scheme and includes the period 1977 to 2013. Finally, we briefly describe the complete database and, using the example of energy policy, illustrate how policy processes can be depicted and analyzed in this way. The database is available at https://gpa.uni-konstanz.de/.

In modern democracies, trust in government is a key indicator of political legitimacy and stability. Drawing from theories of media effects, we investigated whether using traditional media has a negative (media malaise hypothesis) or a positive (virtuous circle hypothesis) impact on trust in the national government. We used a serial mediation model involving evaluations of politicians and evaluations of the political process as mediators of how political communications influence trust in government. To test the model empirically, we conducted an online survey among 1 115 respondents in Germany. Results suggest that the use of traditional media to access political information has a direct positive impact on trust in government mediated by people’s evaluations of politicians and of the political process. We also found a positive serial mediation effect of using traditional media on trust in government mediated first by evaluations of politicians and second by evaluations of the political process.

President Donald Trump has announced that the United States will leave the multilateral Open Skies Treaty (OST). Russia could soon follow. The Trump administration would thus continue the US withdrawal from cooperative security and destroy an­other piece of the arms control architecture. Its continued dismantling, a new arms race, and the return of armed conflict and nuclear warfare scenarios threaten Europe's security and strategic stability. The OST permits cooperative observation flights over the territories of the States Parties. This allows for maintaining a minimum of military transparency and confidence-building, even in times of crisis. Such observation flights cannot be replaced by national satellite reconnaissance, especially since it is only available to a few states. Having the option to conduct independent observations is par­ticularly important for allies in regions of tension. Germany and European partners must make a strong commitment to maintaining the OST. (Autorenreferat)

In den Staaten Südasiens trifft die grassierende Coronavirus-Pandemie auf über 1,9 Milliarden Menschen - das sind fast ein Viertel der Weltbevölkerung. Angesichts der Schwäche der nationalen Gesundheitssysteme scheint der Kampf gegen das Virus verloren, bevor er überhaupt begonnen hat. Die wirtschaftlichen Schäden werden Armut und Ungleichheit vergrößern und vermutlich eine Reihe bestehender Konflikte eher zusätzlich verschärfen als abmildern. Innenpolitisch ist zu befürchten, dass autoritäre Tendenzen im Zuge der Krisenbewältigung noch zunehmen. Im regionalen Kontext könnte China seinen Einfluss weiter zulasten Indiens ausbauen. (Autorenreferat)

Die Wahrscheinlichkeit steigt, dass die USA den multilateralen Vertrag über den Offenen Himmel (OH) verlassen werden und Russland bald folgen könnte. Damit würde Präsident Trump den Rückzug der USA aus der regelbasierten Sicherheits­ordnung fortsetzen und eine weitere Bresche in die Rüstungskontrollarchitektur schlagen. Deren kontinuierlicher Abbau, ein neuer Rüstungswettlauf sowie die Rück­kehr bewaff­neter Konflikte und von Szenarien nuklearer Kriegsführung gefährden die europäische Sicherheits­ordnung und die strategische Stabilität. Der OH-Vertrag gestattet kooperative Beobachtungsflüge über den Territorien der Vertragsstaaten. Damit lässt sich ein Mindestmaß an militärischer Transparenz und Vertrauensbildung auch in Krisenzeiten bewahren. Dies kann nicht durch nationale Satellitenaufklärung ersetzt werden, zumal sie nur wenigen Staaten zur Verfügung steht. Eigenständige Beobachtungsoptionen sind gerade für Bündnispartner in Spannungsregionen wichtig. Deutsch­land muss sich gemeinsam mit den europäischen Partnern nachdrücklich dafür einsetzen, den OH-Vertrag zu erhalten. (Autorenreferat)

The number of beneficiaries is not an indicator of the quality of programmes. Short-term measures that try to reach large number of people, such as cash assistance, create dependency and cannot enhance sustainable livelihoods. If applied, they need to be embedded within long-term approaches. Different livelihood programmes, from vocational trainings to work programmes, should thus build on, rather than compete with, each other as well as take into account the existing skills of refugees. Job opportunity is one of the main reasons, next to security and social ties, why people move to the southeast of Turkey. This suggests that incentives for employers to hire refugees should be increased. The way forward includes measures to build databases on demand and supply, to assist the development and implementation of business plans in collaboration with refugees, and to roll out market-aligned trainings. At least six months on-the-job trainings can, furthermore, establish trust between employer and employee as well as lead to long-term contracts that will stabilize the livelihoods of refugees. Many refugees, aid agencies and local authorities have no or misleading information about the livelihood activities being offered locally, a situation that causes frustration and mistrust. Fostering more exchange between national and local bureaus of authorities and aid organizations can increase transparency. Livelihood programmes should also extend their reach to nonSyrian refugee groups, local communities and those outside of community centres to prevent resentment between groups.

