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Automated journalism is currently being implemented in newsrooms all over the world. This ethnographic case study of two Norwegian newsrooms explores how different newsroom groups relate to the innovation. Finding that editors and developers tend to applaud the possibilities of machine-written news while reporters are more critical, this study applies the concept of work meaningfulness to better understand the divergent reactions. The results show that key aspects making work meaningful—such as skill variety, self-development, autonomy, and sense of purpose—are influenced in severely different ways among the groups. As the investment in automated journalism has led to fewer editorial resources, reporters have experienced less room for in-depth reporting, few opportunities for extending skills, and little self-government. They also state that classical journalistic knowledge is no longer celebrated, while technical competence is perceived as essential. In contrast, the work meaningfulness of most editors and developers has increased. The paper concludes that all three newsroom groups hold a strong secular calling toward their work. It is therefore crucial that editors and media leaders acknowledge different groups' work-related beliefs and purposes when implementing new technology. If not, the result can be a dramatic loss of work meaningfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors argue that our moment of transition in the capitalist mode of production requires us to rethink the received opposition between politically committed art and autonomous art, through a reading of the recent film Anatomy of a Fall. The first part of the article examines accounts of artistic autonomy. Previous definitions of autonomy identified a two‐pronged threat to art, one of political propaganda and the other of capitalism's economic pressure on the work of art. Today the new threat of real subsumption of the work of art to the commodity form turns political commitment into an avenue for achieving artistic autonomy. In the second part, the authors reopen the debate about politically committed art, arguing for a distinction between propaganda, or poorly mediated desire—captured in writing about creepiness—and political commitment. In this section, aesthetic form serves as a site of mediation, determining the role of commitment in art. In the third part, the authors closely read Anatomy of a Fall, focusing on how the film asserts its autonomy to reflect on its status as a commodity. The authors show how the film not only uses political commitment to claim autonomy but also reflect on its economic determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tensions between centralization and autonomy inherent in territorial conflicts can give rise to entrenched positions and stalemate. This Federalism Monitor article describes an attempt in Catalonia to find new ways to resolve the Spanish-Catalan conflict over self-determination, which culminated in a referendum and unilateral declaration of independence in 2017, followed by a backlash by the central authorities, including the suspension of political autonomy. We summarize the context, contents, and potential impact of the Report on the Clarity Agreement (2024). Our analysis draws on our experiences as members of the plural and independent council of academic experts appointed by the Catalan Government to produce the report. This experience, we argue, can guide and inspire other experiences of conflict resolution by offering a description and analysis of this case, which has many generalizable features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "A Transnational History of Puerto Rico's National Liberation Struggles" explores the efforts of the Partido Nacionalista Puertorriqueño (PNPR) in the early twentieth century to seek independence for Puerto Rico through trans-American bonds of solidarity. The author, Margaret Power, highlights the support of various anti-imperialist allies across the Americas for the PNPR's liberation cause. Power's book emphasizes the role of women in the national liberation movement and sheds light on previously unexplored stories of heroines like Lolita Lebrón and Lamia Azize Mawad. The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the PNPR's struggle for independence, challenging traditional narratives and inviting further research on Puerto Rican nationalism and anti-imperialism in the Americas. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The degrowth movement is gradually gaining recognition within North American urban planning, but its influence and application remain limited. Most degrowth-oriented initiatives have remained at a small scale, mostly pertaining to communities and neighbourhoods. This study explores whether it is possible to incorporate degrowth principles into larger planning institutions and policies. The paper reviews existing studies on zoning policies and the degrowth movement, employing a qualitative research approach, and utilising secondary data analysis through document and critical discourse analysis. Through this exploration, this study aims to contribute to upscaling and institutionalising degrowth principles and to provide a clear outlook on the movement and its characteristics. Drawing on 32 key sources on zoning and degrowth, alongside two policy documents and a case study of Texas, this study applies coding, content analysis, and GIS mapping to explore the intersections of zoning regulations and degrowth principles in urban planning. The six key principles found to be essential to the degrowth movement—decoupling economics, fostering stronger communities, self-sufficiency, equity, political autonomy/collaboration, and ecological/environmental protection—were analysed in the context of the Texas municipal code for zoning to see whether current zoning ordinances follow the degrowth ideology. The findings reveal that while aspects of degrowth, such as affordable housing initiatives and environmental sensitivity, are present in Texas' zoning regulations, these remain minimal and often constrained by the overarching focus on economic profitability. To integrate degrowth principles more effectively, significant reforms are required, including disengaging zoning ideologies from economic growth, fostering autonomy and self-sufficiency, and reimagining zoning practices to prioritise equity, ecology, and collective resource management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the brief history of the creation of the Polish national autonomy in revolutionary Ukraine, the ways it was received, and the different assessments, by Polish democratic activists, both of the theoretical concept of “national autonomy” and its implementation in 1917–1918. It mainly focuses on the figures of the Polish national movement in Ukraine, who were also officials of the Ministry of Polish Affairs, such as Stanisław Kalinowski, Roman Knoll and others. The paper is primarily based on their testimonies, which were collected by the Polish historian Henryk Jabłoński in the