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The Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) is a political party with extensive experience in forming political cooperation with various parties in Malaysia. However, each political cooperation formed by PAS yields different outcomes depending on the political context and strategies employed. In the state of Johor, PAS has had a longstanding presence but faced continuous electoral failures, as it did not win any seats in the state up until 2004. However, PAS's performance began to show positive changes after joining the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition in 2008. This study aims to examine the implications of PAS's political cooperation on the party's achievements in Johor from 2008 to 2015. Using a qualitative approach with a case study research design, data were collected through semi-structured interviews and document analysis. A purposive sampling technique was employed to select study informants, while data analysis was conducted using thematic analysis. To ensure the validity and reliability of the data, triangulation, intercoder verification, and expert validation were applied. The findings of the study reveal that PAS's cooperation with Pakatan Rakyat had a positive impact on the party's electoral performance in Johor, particularly during the 2008 (GE-12) and 2013 (GE-13) General Elections. PAS successfully won two State Legislative Assembly (DUN) seats in GE-12 and four DUN seats in GE-13. Furthermore, support for PAS also increased, especially among non-Malay voters and voters in urban areas. As a result, PAS emerged as a party with growing potential in Johor, demonstrating that political cooperation can influence a party's achievements within the context of a complex political dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emmanuel Macron’s idea for an European Political Community, launched on May 9, 2022, on the occasion of Europe Day, is part of the French traditional political thinking on the strategic autonomy of Europe. The French President's proposal was focused on two main ideas: political cooperation and European sovereignty. We find these ideas in other French Presidents’ proposals for the Europe organization after World War II and the creation of the first European Communities. These proposals also failed to be implemented, for various reasons.

The article discusses the features of the development of Ecuadorian-Russian relations, especially in the period from 2017 to the present. Various vectors of cooperation were studied: political, investment, trade, cultural, educational, technological, etc. It was noted that since 2017 there has been active political cooperation, within the framework of which a number of documents regulating Ecuadorian-Russian rela-tions have been signed and a number of intergovernmental contacts have been made; implemented a number of investment projects; increased volumes of foreign trade; cultural events are held on a regular basis; contacts in the educational sphere are expanding. The article also highlights the main problems in the development of bilateral relations between and defines the prospects for Ecuadorian-Russian cooperation. Among the problems that hinder the furthermore active development of Ecuadorian-Russian relations are: the growing interest on the part of the new government of Ecuador to expand contacts in various areas with the United States; logistical problems of transporting Ecuadorian ex-ports to Russia; the consequences of the pandemic of the new corona-virus Covid-2019, which led to the closure of borders, a decrease in the purchasing power of the population, problems for business entities. It is concluded that the pace of development of Ecuadorian-Russian cooperation will depend on the stabilization of the socio-political situation in Ecuador; strengthening or, conversely, weakening the influence of the United States in Ecuador; economic situation in the world; initiatives of Ecuadorian and Russian partners; as well as a number of other factors. In general, it is possible to predict the further development of cooperation between Ecuador and Russia, since various benefits from these relations have been noted for both the Ecuadorian and Russian sides. It was noted that for Russia the Latin American region is of strategic importance, and therefore the strengthening of the initiative on the part of Russia can be observed in the very near future.

The main objective of the article is to present the political-economic relations between the Republic of Poland, the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Republic of Uzbekistan in 1991-2021. Fundamental research problems concern the issue of increasing partnership intensity. Ther main research questions are as follows: Is there a correlation between the transformation and reform measures undertaken by the authorities of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and the growing interest in deepening relations by the Republic of Poland?; Has the announcement of further liberalisation measures in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan influenced the intensification of cooperation in political and economic aspects?; How has the perception of Poland by political dissidents in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan changed over three decades? The primary research tools used in the paper were source and quantitative analysis. Statistical data, official announcements of state institutions and press articles were used as the material for the source analysis. Sorting them out, then analyzing them, allowed drawing conclusions. The quantitative analysis was used to assess the frequency of meetings of state leaders or parliamentary groups, changes in the volume of Polish exports and imports with the countries in question, and the increase in the number of Polish companies operating in the Kazakh and Uzbek markets.