Despite the rise of multiparty democracy, many African governments still struggle to control corruption and to improve the legitimacy of the state. To promote better governance, international development assistance supports ambitious reform agendas and idealistic models of governance. However, these programmes and interventions frequently misunderstand the realities of governance in weak and fragile states. Corruption and patronage are usually not clandestine, but highly visible. It is not a lack of information or awareness that keeps citizens from holding their governments accountable, but a lack of effective and legitimate channels for public dissent. In many countries, elite networks continue to protect their members as they violate laws - and also expect them to bend formal rules to advance the interests of their group. Public participation can only contribute to government legitimacy if it has a genuine impact on political decisions. However this is often not the case, because elites have little to gain from building political consensus or aggregating competing interests into collectively rational decisions. Decentralisation reforms result in the proliferation of local-level institutions, but fail to bring the state closer to the people. Most African states have never had strong control over peripheral territories, and have relied on informal gatekeepers and traditional authorities to access local populations. Neither central governments nor local gatekeepers have strong incentives to cede real authority to local-level political institutions. Well-intentioned reform programmes fail to have the desired effects, because they attempt to change the political reality to conform to idealised conceptions of governance. Governance reforms might be more successful if they focus instead on reducing the contradictions between formal institutions and informal practices in weak and fragile states. To this end, development organisations should actively engage in research and

Roland Freislers sich überschlagende Stimme im Volksgerichtshof, die beklemmende Atmosphäre im Nürnberger Gerichtssaal während des Prozesses gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher, Adolf Eichmann vor Gericht in Jerusalem: Töne und Bilder einiger besonders bedeutender Strafprozesse sind der Öffentlichkeit vertraut. Doch entstanden die Ton- und Filmaufnahmen nur in Ausnahmefällen und bereits mit Blick auf die Öffentlichkeit. Dies gilt für die Schauprozesse der NS-Diktatur, die für die mediale Verbreitung inszeniert wurden, ebenso wie für die Nürnberger Prozesse, bei denen die Dokumentation zur Aufklärung über die Verbrechen und zur Demonstration rechtsstaatlicher Verfahren diente.

Die unilateralen Sanktionen der Vereinigten Staaten beeinträchtigen natürliche und juristische Personen überall auf der Welt. Bei dem Versuch, in der EU ansässige Unter­nehmen vor den nachteiligen Wirkungen dieser Sanktionen zu schützen, haben sich außenpolitische Entscheidungsträger in Europa hilflos gezeigt. Um diesem Ziel zumin­dest mittelfristig näher zu kommen, sollten sich die Europäer nicht allein auf das Streben nach mehr strategischer Autonomie verlassen, sondern vorhandene Einfluss­kanäle besser nutzen. Eine Möglichkeit bestünde darin, europäische Unter­nehmen diplomatisch und finanziell dabei zu unterstützen, vor US-Gerichten die Administration beim Vollzug nationaler Gesetze außerhalb der eigenen Landes­grenzen einzuschränken. (Autorenreferat)

Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) became Mexico's president on 1 December 2018. Despite some signs of tension, 100 days later his approval rates surpass 80 per cent. It is too early to see signs of the transformation he proclaimed to start. Yet, his approach to solving Mexico's toughest problems and his political communication style differentiate from previous governments. The priorities for the new government -and those where voters expect delivery- are social policies and internal security. While domestic and foreign investors are on edge after AMLO's campaign assertions that he would backpedal on some of the reforms made by the previous government, the peso has been stable and his government has pledged to continue pursuing multilateralism and open markets. Still, anxieties among investors might affect the prospects of the Mexican economy just as much as the government's actions do. Migration is a complex phenomenon in Mexico, occupying the headlines for the last five months due to caravans hailing from Central America. Policies to deal with migration are undergoing change because of that. At the same time, migration is becoming a nodal point to connect the government's plans for infrastructure development for the impoverished south of the country with its foreign policy projections in the region. Despite fundamental change in other areas, the new government's agenda so far has omitted concerns for gender equality, the environment, or the risks of the military gaining a stronger hold on the security apparatus. AMLO's plans enjoy ample support, but his style bears mixed signals for democracy. As he seeks popular backing by both institutional and extra-institutional means, participation and accountability may grow at the expense of checks and balances. Internal and international actors should play a supportive role for this government's aims, yet also to attentively check the methods used - especially regarding the implementation of social and internal security po

