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This paper summarizes the ascriptive aspects of the identification of Roma in North Macedonia. It tends to provide a shorter review of the national movement and ascriptive identity references important for Roma People, as well as it relays upon data from the doctoral dissertation research, “Ethnic minority politics and conflict management: The political participation of Roma in the Republic of North Macedonia” defended on February 1st, 2024, at the Philosophy Faculty in Skopje. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national movement for accelerating nutrition improvement in the first 1,000 days of life is an effort to strengthen the Indonesian Government's commitment to the national strategic agenda and tackling stunting. This study aimed to determine communication, resources, disposition, and bureaucratic structure in implementing the movement at the Biromaru Primary Health Care (PHC) and Loru Village, Sigi District, Indonesia. The mixed method approach was carried out with informants consisting of several parties from the PHC, health cadres, and the local community through triangulation and questionnaires. The results showed poor communication was inhibited by a lack of community outreach, the attitude of the community's lack of participation, and the PHC staff's perceptions (85.14%). There was still insufficient number of health workers as resources (79.73%) who could cover all work areas. While, 75.68% of the health workers considered the disposition to be unfavorable because the incentive budget functioned as an operational budget. Only the bureaucratic structure has been running well, according to 82.43% of PHC staff. Standard operating procedure is required to make the movement run well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Arabian Sciences Heritage is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author studies the 19th-century Slovak National Movement as a manifestation of the ethos of plebeian resistance against the "laws of progress" of the century in question, according to which small ethnic groups and nations were to be assimilated for the sake of the further development of more advanced nations and their cultures. A significant role in the formation of the ethos of plebeian resistance was played by Slovak folk culture, the historical context of Great Moravia, the solidarity and support of other Slavic nations living in the Habsburg monarchy, and, above all, the moral qualities of Slovak patriots. Among the most significant manifestations of this ethos was the codification of Slovak, which contributed to the formation of Slovak national identity and national ideology, the 1848–1849 Slovak Uprising, and the development of the Slovak national movement in the 1860s continuing into the mid-1870s. The aim of the 19th-century Slovak national movement was to achieve an equal position of the Slovak ethnic group among the other nations and ethnic groups living in the Habsburg monarchy, which would give rise to the free development of its creative powers and abilities as well as to the pursuit of ethical, humanistic ideals in the lives of its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sa'ad Umer Al- Alwan is regarded as one of the most prominent men of the National Movement in Karbala City. He was selected as Deputy of Karbala in 1947 in the eleventh Election Turn, and his selection was renewed in 1948 in the twelfth Election Turn. He has undertaken the Ministry twice, from the 10th of December 1949 to 5th of February 1950, as a Minister of Social Affairs, in the Ministry of Ali Jawdat Al-Ayoby, and from 5th of February 1950 to 15th of September1950 in the Ministry of Tawfiq Al-Suwedy. During his undertaking of the two ministries- and in spite of his short time of carrying out the job- he made many jobs; the most important ones are: - in the Ministry of Social Affairs- his concern of workers and distributing the doctors on the Iraqi provinces equally and justly, and he gave the prisons a special care, and suggested the building of a prison in Abu –Grabe district to be in isolation and away from the crowd and the main places, in addition to other jobs. When he undertook the Ministry of Apprehension, his most important job was suggesting developing the curricula and giving the books and stationary to poor students (for free) and he also suggested a schedule for the Teachers' Insurance Law, and cancelled the interview Committee which is concerned with the Emitters for studying abroad. He made that done depending on the Excellence base of scores, and that the emitter should be able-bodied. Moreover, he made a real national situation concerning the inside and outside political issues.in addition, he had many opinions and situations in the sessions of Parliament Committee for the reforming of regulation, and the political,