early 1930s.This essay explores different aspects of the creation and functioning of Polish national autonomy in Ukraine based on three important elements. First, the historical context of political, national and ethnic transformations in revolutionary Ukraine in 1917–1918 is provided. Secondly, the essay is grounded in the primary sources, including personal testimonies of the creators and contemporaries of the Polish national autonomy. Thirdly, it places the Ukrainian Poles' experience with national‐personal autonomy within the broader history of the idea and its implementation in East and Central Europe after the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is aimed at defining the concept and characterising the principles of prosecutorial selfgovernment in Ukraine. It is determined that the principles of prosecutorial self-government are the basic fundamental ideas, provisions and requirements which characterise the essence and content of prosecutorial selfgovernment, the procedure for its implementation, and reflect it s main regularities. The author notes that the existence of prosecutorial self-government itself is already defined as a principle of prosecution organisation. The author forms a system of principles of prosecutorial self-government which includes the principles of prosecutorial self-government aimed at ensuring independence of prosecutors, election, collegiality, transparency, and prohibition of interference by prosecutorial self-government bodies with the exercise of prose cutors' powers. The author analyses each of these principles. It is noted that among all the tasks of prosecutorial self-government, one of the most important is the task aimed at strengthening the independence of prosecutors and protection against interference in their activities. In this regard, an independent principle of prosecutorial self-government has been formulated - the principle of prosecutorial self-government aimed at ensur ing the independence of prosecutors. The principle of election means that the prosecutorial self-government bodies are formed by holding elections. The right of each prosecutor to elect and be elected to the bodies of prosecutorial selfgovernment is a guarantee of the principle of election. Attention is drawn to the inconsistencies in the use of the terms 'election' and 'appointment' in the legislation. The principle of collegiality as a principle of prosecutorial self-government is an organic continuation of the very essence of self-government as a collective decision-making by prosecutors on internal matters. It is noted that collegiality in the activities of prosecutorial self-government bodies is in sharp contrast to another form of resolving issues in the prosecutor 's office - sole authority. When describing transparency as a principle of prosecutorial self-government, the author determines that transparency can be considered both internal and external. The principle of prohibition of interference by prosecutorial self-government bodies with the exercise of powers by prosecutors means that these bodies have no right to influence in any way the decision-making of prosecutors in the course of performing the functions of the prosecution defined by law. Based on the results of the study, the author formulates a proposal for improving the legislatio n. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the fundamental principles of the activity of local self-government bodies in Ukraine as a form of organization and functioning of public authority at the local level. It is determined that the principles of activity of local self-government bodies serve as the basis and main reference point for the implementation of all normative and law-enforcing activities of local authorities. Having a generally binding, imperative and generally significant nature, they form the foundation for the existence of the local self-government system, cover all aspects of the activities of its bodies, determine the entire complex of social relations that arise in the process of their organization and functioning. It has been established that in accordance with the organizational principles, the system of local self-government bodies is formed and functions (the rule of law in the organization of the system of local self-government bodies; the combination of representative democracy with forms of direct expression of citizens' will; the control and responsibility of local self-government bodies and officials before the territorial community; the organizational isolation of local self-government, its bodies in the state management system and interaction on the basis of partnership with state authorities in the implementation of general tasks and functions; the ubiquity of local self-government; the legal, organizational and financially capable autonomy of local self-gove rnment. The functional principles serve as the basis for proper administrative rule-making and lawenforcement activities of local self-government bodies as subjects of administrative-legal relations (the priority of human and citizen rights and freedoms; openness and transparency in the activities of local self-government bodies; legality as the activities of local self-government bodies in accordance with the powers and in the manner prescribed by law; combination of proportionality, necessary sufficiency and suitability of actions taken by local self-government bodies with the inadmissibility of abuse of the granted powers when resolving issues of local importance; competence, professionalism, impartiality and capacity; prevention of corrupt acts; accessibility and timeliness of administrative services; subsidiarity of decision-making; participation of representatives of territorial communities in the development of draft administrative decisions and their adoption; collegiality; responsibility for decisions made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public democracy has become an integral part of modern democratic institutions, especially at the local level, serving as an indicator of their effectiveness. It is difficult to imagine a democratic society without local democracy, and therefore, without the functioning of local self-government institutions. It is worth noting the primary English slogan-principle, «Nothing About Us, Without Us,» introduced by the international movement of people with disabilities to highlight fundamental shifts towards their participation in all aspects of political, social, economic, and cultural life. Over time, this slogan and its modifications («All That Is Without Us Is Not For Us,» «Do Not Act For Us Without Us,» «If It Is Without Us, It Is Not For Us») have become widely recognized as a symbol of the notion that no society can be considered democratic if it lacks mechanisms for participation in decision-making at both the national and local levels. Accordingly, Article 5 of the Constitution of Ukraine states: «The people are the bearer of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine.» Thus, citizens have the right to influence power directly and through their representatives. When