We are witnessing that with the appearance of new global players on the international scene a multipolar world is gradually emerging and a new balance of power is being formed. Given this circumstance, it is very important that all other states clearly define their position towards these emerging poles of power. As Russia appears as one of those poles, it is necessary to look at the position of Serbia concerning political and economic cooperation between the two countries. One of the ways to do that is to look at these issues from the perspective of Serbian citizens. Accordingly, this paper aims to present the basic findings concerning the assessment and opinion of the citizens of Serbia towards political, economic and military cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation based on the analysis of surveys conducted by the Institute for Political Studies in 2015–2020 period. The authors will also present the basic economic, trade and financial indicators of cooperation between Russia and Serbia, mainly trade relations and foreign direct investment.

During the pre-GE-14, political parties in Terengganu have expressed their confidence to come to power based on current issues, government performance and leadership. In GE-14, the people have chosen to give PAS a chance to lead the Terengganu State Government. After GE-14, there was also a conflict between UMNO and PAS in the state. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the geopolitics of Terengganu in pre-GE-14, GE-14 and post GE-14. The writing of this article is based on analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers. Findings show that geopolitics or governing power based on pre-GE-14, GE-14 and post-GE-14 scenarios in Terengganu depends on the influence of voter support for political parties, the role and volume of key leaders and current issues in the state. The instability of BN Government leaders and local issues have opened up space for PAS to win the hearts of Terengganu people in GE-14. However, this rejection is seen not because of the strength of PAS but rather the weakness of BN in addressing issues that arise in the community, especially in Terengganu. Meanwhile, PH is also not seen as dominant in any part except in Kemaman and Kuala Terengganu. Post GE-14 shows PAS cooperating with UMNO to form a Muafakat Nasional (MN) on the basis of the Malay-Muslim political cooperation. For the first time in the state, the opposition in the state assembly is governmen-friendly. However, the open conflict between the main leadership of UMNO and PAS over the distribution of development allocations and the distribution of seats in the next general election will be a challenge to both political parties to maintain long-term and consistent political cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The soft aspects of the infrastructure of regionalism in the Middle East have previously been studied, while the impact of the region's hard infrastructure, in particular transport infrastructure, has received little attention. This paper contributes to the study of regionalism in the Middle East by investigating the relationship between hard infrastructure and economic integration. It analyzes whether the state of domestic and cross‐border transport infrastructure in the region promotes regional trade. This is done by addressing the following sub‐questions: 1) What is the condition of domestic and cross‐border transport infrastructure in the Middle East? And 2) What is the relationship between domestic and cross‐border transport infrastructure and regional trade in the Middle East? These questions are answered by examining Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, and Turkey as representative samples of the broader region. It is argued that regionalism relies on the development of domestic and cross‐border transport infrastructure and where the latter is limited, regionalism cannot deepen. The study concludes that domestic and cross‐border transport infrastructure performance is weak in several of the countries studied and that this weakness hinders regional economic integration regardless of the level of the region's soft infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The revolutionary process of 1917–22 demonstrates the variety of instruments for cooperation throughout the period under the study. The February Regime and the regimes of ‘democratic counter-revolution’ were based on the ideas of political solidarity as the foundation for building a new Russian state. The October (the Bolshevik) regime and the White Movement offered various options for political cooperation. The author proposes to consider this process not only on a country scale, however also within the framework of Voronezh province.

In article questions of history of creation of the Great Silk way are considered. Conditions for development of integration process are analyzed. The conclusion is drawn that Great the Silk way became a link between the East and the West and played a big role in forming of cultural, commercial and political connections between the people.

The article considers the issues of the importance of the Central Asian countries in the global political system. The Central Asian region became one of the major geopolitical centers of the modern world. The geopolitical importance of the region is determined by its Intercontinental importance for trade and other relations between the countries of Europe, the Middle East and Asia. The Central Asian region is a unique geopolitical hub between four nuclear powers - Russia, China, India and Pakistan.

The paper discusses the relationship between the People's Republic of China and Angola in the 21st century in the broader context of Chinese economic activity in Africa. I discuss the effectiveness of the "Angola Model" of this relationship as a gateway for cooperation with Africa. The main research question is whether the "Angola Model" is an effective way to increase China's involvement in Africa and whether it has been applied to other countries on the continent? I hypothesise that the implementation of this model allows China to intensify economic cooperation with African countries because this model brings mutual benefits to partners. China gains access to energy resources, new markets and investment opportunities, while African states obtain loans, revenues from the sale of raw materials and assistance in infrastructure development. To some extent, the Angola Model also allows China to spread political influence, but the example of Angola shows that it has several limitations. China has implemented elements of economic cooperation characteristic of the Angola Model in many African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a number of cases, integration of a large international region or an interstate union can only be promoted by political means. The policy of regional economic convergence prevails in many sectors. The single economic market and membership in economic and monetary unions give a new impetus to consolidation. The study aims to identify and explore the problems of political governance, which the Union State of Russia-Belarus faces due to their asymmetric and not completely compatible economies. The author analyzes the process of interstate convergence, considering it as an essential part of integration and explores a number of specific characteristics underlying the Russian-Belarusian economic integration. The author offers a set of criteria of convergence/not convergence of the states, describes the principles of their economic and political rapprochement and offers models of convergence as well as prerequisites for them. The article examines the principles that determine the participation of a country in international integration as well as prospects for the further development of the regional economic and political mechanisms, which are being formed