World history records that at the end of 1920, the global community was hit by a very dramatic economic depression, which resulted in protests by the people as a result of cuts in the wages of civil servants in all circles, both Dutch and Indigenous nationalities, by 17%, wage cuts were part of the efforts government to reduce the gap between government revenues and spending when the economic depression has caused government revenues in an emergency. The relationship between the rebellion of the Crew of De Zeven Provincien and the activities of the national movement during the reign of Governor-General Jhr. B.C. De Jonge. After the uprising immediately, the Dutch East Indies government, under the leadership of Governor-General Jhr. B.C. De Jonge carried out reactionary and violent politics against the activities of the national movement. Movement organizations were increasingly under pressure from the colonial government, and some radical and revolutionary movement figures were even arrested. The research method used is the historical method, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography, and this research uses library research where the researcher examines several sources related to this research. Thus, it can be concluded that in the De Zeven Provincien Crew Mutiny in 1933, Governor General Jhr. B.C. De Jonge put more pressure on the national movement organization in Indonesia.

The Memorandum Movement (1892-1894) played an important role in the history of the national emancipation of the Transylvanian Romanians. luliu Maniu (1873-1953) studied law at the universities of Budapest and Vienna at the beginning of the last decade of the 19th century. In 1892 he was among the leaders of the Petru Maior Academic Society, an organization of Romanian students at the University of Budapest. As a result of his position as the Romanian students' leader, he had a major role in preparing the reception and accommodation of Memorandum delegates in Vienna. luliu Maniu and his colleagues immediately joined the Romanian national movement. He was among the signatories of the political Manifesto entitled "To the Romanian People of Transylvania and the Hungarian Land" (1893). In 1896, luliu Maniu was already one of leaders of the Romanian National Party from Transylvania.xsxs [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author points out that the moral condemnation of “nationalism” that is common in contemporary Anglo-Saxon literature does not hold up once we subject it to historical and, by extension, sociolinguistic criticism. This term, originally nebulous and confusing, has become meaningless as a result of forgetting that it is the designation of the relationship of an individual (or social group) to the entity of a nation, an entity that is the result of the empirically well grasped historical process of nation formation under conditions that were specifically European. This circumstance is especially important in the case of the category “small nation”, by which the author means those nations whose formation took place in the form of a national movement – a purposeful effort to acquire all relevant attributes of a nation for one’s own ethnic community. This movement, in its scholarly and agitational phase, was based on a selfless effort to develop and ennoble the nation as an abstract community of cultural values and should be designated by the term “patriotism” and possibly its translations into (some) central European languages, which were and are used with a morally positive connotation. The pejorative label “nationalism” is justified only where the national movement has progressed to its mass phase, when a substantial part, if not most, of the members of the ethnic group have identified with the nation. Since then, it has been necessary to talk about the nation in a dual position. Not only in the position of an abstract community of values but also in the position of “sociological fact”, where it also acquired the morally ambivalent nature of the struggle for power. This ambivalence – the tension between altruism and egoism – is still preserved today even where the national interest is discussed.

Poetry and History: the Literary Beginnings of Ignác Cornova This text considers the early creative output of Ignác Cornova, in particular his lesserknown odes and his war poetry. It draws on contemporary research of the latter third of the 18th century focussing on the dynamic social change of the period, the transformation of the media, the emergence of a modern ‘public’, and changing perceptions of artistic as opposed to educational output. One of the difficulties of conceptualizing this period is the existence of two opposing trends – the older ‘Baroque’ tradition and the more ‘modern’ currents of the future national movement. Our text largely obviates this dichotomy by proposing a framework in which Cornova’s oeuvre is seen as evidence of an idiosyncratic cultural situation with its own features and markers. The aim of our study is to place Cornova’s early works within the literary context of his time – a context hard to appreciate today. We are not looking for the ‘future’ Cornova in those beginnings, nor the ‘embryos’ of his later development. Rather, we hope to rehabilitate the literary context in the Czech lands in the 1770s and 1780s as it veered between late Baroque odes, war reportage, and enlightenment patriotism. Alongside Cornova we consider now forgotten figures such as Vojtěch Koťara, Michael Denis, Johann Joseph Eberle and Václav Thám. The result is not a group biography, but rather a problem analysis of one segment of a period that defies unequivocal definition.