Im Jahre 2008 gelangte Barack Obama auf einer "Welle des Wandels" ins Weiße Haus. Gewählt mit dem Auftrag zur Gestaltung des Wandels versprach er tiefgreifende Reformen. Dabei wollte er auch den politischen Prozess selbst verändern: Neue Methoden wie Community Organizing und Partizipation im Internet sollten eingeführt werden. Aber die institutionellen Grenzen erwiesen sich als stärker: Während einige Reformvorhaben zum Abschluss gebracht werden konnten, scheiterten viele andere im Kongress - und so schwand auch Obamas politisches Kapital. Seit den Zwischenwahlen in 2010, die große Zugewinne der Republikaner zur Folge hatten, ist die amerikanische Politik blockiert. Dieser Artikel zeigt auf, wie Organizing als Mobilisierungsund Beteiligungsstrategie entwickelt wurde, wie die Obama-Administration das Konzept anwendete und was aus diesem Prozess gelernt werden kann., In 2008, Barack Obama rode on a "wave of change" into the White House. Elected with a mandate for lasting change, he promised to implement transformative reforms while conducting politics in a whole new way using methods of community organizing and internet participation. But institutional barriers proved to be stronger: While some legislative projects were passed, many others stalled in Congress - and Obama’s political fortune did too. Since the Midterm elections of 2010 produced huge Republican gains, American politics is trapped in legislative gridlock. This article shows how organizing as a strategy for political mobilization and participation evolved, how the Obama administration applied it and what can be learned from this process.

Die neuen digitalen Technologien zur Erhebung und Auswertung von Daten bergen große Chancen für den Staat. Welche Datenquellen stehen dabei zur Verfügung? Welche politisch-administrativen Funktionen können die neuen Datentechnologien übernehmen und welche öffentlichen Aufgaben unterstützen? Wie verändert sich dadurch der klassische Politikzyklus? Welche Möglichkeiten der Verwaltungsautomatisierung eröffnen sich? Welche Varianten der Aufgabenteilung zwischen Mensch und Maschine gibt es? Mit diesen Fragen beschäftigt sich dieser Beitrag, um einen Überblick über die Einsatzmöglichkeiten und den Nutzen von Data Analytics in Politik und Verwaltung zu geben.

Der Bolotnaja-Prozess (russisch "Bolotnoe Delo") wurde gegen Teilnehmer und Organisatoren einer Großdemonstration in Moskau am 6. Mai 2012 geführt. Die Demonstration war Teil der Proteste gegen Fälschungen bei der Parlamentswahl im Dezember 2011 und der Präsidentschaftswahl im März 2012. Aus Gründen der Übersichtlichkeit widmet sich dieser Text vorrangig dem Prozess am Moskauer Zamoskvoreč’e-Bezirksgericht, der von Juni 2013 bis Februar 2014 unter Leitung von Richterin Natal‘ja Nikišina abgehalten wurde. Von allen Prozessen wurde ihm die größte Aufmerksamkeit zuteil, da hier die Fälle von zunächst zwölf, später acht Angeklagten gleichzeitig verhandelt wurden ("Prozess der Acht"). Der Prozess kann als exemplarisch gelten, weil hier alle Merkmale zusammenkommen, die den gesamten Bolotnaja-Fall kennzeichnen: Die Dominanz der Anklage bei Ermittlung und Beweisführung, hohe Freiheitsstrafen ohne Bewährung für relativ geringe Vergehen (selbst nach Aussage der Geschädigten), eine relativ hohe Zahl von bis dato unauffälligen Protestneulingen unter den Angeklagten, und die Missachtung nahezu sämtlicher Anträge der Verteidigung zum Ablauf des Prozesses, den Haftbedingungen der Angeklagten und den Gründen für die Anordnung von Untersuchungshaft.

Colin Crouch has collected evidence to demonstrate how current democratic societies, with a new wave of economic liberalism in the past four decades, have entered a "post-democratic" era. He uses the formula of a parabolato highlight the structure of this long-term transformation. According to him, in the "post-democratic" period the democratic institutions still remain formally intact, but the political class has increasingly become more dependent on big corporations and financial institutions and less dependent on ordinary citizens. In this paper, I will try to integrate this concept of democracy in a process-sociological concept of democratization and de-democratization. It will be discussed why the second concept is more reality congruent than the less differentiated and static concept of "post-democracy." With the aid of this new process or figurational sociological concept, one is able to empirically investigate both processes of democratization and de-democratization. To conclude the paper, this new concept will be briefly applied to the ongoing political and social processes in the United States.