In a number of cases, integration of a large international region or an interstate union can only be promoted by political means. The policy of regional economic convergence prevails in many sectors. The single economic market and membership in economic and monetary unions give a new impetus to consolidation. The study aims to identify and explore the problems of political governance, which the Union State of Russia-Belarus faces due to their asymmetric and not completely compatible economies. The author analyzes the process of interstate convergence, considering it as an essential part of integration and explores a number of specific characteristics underlying the Russian-Belarusian economic integration. The author offers a set of criteria of convergence/not convergence of the states, describes the principles of their economic and political rapprochement and offers models of convergence as well as prerequisites for them. The article examines the principles that determine the participation of a country in international integration as well as prospects for the further development of the regional economic and political mechanisms, which are being formed now. Based on the given economic indicators, the author gives a forecast of the development of the union state.

The article analyzes the nature of Unasur as a project of dialogue and political agreement and its validity despite the current crisis context. The analysis centers on the conceptual dimension of the South American bloc, its achievements and operational weaknesses, as well as the relation of Colombia with the re-gional instance before and after its withdrawal. It is argued that Colombia will be isolated, affecting its international projection in the short and medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fundamental principle in the Christian theory of state is the permanent practice of common good (bonum commune), which includes the assurance of the goods of the individual. The peaceful and ordered coexistence in a political community (tranquillitas ordinis) is a prerequisite of the real social harmony. Although the search for the consensus value and the culture of the dialogue have their origins in the Christian idea of man and society, this fact as a natural attitude to follow was not perceived until the 1930s, due to historical and psychological reasons as well as the actual model of concept of the Catholic Church. The present study is part of a series, focusing on two proposals of the most provoking form of collaboration idea - i.e. the occasional collaborations between Catholics and Marxists in 1936 and 1937. Since the social problems, and that of the workers in particular, and the response to the dictatorial systems were key elements of Catholic thinking and Vatican politics, the proposals by Social Democrats and the Communists promoted at the time of the French Popular Front government, the Spanish Civil War and the consolidation of totalitarian systems, evoked significant theoretical reflections and contributed to the reform of the Catholic Church; despite the fact that these proposals were refused eventually. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a regionalism initiative, establishment of the ASEAN Community needs plausible level of public awareness, good public perception and strong public support from the public for its legitimacy. The current paper discusses the opinion among the public pertaining to regional economic integration under the ASEAN Economic Community initiative in comparison to political-security cooperation under the ASEAN Political Security Community in 2015 among educated public in four ASEAN countries, namely Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam. The study aims to solicit and compare the current situation of public opinion of these two kinds of liberalisation in ASEAN within the context of awareness, perception, and support. The research objectives were achieved by means of statistical measures and analyses on the opinion among 1,471 Gen Y respondents in these four ASEAN countries gathered from a public opinion survey in 2015. The study reveals interesting findings. Firstly, it found that the extent of awareness of both APSC and AEC is still weak resulting in weak extent of perceived relevancy and benefits as well as weak support for APSC and moderate-level support for AEC. Secondly, by comparing the opinion on APSC to AEC, the study found that awareness, perception and support for economic integration in ASEAN were in fact higher than political security cooperation. Finally, some implications of these issues are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors sum up the results of studies of regional cooperation in Central Asia and identify its main positive and negative factors. They assess, in particular, the political, economic, and culturalhumanitarian aspects of the present state of regional cooperation in Central Asia, analyze the problems related to border and water-energy issues, concentrate on the role the Kyrgyz Republic plays in regional cooperation, and point to its most promising trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this article is to analyse and clarify the position of Uzbekistan as a country which attracts the attention of global powers, due to its security and strategic potential. The first part presents an analysis of statistical data. This data was prepared so as to identify which of these powers promote the most active foreign policy towards Uzbekistan within the sectors of cooperation defined further in the text. For this purpose several indexes of engagement are introduced. The second part of the text is devoted to the global power which gained the highest value on average out of all the indexes, with an emphasis on the impact on the relationship between this power (Russia) and Uzbekistan, and on all the other actors involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Russian-German bilateral relations within the context of the elections for the German Bundestag scheduled for September 22, 2013. It comments on different German political parties, including the Free Democratic Party (FDP), the Social Democrats (SPD), the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and the Christian Social Union (CSU). The author reflects on the popularity of German chancellor Angela Merkel, political coalitions, and the policies of Andreas von Schockenhoff, Germany's Coordinator of German Russian Intersocial Cooperation.