considering democratic values through the lens of participatory democracy, it is essential to provide residents with guarantees for exercising their rights at the local level. Sustainable development of a democratic society in the context of public participation depends on robust normative provisions in the form of territorial community statutes, which are the primary legal acts within their respective territories. The effectiveness of a territorial community statute lies in its ability to provide genuine resources, autonomy, and capacity to address local issues. This includes community participation in shaping urban policies, budgets, strategies, and development programs, receiving support from local authorities in resolving issues of local importance, and actively engaging in various international projects to develop infrastructure within any territorial community in Ukraine. Statutes serve as legal instruments that confirm autonomy, ensure independence in addressing specific issues, and emphasize the regional identity of each community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the contested nature of neoliberalism and the critiques of democracy within neoliberal thought. It focuses on the writings of Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, and James Buchanan to develop a critical account of neoliberal thought. The article highlights the neoliberal critique of democracy, the proposed reforms, and the challenges in theorizing a politics of neoliberal transformation. It concludes by pointing out the dilemmas faced by neoliberals in implementing their theoretical frameworks in practice. The article also suggests a potential link between neoliberalism and right-wing populism in terms of their shared desire for political rupture. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Colonialism, Hurricanes, and Disaster Capitalism: The Case of Puerto Rico" delves into the historical context of Puerto Rico's colonization, from Spanish rule to American occupation, and its enduring impacts on the island's social, economic, and political landscape. It explores the intertwined effects of colonialism, neoliberal policies, and hurricane responses, focusing on Hurricane Maria in 2017 and its aftermath. The text also discusses the emergence of grassroots movements, such as the 2019 protests that led to Governor Rosselló's resignation, advocating for better governance and greater autonomy for Puerto Rico. Additionally, it highlights community-based initiatives like Casa Pueblo's renewable energy projects and agro-ecological efforts as promising models for a sustainable and resilient future for the island. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Civil Society's Predicaments in Neoliberal Korea" published in the Korea Journal discusses the transformation of social movement organizations in South Korea as the nation transitioned to a liberal democracy and a global economic power. Seungsook Moon's book, "Civic Activism in South Korea," sheds light on the tensions between contentious politics, democratic governance, and neoliberal capitalism. Moon argues that neoliberalism undermines democracy by shrinking public resources and spaces necessary for social equality. The article examines how Korean civil society navigated progressive activism in a neoliberal context, raising questions about the limitations of civic activism under neoliberal hegemony. [Extracted from the article]

The Russia-Ukraine war triggered a new burst of solidarity across the Atlantic. The reactivation of the battered NATO alliance came easily under the pressure of an external shock. Yet, pulling together to react to Russia's belligerence is not sufficient to announce a new era of transatlantic partnership. The reason lies in the different interests that underpin American and European policies such as reliance on economic sanctions, the promotion of democracy, NATO strategy towards Russia, and economic coordination. Loosely sharing common values is not enough to reinforce the transatlantic relationship. Neither is a decision to stop the atrocities that Russia is committing against Ukrainians. Western leadership requires a coherent vision of Western interests. In the new world order, such coherence cannot be taken for granted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether China has influence on North Korea and to what extent, is subject to varying perspectives domestically and internationally. Broadly, these viewpoints can be categorized into three main types: the first asserts that China has a profound influence on North Korea and can even control it to a certain extent; the second suggests that China's influence on North Korea is quite limited; and the third contends that China has no meaningful influence on North Korea. In both political and academic circles, there are four misconceptions regarding the assessment of China's influence on North Korea: confusing influence potential with actual influence, conflating historical influence with current influence, mixing coercive power with influence, and blending partial influence with overall influence. These misconceptions and the underlying reasons for disagreements are, subjectively, rooted in differing policy needs toward North Korea among relevant countries and, objectively, in the lack of a consistent definition of influence. This paper adopts a relational perspective to define influence, measuring it based on the capabilities, intentions, and means of both the influencing and influenced parties in specific issue areas. The conclusion is that despite China having significant potential influence over North Korea and being willing to employ persuasive and inducement tactics to address issues like denuclearization, North Korea staunchly upholds its autonomy and national security in foreign policies. It employs various means to resist China's persuasion and inducement while also seeking alternative options. Consequently, China's influence on North Korea is highly limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the legal mechanism of national support for local self-government in Ukraine. Its aim is to define the concept and structure of the legal mechanism of government support for local self-governments in Ukraine and determine the place and role of its key elements in the implementation of national policy. Toward this end, the historical, legal, and comparative legal methods were used to analyze the legal mechanisms of national support for local self-government. As a result, it is established that the structural components of these legal mechanisms should include both the regulatory and the organizational components. It is also determined that the need for national support for local selfgovernment is driven by the fact that local authorities participate in the implementation of the majority of public policies at the local level. Therefore, it is claimed that the mechanism of national support for local self-government are within the mechanism of democratic country governance, based on the understanding of local self-government as one of the country's fundamental functions. The