Das Interesse dieser Arbeit gilt den Bedingungen, Formen und Möglichkeiten der direkten Partizipation von Bürgern an der politischen Planung. Mit "direkter Partizipation" wird hier jene Form politischer Einflußnahme bezeichnet, die außerhalb der bestehenden Parteien- und Interessenverbände auf konkrete politische Erscheinungen und Pläne gerichtet ist, die von spontanen bürgerschaftlichen Zusammenschlüssen getragen wird und die sich meistens durch einen hohen Konfliktgrad auszeichnet. Der Untersuchung liegen Hypothesen zugrunde, die besagen, daß die gegenwärtigen Formen der politischen Planung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland sachstrukturelle und legitimatorische Defizite aufweisen und daß vor diesem Hintergrund Bürgerinitiativen als eine Form der selbstorganisierten, überschaubaren und direkten Partizipation an Gewicht gewinnen. Zur Untersuchung dieser Arbeitshypothesen werden zunächst die Rahmenbedingungen von politisch-administrativen Entscheidungsprozessen in der BRD und die Entwicklungstendenzen der modernen öffentlichen Verwaltung erörtert. In einem weiteren Schritt wird die Handlungsorientierung des politisch-administrativen Systems untersucht. Hierzu werden verschiedene theoretische Rationalitätskonzepte (Weber, Luhmann, Popper, Lindblom und Habermas) im Hinblick auf ihre spezifischen Stellungnahmen zu Planungsthemen dargestellt und diskutiert. Sodann werden die Forderung nach mehr Partizipation und die sprunghafte Ausweitung politischer administrativer Planung ab Mitte der 60er Jahre interpretiert. Hieran schließt eine Erörterung und Beurteilung des Erfolges verschiedener Modelle der Bürgerbeteiligung (Anwaltsplanung, Planungszelle etc.) an. Anschließend werden die Entstehung und Entfaltung der Bürgerinitiativbewegung im Sinne einer historischen Analyse nachgezeichnet, Formen und Inhalte von Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Bürgerinitiativen und politischer Verwaltung skizziert und schließlich die politische und soziale Bedeutung der Bürgerinitiativen erläuter

When dictators seize power, they face a choice about how to deal with the pre-existing political parties. Some simply repress all parties, some ally themselves with one of the traditional parties and use it to help organize their rule, and others repress pre-existing parties but create a new party to support themselves. This study examines how these decisions affect the subsequent development of party systems after redemocratization. Looking at the experience of Latin America, a region that has experienced its share of dictatorships, we show that dictators who allied with traditional parties or repressed existing ones have contributed to very stable party systems. By contrast, dictators who repressed the old parties but created a new one destabilized their countries’ party systems for some time after the return of democracy. (author's abstract)

The Constitution Act, 1982 is a document that profoundly changed the Canadian political landscape. It brought home the highest law of the land; it provided Canadians a mechanism to change their Constitution; it created a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, entrenched within the Constitution, out of the reach of one government. Perhaps its most important legacies, however, are the seemingly permanent isolation of Quebec and the primacy of place in Canadian history it gave Pierre Trudeau. This paper will examine the constitutional history of Canada with a view to determining what made the 1980 negotiating sessions successful when the sessions that led to both the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord were not. It is important, however, to note that the word “successful” is used in the sense that an agreement was reached. Unlike Meech and Charlottetown, the repatriated constitution did not have unanimity among the participants. The question that comes to mind is this: if the governments did not really agree in 1981, why was a Constitution ratified? More importantly, are there lessons that can be drawn from this agreement that can be applied to the failed accords of the Mulroney era? (author's abstract)

There is little politicians and administrations fear more than being taken off guard and ill-prepared by a major incident. However inadequate the planning and instruments, decisions must be made and action taken. As such, unexpected events expose decision-makers to the risks of portentous decisions arrived at under conditions of great uncertainty, and usually also in great haste. Space for reflection, analysis and consultation is scarce. The problem is heightened in the sphere of foreign and security policy, with its multitude of actors, interests and influences: here, the unexpected is to be expected (see SWP Foresight Studies from 2011 and 2013). Revolutionary upheavals and power struggles frequently obliterate the bounds of orderly political process. Recent examples include developments in the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 and Russia’s response to the toppling of the government in Ukraine in early 2014. Retrospective analyses of unexpected events often reveal that there were in fact warning signs. Indeed, these are generally even recognised in good time – but not interpreted as they would have in light of their later relevance. Therefore, the authors of the third SWP Foresight Study discuss possible future scenarios that already deserve more political attention today. The common starting point for all contributions is that the outlined situation would present German (and EU) foreign and security policy with grave challenges, regardless of whether the character of the events is more of a crisis or an opportunity. (author's abstract)