Political conflict is part of Conflict Politics. It has by now not been formed as an independent research domain. In fact, people mentioned it only when exploring the types of political conflicts. The present attempt aims at drawing people's attention to this area. On the basis of sorting Out Seymour Martin Lipset's relevant studies, the paper integrates and works out a new analysis approach, which is termed conflict angle. It is extended to include all the areas of political life. The author discusses political conflicts and organization processes, summarizes the relevant key points, and explores in detail the gaming rules in election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary world is one of profound interdependences: national economies can not function in an autarchic manner, the penetration of the markets by identifying and conquering the niche areas is conditioned by international specialization, national development is influenced by the external political and economic environment, the profitability of companies is possible through denationalization of production and relocation of the activity. No state, including the economically powerful ones and which promote an active foreign policy, shaping the international environment (including by means of the military instrument) can not isolate itself from the rest of the world, denying the international context. Any country enters economic relations with other countries through a multitude of forms: trade, scientific, financial exchanges, cooperation in research and production, so that the emergence and deepening of the global market disturbances affects, one way or another, any national economy. All the more so as the global economic phenomena and processes are in constant and rapid evolution, important changes occurring at shorter and shorter intervals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 1919, the representatives of the Communist parties and groups from 30 countries held a meeting in Moscow to establish the Comintern, being the Comintern No. 3. The foundation and activity of the Comintern through six Congresses contributed significantly to the international revolutionary movements. First, the Comintern fostered the foundation of the Communist parties in many countries. Second, the Commintern opened up a new era of development in the movement of the international working class. The Indochinese revolution, especially the revolution in Vietnam, received a great attention from the Commintern from the early days. By the late 1920, the Commintern appointed a number of cadres to Vietnam examine the revolutionary condition for the propaganda of the Marxism and Leninism into this country. The Oriental University helped train a group of Vietnamese cadres, who later became the leaders of the Vietnam Communist Party. More importantly, the Commintern supervised closely the process of founding the Vietnam Communist Party in early 1930. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to discuss the contribution of the Comintern to the Vietnamese revolution, including the following major points: 1. By perceiving rightly the national-colonial issue, the Comintern paved the way for the Vietnamese to salvage the country. 2. The Comintern helped produce a good environment for the spread of the Marxist-Leninist thought into the workers movement and the patriotic movements in Vietnam which led to the establishment of the Communist party in 1930. 3. The Comintern helped produce a good environment for Nguyen Ai Quoc to study the Marist-Leninism in order to complete the theory of Vietnamese revolutionary path. 4. The Comintern helped train many good Vietnamese officials who later worked for both Vietnam and the Comintern. 5. The Comintern led and trained the Vietnam Communist Party in the process of applying the path of Communist International into the Vietnamese revolution. Besides, there were some limits of the Comintern, which affected the Vietnamese revolution: i) the leftist strategies did not reflect rightly the needs of a colonial revolution; incorrect judgments about Ho Chi Minh's arguments led to the unjust criticism which harmed his prestige. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban theorists forecast greater political cooperation within city regions in response to globalization, yet signs of this remain relatively scant in Western Europe and North America. This article helps to explain the gap between theory and reality, as well as suggesting another way of looking at the comparative politics of city regions. The central argument: theorists are correct about the renewed importance of regional politics, but wrong about the importance of intergovernmental political cooperation. Local governments have other ways of pulling together for compelling metropolitan-wide objectives. This is done through processes of political coordination - institutionalized systems of mutual adjustment. Pluralist, associational and macropolitical varieties of political coordination among cities and suburbs empower them to act regionally without much governmental innovation. Each process has specific political limitations, however. They also influence the prospects for political cooperation among governments. Cases in New York, north-central Italy and Holland illustrate this perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]