role of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches in providing legal mechanisms of national support for local self-government is specified. Finally, the structure of these mechanisms, as well as the forms and methods of its implementation, is determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the organizational and legal prerequisites and the process of reorganization of the administrative and territorial system and the formation of local self-government on the territory of Subcarpathian Rus (Transcarpathia) during the first half of the 20s of the 20th century. It was established that the system of administrative and territorial organization of the region was formed gradually, undergoing minor changes at the initial stage. At this stage, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the former Hungarian lands (Piedkarpattia) not only adopted the existing Hungarian administrative system to a certain extent, but also partially adapted it to its needs. It has been analyzed that instead of Czechoslovak committees under Law No. 126/1920, the old Hungarian committee administration, modified by Law No. 210/1920 and Government Decree No. 476/1920, remained in force in Subcarpathian Rus. It was established that after the recognition of the invalidity of the Committee Law No. 126/1920 and the unsuccessful attempt to introduce Government Decree No. 352/1920 in Subcarpathian Rus, the government of the Czech Republic began to be interested in the centralization of power in the region. It is noted that the resolution of the Presidium of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Czechoslovakia No. 22093 dated August 26, 1921 approved a new administrative-territorial system with a division into three counties and 19 districts. The cities of Uzhhorod and Mukachevo were declared settlements with a regulated magistrate. It is proven that the limitation of local self-government was based on government decree No. 171/1923, the principle norm of which was the appointment of new district notaries, who became civil servants supervising self-government. Corresponding conclusions were made regarding the support by the state authorities of the Czechoslovak Republic of the principle of vertical subordination of self-government bodies, especially city ones, which even illusory did not correspond to the principles of the autonomous organization of the region stipulated by the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the provisions of the Law of Ukraine “On the Prevention of Corruption”, the Model Regulation “On the Authorized Unit (Person) on Prevention and Detection of Corruption” and other specialized legislation from the point of view of regulating the activities of the anticorruption officer of state authorities and local self-government bodies. The complex of measures to prevent and detect corruption, which are entrusted to the authorized persons in the implementation of their activities in state bodies, local self-government bodies, state enterprises, institutions, and organizations, has been studied. It was established that the anti-corruption commissioner exercises control over compliance with anti-corruption legislation in the relevant body, its territorial (interregional) bodies and legal entities belonging to the sphere of management of the relevant body through cooperation with the management, employees and other authorized bodies (persons) in accordance with the current legislation. It was found that in the current legislation of Ukraine there are two institutions of anti-corruption commissioners, different in terms of legal regulation, but unified in terms of the purpose of their activity. Namely, the first institute provides for the formation (definition) of authorized divisions (authorized persons) on issues of prevention and detection of corruption, in particular, at enterprises, institutions and organizations belonging to the sphere of management of a state body and regulates its activities, and the second institute of anti-corruption officers, specifically for legal entities whose anti-corruption programs are approved in accordance with the Law. It is emphasized that the fulfillment of a number of tasks by the authorized person is related to direct interaction with the management of the state authority or local self-government body, including on the issues of conflict of interest settlement, whistleblower protection, bringing guilty persons to disciplinary responsibility for violating the requirements of anti-corruption legislation, informing about the facts of committing such violations, managing corruption risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Neapolitan artillery during the period of Carlo Filangieri reflects an era of military modernization. After the establishment of the Naval Academy in 1735, Carlo di Borbone founded the Corps Academy and the Engineers Academy, merging these institutions in 1769 into the Royal Military Academy. Military facilities were strategically located in the triangle formed by the Royal Palace, Castelnuovo, and the Naval Arsenal, with modern facilities also in Castellammare, Poggioreale, Gaeta, Capua, Torre Annunziata, and Mongiana. The Artillery Arsenal and the Royal Foundry were central to the production of military equipment, utilizing advanced technologies. The Royal Weapon Assembly handled weapon assembly, while the Royal Factory of Torre Annunziata produced cutting and firearms. Carlo Filangieri played a crucial role in reorganizing the military industry and promoting protectionist policies. In 1834, under the leadership of Ferdinand II, Filangieri was appointed to head the reorganization of the Artillery Corps, improving existing facilities and promoting self-sufficiency in military supplies. This period marked a transition toward industrialization of military production in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, highlighting the importance of having a well-equipped central arsenal to ensure the political and military autonomy of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the importance of incorporating a feminist international relations (IR) approach to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. It highlights the gendered nature of conflict, security, and peacebuilding, and the need to understand the impact of gender on these issues. The article explores the connection between gender, security, and policy imperatives set forth in the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. It also examines the role of militarism, women's participation in movements and institutions, and the interaction between global frameworks and local dynamics. The article includes case studies on Jordan, Iraq, and Syria to provide empirical and theoretical insights into these issues. The authors emphasize the importance of further research and analysis in understanding the gendered dynamics and implications in the MENA region. [Extracted from the article]