The article examines the dynamics and processes that unfolded during the Ukrainian national movement's struggle to liberate Ukraine from Soviet control. It delves into the personal dimensions of these historical events, emphasizing the contributions of individual figures to the movement. Prominent leaders of the Ukrainian revolution in the late 1980's and early 1990's championed and propagated ideas attuned to the societal demands and political realities of Ukraine under Soviet rule. One such pivotal idea was the concept of sovereignty. To comprehensively reconstruct the complex historical phenomenon of the Ukrainian revolution from the late 1980's to the early 1990's, it is vital to analyze how the notion of sovereignty was embraced and brought to the fore in Ukrainian public opinion during that period. Consequently, this article aims to investigate this matter, seeking to pinpoint who initially spearheaded the dissemination of the sovereignty idea, the objectives behind its promotion, and its reception in society. Existing historiographies covering the latter half of the 1980's to the early 1990's lack examinations that discern the process of popularizing the sovereignty concept within society. The research utilized a methodological toolkit encompassing various principles and methods, including historicism, objectivity, and pluralism, alongside historical-genetic, comparative-historical, and synchronous methods, and critical analysis of information and sources, among others. The findings reveal that Vyacheslav Chornovil, a significant figure in the national movement, pioneered the propagation of Ukraine's sovereignty notion in the late 1980's. He envisaged it as a tactical slogan for the inception phase of legal political activities, aimed at mobilizing sympathizers and elevating the society's national consciousness. It was determined that he transitioned from advocating sovereignty to promoting independence when the Ukrainian society was poised to embrace it. Furthermore, the study identifies Chornovil's subsequent efforts to incorporate the concept of Ukrainian sovereignty into the republic's legislative framework, a move to establish its political and legal entity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Plural: History, Culture, Society is the property of Faculty of History & Geography, 'Ion Creanga' State Pedagogical University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After analysing the current socio-political conditions in Ukraine caused by the war unleashed on February 20, 2014 by the Russian Federation, the author noted that they have common features with those that were before the outbreak of the First World War. This fact made this study relevant, since it requires an analysis of the “Ukrainian Question” from the standpoint of different countries at the beginning of the 20th century. Thus, the purpose of the study was to determine the essence of the Ukrainian national question on the eve of the First World War. For this purpose, the study used the methods of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, generalisation, and historical method. As a result, the content of the “Ukrainian Question” was determined for the countries that participated in the First World War. In particular, it was established that Russia's goal was to capture Eastern Galicia, northern Bukovina and Transcarpathia, while under the auspices of the pan-Slavist policy and the Association of “Half-Blood Russian brothers”. Initially, Austria-Hungary also pursued the desire for territorial expansion, in particular, through the annexation of Volhynia and Podillia. As a result, the unification of Western and Eastern Europe was expected. Germany's goal was to divide the Russian empire into different territorial units and to seize the countries of Eastern Europe, in particular Ukraine, and settle its citizens on them. The positions of foreign countries on the “Ukrainian Question” considered in the study allowed for the conclusion that none of them considered the interests and aspirations of the Ukrainian people. The practical significance of the study was revealed in the fact that it can be used by modern researchers, in particular historians, when determining the prerequisites and nature of the current war of Russia against Ukraine

The Hindu was founded on September 20, 1878, by six young nationalists. In the first editorial titled "Ourselves", published on September 20, 1878, the founders flagged two guiding principles. During its initial years, the paper was printed at Srinidhi Press, Mint Street, Black Town, and Madras. G. Subramaniam Iyer was a pioneer in the field of independence of the country, in social reforms, and in entering the field of journalism and introducing large-scale newspapers. Bipan Chandra praised Tamil Nadu's political, economic, and social liberation fighter, G. Subramania Iyer, in his famous book "The Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India" with compelling evidence. G.Subramania Iyer was extremely focused on social reforms. He was interested in child marriage issues, widowhood, and caste unity. He worked tirelessly to increase the age of marriage, for widow marriages, to give equal status to oppressed people in society, and to prevent child marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the nationalization of the oil industry, political parties and groups were very active in Hamedan. The Tudeh Party was one of the parties operating in the form of associations and a united council of workers and toilers. Opposing the National Movement and Mossadegh's government, the party was often involved with the "Hamadan National Movement Supporters Association." The trade union and the united council of workers and toilers of this party and other party organizations, such as the "House of Peace", played an effective role among the workers of Hamedan factories through their activities in the workers' strikes. The purpose of this article was to analyze the activities of the Tudeh Party and the council among the workers of Hamedan.The present article is based on data extracted from archival documents and library resources. The findings of the study show the activity of the Tudeh Party and the United Council of Workers and toilers of the Hamadan branch in opposition to the national movement, by recruiting workers and holding labor strikes in factories in Hamadan. Thus, for the first time, the labor movement in an organized way raised new trade unions and political-economic demands and created political and security problems for the officials of Hamedan