EU and German policymakers often promote federalism as a means to strengthen peace in societies emerging from civil war. In Nepal, however, the 2015 constitution which restructured the country to make it a federal republic has become a driver of new violence. This contribution argues that it is not only the substance of the federalist law that has inspired unrest, but also the manner in which it was introduced. Constitutional provisions stipulating geography-based federalism in Nepal sparked protests among Madhesis and Tharus that killed 57 people and stalled imports of petroleum and earthquake relief material from India from September 2015 to February 2016. The Madhesis and Tharus feel that the federalist law further discriminates against them and are demanding the delineation of federal units according to identity. While the constitution was initially perceived as a major breakthrough in the frequently stalled peace process with former Maoist rebels, the Madhesi and Tharu protests represent a new escalation in a long-polarised debate. Three factors have contributed to the violent escalation of the protests: (1) the dominance in the public debate of hill-upper-caste groups at the expense of marginalised groups; (2) the concurrence of the federalist reform with other institutional reforms that, as a whole, have sparked fears of discrimination among Madhesis and Tharus; and (3) increasing involvement on the part of China and India, which is further polarising the government and the marginalised groups. The example of Nepal reflects and accentuates the recent debate on post-war institutional reform – that is, that reforms have joint effects on peace rather than working in isolation. Policy Implications Policymakers must ensure that a future solution to minority demands in Nepal is identified based on dialogue that includes minorities to a larger extent; any elite proposition could lead to new unrest. Nepal also demonstrates that subnational and national institutional

This contribution addresses political limits to the processing of policy problems in the United States. Our foci are the forces that limit policymakers' attention to different aspects of problems and how this affects the prospects for problem resolution. We theorize about three sets of forces: interest engagement, linkages among relevant institutions for policymaking, and partisan conflict. We show how the interplay of these forces limits efforts to address complex problems. Based on secondary accounts, we consider these underlying dynamics for ten complex problems. These include the thorny problems of the financial crisis, climate change, and health care; the persistent problems of K-12 education, drug abuse, and food safety; and the looming problems associated with critical infrastructure, the obesity epidemic, ocean health, and terrorism and extreme events. From these accounts we identify different patterns that we label fractured, allied, bureaucratic, and anemic policymaking.

"Das Arbeitspapier beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der innen- und außenpolitischen Faktoren und Akteure, welche den friedlichen Wandel in der Ukraine bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen 2004 eingeleitet haben. Mit einem kurzen Abriss der gesellschaftspolitischen Entwicklung der Ukraine in den letzten zehn Jahren wird der Anspruch und die Wirklichkeit anhand von fünf Merkmalen der Demokratie verglichen. Nach der Schilderung des Wahlverlaufs folgt die Analyse von Interessen und Handlungen der wichtigsten Akteure, die abschließend zusammengefasst wird und mit einem Ausblick samt offenen Fragen die Untersuchung vervollständigt." (Textauszug)

In der Entwicklung demokratischer Staats- und Gesellschaftsstrukturen in Osteuropa kann Belarus als Sonderfall bezeichnet werden. Trotz demokratischer Anfänge hat Belarus seit 1996 eine Demontage der demokratischen Institutionen erlebt. Dieser vermeintliche Demokratisierungsprozess in Belarus bildet den Gegenstand der Untersuchung. Dabei setzt sich die Studie mit folgenden Fragen auseinander: Hat überhaupt ein Demokratisierungsprozess in Belarus stattgefunden? Inwiefern ist der angefangene Demokratisierungsprozess in Belarus gescheitert? Wie lässt sich dieses Scheitern erklären? Wie stark sind die westlichen Einflüsse auf den Demokratisierungsprozess in Belarus? Die Beantwortung berücksichtigt sowohl politische und soziale als auch juristische Aspekte des dortigen Demokratisierungsprozesses. In das Thema einführend wird zunächst die Entstehung eines demokratischen Staates und seiner Eckpfeiler Unabhängigkeit, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und demokratische Verfassung beschrieben. Im Anschluss folgt die antidemokratische Entwicklung Belarus', die durch das Lukaschenka-Regime, das Referendum von 1996 sowie die Festigung des autoritären Staates forciert wird. Den Abschluss bildet das Scheitern des Demokratisierungsprozesses, wobei hier die Rolle der Zivilgesellschaft und die wenigen Ergebnisse der Demokratieförderung beleuchtet werden. (ICG2)