Nigeria is acknowledged to have an outwardly ambitious and comprehensive political party finance regulatory framework. Evidence in the recent past however points to the ineffectiveness of these elaborate regulatory regimes. This study offers explanation for the apparent failure of the existing regulatory instruments of party financing to produce intended outcomes. Anchored on the assumptions of the Stakeholder Theory and using a qualitative research design, the study finds that a number of factors including lack of political will and limited institutional autonomy of the political finance regulator (PFR) conspire to compromise the regulatory system. In conclusion, the paper proposes some measures that are capable of strengthening the regulatory framework for enhanced effectiveness such as institutional strengthening of the enforcement institutions and introduction of more severe sanctions against violators of legal and regulatory instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"European Disunion: Democracy, Sovereignty and the Politics of Emergency" by Stefan Auer explores the challenges facing the European Union (EU) through a neo-nationalist perspective. Auer argues that disunion within the EU is inevitable due to conflicts between centralization efforts and national sovereignty. The book delves into the 'no-demos thesis' which posits that democracy requires a cohesive national identity, challenging the EU's ability to acquire sovereign powers. Auer's analysis also touches on the link between identity, sovereignty, and populism, highlighting the complexities of European integration and the rise of nationalist movements. [Extracted from the article]

The goal is to analyze the photographic documents of the second half of ХІХ -- beginning of ХХ centuries, depicting the employees of village self-government bodies of Ukraine. The methodological background is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The author used the historical-comparative method, including specific research methods such as iconographic and iconological. The academic novelty of the work lies in the complex analysis of photos as sources of visual study of the visual appearance of the peasant self-government authorities and identification of attributes typical for a style of peasants working as officials indicating their affiliation to authorities. Main results. The analysis of photos of representatives of the village self-go vernment authorities enabled the identification of some common parameters of their appearance. While studying the photographic sources involving special research met hods, the assumption was made regarding the implications conveyed by several postures on the photos. This includes the intention to emphasize a person's own identity through a combination of the traditional embroidered shirt with urban clothes, the use of traditional (archaic) clothes by persons potentially accessory to nobility, and villagers' attempt to resemble the imperial bureaucracy with the help of officials' clothes. The work confirms that in the provided photos, the villagers have little resemblance to the "rural" population, instead demonstrating an appearance of peasant bureaucracy, elite, representing a small number of peasants, combi ning official duties with farm labor, moving the latter to the background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Non-Territorial Autonomy - an Introduction" published in the Eastern Journal of European Studies serves as a comprehensive textbook on Non-Territorial Autonomy (NTA), with a focus on students. It discusses the historical origins and development of NTA, its interrelation with minority rights and self-determination, legal aspects, and practical operationalization. The publication provides a systematic and cumulative exploration of NTA across space and time, offering empirical examples, normative principles, and further reading suggestions. It is recommended for scholars, students, and stakeholders interested in minority studies, with a free e-version available for download. [Extracted from the article]

The article examines the intricate relationship between Soviet and Georgian identities in post-Soviet Georgia, focusing on the influence of Stalin on national memory. It discusses the challenges of reconciling the Soviet past and the impact of Sovietization on Georgian nationhood. The text also highlights the effects of post-Soviet dynamics, including deindustrialization and ethnonational conflict, and emphasizes the importance of historical reconciliation for Georgia's prosperous future. [Extracted from the article]

This article evaluates the theme related to education as seen on the thoughts of Theodor W. Adorno (1903 - 1969), with the aim of explaining the dual function applied to forming the autonomous subject in the capitalist society. To attain this, there is, on the one hand, education that gives precedence to the function of adapting individuals to control mechanisms of the present-day society and, on the other hand, the author highlights the resistance aspect of education, enhancing thinking and the criticism exerted by individuals about the socially constituted reality. In the first case, considered extremely important, education embodies the stage of integrating the individual into the social collective, while in the second case, no less relevant, resistance shapes itself into a movement to challenge what invalidates the critical subjectivity of individuals within the society. However, in the capitalist society, education, when linked to technical-scientific rationality, results in attaching importance to the adaptation aspect thus curtailing the resistance dimension. With this, there is a predisposition to promote the technical-professional improvement of the individual, as if such procedure were synonymous with autonomy, in the Kantian sense of self-government. The effort to act without the supervision of others changes itself into the operationalization of knowledge to produce goods, thus satisfying the economic interests of that society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional nationalism in Spain – particularly those movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country – have been characterized at the parliamentary level by political parties from both the traditional left and right of the political spectrum. While calls for greater autonomy and even secession are made from both ends of that spectrum, the framings of their calls for self-government vary in content and scope. Since the turn into the 21st century, sub-state nationalist parties of the left - those more typically associated with a prioritization of environmental concerns - in both regions have taken an increased share of the seats in their respective parliaments. Over the same period, climate change has increasingly moved to the front of the list of the concerns of European citizens. This paper investigates the degree to which key regional nationalists of the left have moved to incorporate environmental and climate change concerns into their claim making, narrative, and framings, highlighting both regional, and governance level comparative dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst the challenges brought about by the Arab