Based on the analysis of two period newspaper articles published in 1846, the contribution provides a glimpse into the shaping of the position of women in society during Romanticism with a special accent on women’s involvement in the national movement. The Protestant priest Štefan Václav Homola (1820 – 1881) published an article addressing girls’ and women’s education in Slovak entitled Ústavy pre vychovávanie dievčat [Institutions for girls’ education]. His text triggered a response from Johana Miloslava Lehocká (1810 – 1849), a published poet and wife of a Protestant priest from Liptovský Trnovec. Period intellectuals aimed at “awakening” the women and elevating them from the low “matter” to the higher level of national “spirit,” but they were primarily concerned with the interests of the national movement, not with women’s education. J. Lehocká accentuated the necessity of educating women and the need for professional training of Slovak women teachers. In her article, Lehocká – in line with period understanding of the function of the woman in society – interpreted the role of women in the Romantic national project as a duty. At the same time, however, she described various limitations that impeded women from self-realization.

The purpose of this study is to describe the role of Sarekat Islam and Muhammadiyah in politics and education during the 1911-1942 national movement. Sarekat Islam (1911) and Muhammadiyah (1912) became organizations carried out the struggle for Indonesian independence with religion as their basis. Both organizations fighting for the Indonesian independence with their respective paths and ideologies: Muhammadiyah was more concentrated in the field of education, while Sarekat Islam was in the political field. The method used in this study was a historical research with its stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The form of the role of Sarekat Islam during the national movement, especially in the political field, was through the labor movement, the Volksraad, and direct criticism of the government through a national congress held annually. It was different with the Muhammadiyah which was not directly involved with the political movements that emerged at that time, but this organization supported the struggle of political movements that fought for the aspirations of the Islamic community. At this time, Muhammadiyah was also heavily involved in the field of education, especially by establishing Muhammadiyah-assisted schools.