Spring have been severe to many Middle Eastern and North African countries, the political stability of Morocco has offered a sharp contrast in the eyes of academics. Prompting one to ask what has caused such an exception? In examining the historical development of Morocco after its independence, we find that the answer to this question lies in the regime's ability in providing different social groups with economic and political deliverables through the use of social contracts, thus maintaining the country's stability. This article argues that it was this proficient management of social contracts that allowed Morocco to strive, as opposed to the tumultuous fate of its neighbours. Despite several social protests, the regime was able to successfully maintain the validity of its social contract through timely political and economic adjustments. The structure and effectiveness of such social contracts are intrinsically tied to Morocco's historical factors and power structure. Alongside with the successful management of its social contracts, the regime also, fairly proficiently, utilized patriotism, political manipulation and military control. The result being a relative stable society during the transitional periods in its social contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that current levels of democracy in Africa are linked to the nature of its independence movements. Using different measures of political regimes and historical data on anticolonial movements, we find that countries that experienced rural insurgencies tend to have autocratic regimes, while those that faced urban protests tend to have more democratic institutions. The association between the type of independence movement and democracy is statistically significant for the post‐Cold War period and robust to a number of potential confounding factors and sensitivity checks. We provide evidence for causality in this relationship by using an instrumental variables approach and a difference‐in‐differences design with fixed effects. Furthermore, we adjudicate between two potential mechanisms and find support for a behavioral path dependence hypothesis. Urban protests enabled participants to develop norms of peaceful political behavior, which provided cultural bases for liberal democracy. In contrast, armed rebellions generated behavioral patterns that perpetuated political exclusion and the use of violence as a form of political dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do populations facing external aggression view the costs and benefits of self‐defense? In Western countries, war support has been shown to follow cost–benefit calculations, resembling the moral principle of proportionality. A categorical position, in contrast, means supporting self‐defense regardless of the costs. To evaluate which moral principle populations facing external aggression follow, we conducted a conjoint experiment with 1,160 Ukrainians in July 2022. We examine support for different strategies Ukraine could pursue against Russia, which vary regarding the political autonomy and territorial integrity they afford and three costs: civilian and military fatalities, and nuclear risk. We find that Ukrainians do not trade off autonomy or territory against these costs. A new method to rank conjoint‐attributes, computing "nested" marginal means, shows that respondents categorically reject political or territorial concessions, regardless of costs. This provides first experimental evidence that populations resisting external aggression do not subject war outcomes to cost–benefit calculations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the constitutional promises and practices of self-rule in Ethiopia federal system focusing on the Konso ethnic group's quest for self-rule. Given that the federal project in Ethiopia is a new model (synthesis) that has replaced the failed 'Nation-State' building effort since 1991, self-rule has become the ideological heart of the incumbent party and a pillar of the constitution. To this end, the article used a qualitative research approach that relied on both primary and secondary sources of data. Interviews, field observation, focus group discussions, and document analysis were utilised to obtain data. The findings show that, despite the fact that both the FDRE and SNNPRS constitutions promised "unconditional right to every national, nationality, and people to have the right to self-determination up to secession," the Konso quest for self-rule was rejected, their previous semi-autonomous status was dissolved, and they were relegated to ordinary Woreda. The merger transformed Special Woredas into ordinary Woredas while also shifting nationality self-rule to multi-ethnic self-rule, resulting in a paradigm shift in terms of self-rule practice. The Woredas lack essential identity-related self-government autonomy, such as the capacity to choose the working language and the right to appoint and remove officials as needed. A major source of concern is the decline in capital budgets and the delayed development of infrastructure. As a result, the SNNP regional government has breached both its original ideological vows and the framework of the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A history of local inclusive institutions is correlated with higher levels of democracy today. However, it is unclear whether this reflects the effect of historical institutions on democracy or a prior common cause. Using a geographic natural experiment, this letter demonstrates that historical experience with inclusive institutions is related to less support for autocratic parties in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Germany. This suggests that electoral support for political parties that seek to subvert democracy can be influenced by pre-modern institutions even when they were destroyed prior to the introduction of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonprofits are increasingly involved in cross‐sectoral collaborations with the public sector. However, we know little about the dynamics behind these collaborations and what happens to them in politically contested fields where actors may have divergent positions. In this article, a multi‐country comparison of data gathered from semi‐structured interviews (n = 68) with representatives of nonprofits involved in the labor market inclusion of newcomers is presented. Our findings indicate that, in politically contested fields, the possibility of participating in cross‐sectoral collaborations (political autonomy) is influenced by nonprofits' financial and ideological autonomy. Welfare models and migration regimes play a fundamental role in shaping the inclusion of these organizations in collaborations, and in most cases, the collaborations are based on latent conflicts. Our article discusses that if the costs of autonomy associated with cross‐sectoral collaborations are not offset, the collaboration in a politically contested field becomes a liability for nonprofits (and their beneficiaries). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Géneros: Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies is the property of Generos: Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Ethiopia: Federalism's Failure?" examines the historical context and challenges of federalism in Ethiopia, focusing on ethnonational and regional divisions impacting the political system. It discusses the struggle between central authority and demands for inclusion and autonomy, critiquing the current federal arrangement for issues of marginalization and centralization. The text explores the promises and challenges of federalism under different regimes, emphasizing the importance of constitutionalism, power-sharing, and impartial institutions in managing diversity and addressing identity-based conflicts in Ethiopia. [Extracted from the article]

The claim of liberal constitutionalism is that a text-like object or a 'diplomatically abstract' set of principles can work a deflection of disagreements within a pluralist polity. But this project assumes both that pluralism remains amenable to reason and that reason is a capacity independent of the profound differences of meaning, value, and forms of life that shape those disagreements. Neither assumption is correct. Differences in norms, values, and forms of life inevitably undergird and structure differences in meaning, perception, and interpretation. Consequently, a constitution (even when written and accompanied by judicial review) will necessarily unfold in an ongoing process of political cooperation and contestation. Legitimacy can arise only from the practice of democracy itself – that is, self-governance under conditions that realistically accord equal recognition and respect to all participants. Law is not some abstract entity or prior fixation, special and above. It is not, as Michelman once said, 'an autonomous force' that provides 'an external untouchable rule of the game'. It is just another social institution or performative practice that does (or does not) reflect our democratic nomos. To be committed, as a strong democrat, to the rule of law is to be committed to the idea that we make the rules by which we govern ourselves. Equal voice, equal power, and equal law are just self-government. They are internal to – that is, constitutive of – the game. They are not untouchable; indeed, they are being manhandled every day. But they nevertheless describe a democratic constitution that fully legitimates itself in its performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that nationalities policy under Lenin and Stalin, its commitment to territorial autonomy notwithstanding, effectively put into practice the Austro-Marxist vision of a socialist multinational state and party that patronised national culture to assuage separatist tendencies. Highlighting the ideological common ground between Habsburg remedies for imperial disintegration along national lines and Soviet policies for imperial integration along the same lines, it argues that the Bolsheviks' Marxist premise of promoting national diversity and culture to defuse nationalism was prefigured and informed by the Austro-Marxist premise of making national cultural autonomy the hallmark rather than the antithesis of socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Great Power of Small Nations" by Elizabeth N. Ellis explores the complex Indigenous history of the Lower Mississippi River Valley and its impact on wider continental and imperial politics. The book sheds light on the diplomatic and political influence of smaller Native nations such as the Tensas, Tunicas, Yazoos, and many others, who formed alliances with other Native nations and Europeans to protect their lands and cultures. The author also highlights the violence and devastation caused by colonial encounters, as well as the ongoing struggles faced by Indigenous communities today, such as the Pointe-au-Chien Indian Tribe, who continue to fight for federal recognition and support in the face of environmental challenges. This meticulously researched book provides valuable insights into the Gulf South and the Indian politics and diplomacy that shaped the modern world. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the role of Indigenous communities in Guatemala in countering a right-wing backlash and defending democracy. It discusses the inauguration of President Bernardo Arévalo, who acknowledged the support of Indigenous peoples but raised concerns about their limited representation in his cabinet. The concept of a plurinational state and demands for Indigenous rights and autonomy are also discussed. The article highlights the historical context of colonial violence and the erasure of Indigenous identities, which has fueled the call for plurinationalism. It emphasizes the ongoing struggle for a plurinational state and the importance of practicing plurinationalism and buen vivir in everyday life. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This article aims to identify the perception of district medical chambers' activities in their members' environment. Methodology: As part of the adopted research convention, questionnaire surveys were conducted. Their participants were doctors and dentists representing selected district medical chambers. The group covered by the analysis consisted of 146 persons. The secondary data comes from the studies of the Supreme Medical Chamber. Findings: An integral part of the research was identifying respondents' opinions on selected directions for the activity of district chambers. Based on the analysis of the primary material obtained, it was found that the respondents are not satisfied with the undertakings initiated by the medical chambers. Research limitations: The article contains a preliminary study. In the future it is planned to conduct additional quantitative and qualitative research. Practical implications: The issue of professional self-government is examined through the prism of the activities of district medical chambers. These chambers exemplify the activities of the medical professional self-government, which is perceived as one of Poland's oldest and best-functioning self-government. It is worth emphasising that under the current legal order, every doctor and dentist granted the right to practice a profession is a member of a selected chamber. Social implications: The activity of professional self-government is an essential area of academic inquiry, as well as one that addresses issues linking theoretical issues to business practice. The highlighted topic is also part of the scope of research in the social sciences, including those dealing with organisational management. In the literature on the subject, professional self-government is considered an independent and autonomous institution established to perform tasks of an administrative nature by a specific group of persons. Originality: The article concerns current scientific problems and economic practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research within the scope of the scientific article is to clarify the essence of the model of building a system of local self-government in the Republic of Poland, taking into account