This study deals with the topic ( Political Developments in Sri Lanka 1945-1948 and the British position on it), During this era, Sri Lanka witnessed important political and constitutional changes that had a major role in achieving national independence, Although it was within the British Commonwealth system, but it got rid of largely from the restrictions of British colonialism. During this era, there was clear cooperation between most of the leaders of the national movement on the one hand, and the British authorities on the other. This British-Sri Lankan cooperation has resulted in several results, the most important of which is a gradual progress in the political and constitutional status of Sri Lanka, On the basis of which Sri Lanka was transformed from a colony administered directly by the British Governor-General in Sri Lanka to a country that enjoys a large degree of independence, Its affairs are administered by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister supported by a Legislative National Assembly elected by the Sri Lankan people. This cooperation also led to a major shift in the course of the political process in Sri Lanka. For the first time in the country’s history, political parties with different ideologies and partisan approaches appeared. To organize the masses and work to guide them politically. During this stage, the country witnessed the drafting of the first constitution in the country’s history. The process of drafting and approving it went through several stages until it took its final form in 1946. This stage also marked the emergence of the first national legislative assembly elected by the Sri Lankan people. And in which the right to participate is granted to both men and women, and Sri Lanka may be the first British colony in Asia to hold elections of this kind . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hind Swaraj was published in Gujarati language in the journal Indian Opinion under the title Hind Swarajaya in 1909, and its English version as Indian Home Rule by Mahatma Gandhi was published in Phoenix, Natal, 1910. This extraordinary work possesses an authority of its own. It is the seed from which the Gandhian thought has grown. He considered the views expressed in the 'Hind Swaraj' as sacred as 'almost part of his being'. Gandhi, through the expressions in this, spelt out his strategy for future action which was to be rooted in the belief of the pre-eminence of ancient Indian civilisation, which in contrast with the western 'represents the best that the world has ever seen'. The high point of the book is the virtue of non-violence as against violent revolution and the need to use ethical means to attain independence by means of educational reforms and adoption of technology suitable to Indian conditions. He advised the revolutionaries to follow the righteousness of Indian culture by reverting 'to their own glorious civilisation'. The core of the book, as conveyed through the title is an analysis of the nature of British rule in India and its manifestations, its consequences in the political and moral decay of Indian society. Hind Swaraj is the prescription to pull India out of this muddle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the most important aspects of the political history of Russian Turkestan at the beginning of the 20th century. It deals with the formation of a multi-party system in the Russian Empire and the activities of the first national political organizations in the Central Asian region. The author reveals the underpinnings of a national movement taking place under the colonial regime. The article analyzes the main provisions of the political programs of all-Russian parties and national organizations, such as Shuroi-Islomiya, Alash, Shuroi-Ulamo, Turk Adami Markaziyat Firkasi (Party of Turkic Federalists), and others. Sections examine the origins of the ideological confrontation between progressive Jadids and Muslim traditionalists, and provide a brief history of the formation, and ensuing liquidation, of Turkestan as an autonomous entity. Despite the existence of ideological differences in the national movement, the author uncovers how many representatives of national political organizations were devoted to the idea of independence and sought a way out of cultural isolationism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the problem of land tenure and land use by the Buryat population in the Trans-Baikal region at the beginning of the XX century, before the formation of the BMASSR, which became the main one in the self-preservation of the ethnos. If the national movement and the struggle for autonomy have been well studied in historiography, the regulation of land relations is the main motive for activating the national movement and the demand for autonomy. The article is based on published and unpublished materials of the Burnatskom, the Far Eastern Republic and the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Region. The author used microhistorical approach, as well as historical, narrative and comparative methods, which made it possible to study the historical events of 1900–1923 in the field of land relations in Transbaikalia against the historical background of events taking place in the country, in close connection with changes in political conditions and the formation of administrative and state structures. It was believed that the Buryats had more land, therefore at the beginning of the 20th century. According to the land reform, the withdrawal to the “state colonization fund” for the resettlement of immigrants increased and the unauthorized seizure of the land of the Buryats by Russian peasants during the revolutionary period increased. The tsarist government reduced the land holdings of the Buryats in order to switch them to agricultural economy, despite the ineffectiveness of its distribution. A great inconvenience for land use was the artificially created striped distribution of land between the Buryat and Russian populations. The problems of land tenure and land use became one of the incentives of the national movement and the formation of its governing body – the Buryat National Committee (Burnatskom), whose main task was the establishment of national autonomy, within which land problems must be resolved. Burnatskom managed to create an aimak administration, which was able to exist during the period of the Provisional Government, and during the years of the civil war. With the formation of the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Region as part of the Far Eastern Republic, the problem of land tenure and land use by the Buryat population remained open in connection with the continuing seizure of Buryat lands by Russian peasants. Despite the new legislation of the Far Eastern Republic and the RSFSR, the land issue in the BMAO was not resolved.

With the Revolution led by Tudor Vladimirescu, the Romanian nation joined the European nations’ movement to affirm their sovereign rights. By their sustained actions and by adhering to the novel ideas emerging across Europe at that time, a generation of Romanian patriots coming from all Romanian territories contributed to the ascent of the Romanian nation and the fulfillment of its political, cultural, social and economic aspirations. The period of national rebirth helped prepare the internal changes in the Danubian Principalities that were brought about by the events in the second half of the 19th century. It was the period when the domestic forces in the principalities determined the goals of their actions and how to fulfill those goals. The Romanian national movement was therefore gradually defining its own way of affirmation and the purpose thereof: achieving national unity.