the principles of decentralization in view of the use of certain forms of its implementation in Ukraine. To achieve the goal of the research, the following tasks were carried out: clarification of the prerequisites, forms and methods of building a model of the local self-government system in the Republic of Poland, taking into account the observance of the principles of decentralization; carrying out a comparative analysis of the construction of this model in Poland and Ukraine; identifying effective forms of implementation of the principles of decentralization of the model of local self-government in Poland and forecasting the possibility of their implementation in the process of local self-government reform in Ukraine. As a result of the study, it was established that the Polish system of local self-government is characterized by the presence of such a specific mechanism of delegation of power, such as their transfer between local self-government bodies of different levels. Within the framework of this mechanism, the powers of the self-governing bodies of the voivodship can be delegated to the relevant district bodies if necessary. It has been proven that this type of delegation of powers is a completely natural continuation of the principle of subsidiarity, as it is applied in the case when a certain administrative authority is legally assigned to a local self-government body of one level, but can be most effectively implemented by a local self-government body of another level - both higher and lower Ukrainian legislation does not allow such delegation of powers between local self-government bodies of different levels at all. That is why one of the measures of the decentralization reform in Ukraine should be the enshrining in the Law "On Local Self-Government in Ukraine" or in the prospective Municipal Code of Ukraine the provision that local self-government bodies can enter into administrative agreements with each other on the delegation of power and the transfer of necessary for them implementation of financial and (or) material and technical resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article is devoted to the study of the concept of state financial control and the legal status of the subjects of its provision. It is noted that, in practice, the system of state financial control bodies is extremely extensive and includes a large number of bodies that do not interact properly. It is proposed to understand state financial control as the activity of state authorities and local self-government regulated by financial and legal norms, based on the principles of legality, independence, objectivity, efficiency and aimed at protecting the financial interests of the state, business entities and citizens. It is emphasized that the Law of Ukraine «On the basic principles of state financial control in Ukraine» does not operate with the concept of «subject of state financial control», but only generally indicates the rights of the state financial control body, and the duties and responsibilities of its officials. It is indicated that the President of Ukraine, being the head of state and possessing a special legal status, supervises financial activities. Control powers in the field of financial resources management can be exercised by the President of Ukraine by adopting decrees, the effect of which is aimed at regulating financial relations. It is noted that the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is assigned to the state body of general financial competence, but it determines the main guidelines for the development of the entire financial system of the country by adopting and approving laws. The specific results of the activities of bodies of special competence depend on its actions. It has been established that the Accounting Chamber occupies a separate place in the system of state financial control bodies, it is the highest body of state financial control of Ukraine, it is formed by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, subordinate to and accountable to it. The Accounting Chamber, in accordance with Article 98 of the Constitution of Ukraine, on behalf of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, controls the receipt of funds from the State Budget of Ukraine and their use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the Laws of Ukraine in the field of social dialogue relations and explores ways to harmonize and/or improve their provisions, which would enhance the guarantees of interaction and mutual understanding between the parties involved in such dialogue. The main provisions regarding social dialogue, particularly those concerning the resolution of collective labour disputes and labour mediation, should be enshrined in the fundamental regulatory act in the field of labour relations - the Labour Code of Ukraine (or a codified act that may replace it). The article provides a characterization of the Laws of Ukraine that are interconnected with the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine» on issues concerning the subjects of such legal relations, including those that define the participation of executive authorities and local self-government bodies in social dialogue relations, as well as relevant draft laws. It also presents the provisions of the Law of Ukraine «On Trade Unions, Their Rights and Guarantees of Activity» that require harmonization with the fundamental regulatory act on social dialogue, as they limit its scope concerning the participation of trade unions/their associations in social dialogue relations. It is proposed to address the identified inconsistencies by aligning them with the fundamental legislation on social dialogue. Attention is drawn to the contentious status of local self-government bodies as subjects of social dialogue due to the combination of partnership and accountability. It is noted that the Law of Ukraine «On the Procedure for Resolving Collective Labour Disputes» regulates the stages of resolving collective labour disputes, one of which is conciliation procedures. This procedure corresponds to the forms of social dialogue defined in the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine». Therefore, there is a need to substantively synchronize the legislative rules of conciliation procedures during the resolution of collective labour disputes with the norms of legislation on social dialogue. Arguments are presented that labour mediation is one form of social dialogue: 1) it involves the interaction of parties in an out-of-court, structured procedure aimed at preventing conflicts, conducted through negotiations; 2) the scope of the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» includes relations related to conducting mediation to prevent potential conflicts (disputes) or to resolve any existing conflicts (disputes), including labour disputes. It is concluded that the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine» should be harmonized with the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» regarding the definition of forms of social dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]