How important was the Enlightenment in Czech History? (Comments on the Thoughts of Daniela Tinková). This essay was inspired by the thoughts of Daniela Tinková on the role of the Czech Enlightenment. We begin by acknowledging its importance for a deeper understanding of Czech history, before going on to address four problem areas. The first is the significance of Enlightenment efforts in the field of popular education (Volksaufklärung), which in the Czech context necessarily introduced the need for vernacularization. These efforts thus have an important, hitherto undervalued place among the factors that strengthened the impetus of national agitation (the second phase of the Czech national movement). We also consider the role played in the national movement of a clergy trained under the Josephenist system, and the defining characteristics of that clergy.

The complexity of Azerbaijanis in national-cultural thinking is loaded with understanding what is happening in the example of Russian chauvinism in the North and Persian sovereignty in the South and solving it as a problem. The difference in the appearance of the situation with such complex situations manifests itself in a variety of ways, from emotions to a different perception of reality. The basic principle manifests itself by connecting the society to the values of the archaic time in all parameters, to the bottom layer of the ethnic consciousness, and the struggle for nation-building and nationalization. Prose works created in 1941–1946, either during the reactionary period (1947–1978) or after the Islamic revolution, stand out for their magnificent imagination. The works of writers such as H.F. Khoshginabi, B. Hayili, G. Qahramanzade, Aydın, Habiba, Ermagani, and others, covering the years 1941–1946, are characterized as the energy of the ethnic's artistic thinking. The period of reaction of the Southern prose (1947–1978) became a reality with the emergence of fundamental artistic examples. Habib Sahir, Rahim Cadniku, Ganjali Sabahi, Samad Behrangi, Ismayil Hadi, Nasir Manzuri, etc. Prose samples, which are the products of the artists' pen, provide enough material to clarify the picture of the historical-cultural process.

This text considers the early creative output of Ignác Cornova, in particular his lesserknown odes and his war poetry. It draws on contemporary research of the latter third of the 18th century focussing on the dynamic social change of the period, the transformation of the media, the emergence of a modern ‘public’, and changing perceptions of artistic as opposed to educational output. One of the difficulties of conceptualizing this period is the existence of two opposing trends – the older ‘Baroque’ tradition and the more ‘modern’ currents of the future national movement. Our text largely obviates this dichotomy by proposing a framework in which Cornova’s oeuvre is seen as evidence of an idiosyncratic cultural situation with its own features and markers. The aim of our study is to place Cornova’s early works within the literary context of his time – a context hard to appreciate today. We are not looking for the ‘future’ Cornova in those beginnings, nor the ‘embryos’ of his later development. Rather, we hope to rehabilitate the literary context in the Czech lands in the 1770s and 1780s as it veered between late Baroque odes, war reportage, and enlightenment patriotism. Alongside Cornova we consider now forgotten figures such as Vojtěch Koťara, Michael Denis, Johann Joseph Eberle and Václav Thám. The result is not a group biography, but rather a problem analysis of one segment of a period that defies unequivocal definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Great National Assembly on August 27, 1989 remains the culmination of the national liberation movement, which, along with other issues, put forward the demand to proclaim the Moldavian (Romanian) language as the state language and return to the Latin script. During the session of the Supreme Council of the MSSR, which was held from August 29, 1989 to September 1, 1989, after a heated debate, a number of laws were adopted, including on the transition to Latin script. On August 31, 1989, the Supreme Council of the MSSR adopted a decree according to which the Moldavian language (identical to Romanian) was proclaimed the official language of the Republic of Moldova. It was the deepest expression of national will and the guarantor of historical and cultural law, and the day of August 31, 1989 remained the most significant victory in the process of national revival. Decree No. 147 of June 23, 1990 granted special status to this event, declaring August 31 the National Day of Our / Romanian Language – “Limba Noastră”, which is officially celebrated in different forms every year. In commemoration of this holiday, the State Enterprise “Post of Moldova” for many years has been issuing pieces of postal stationary, which, along with their functional purpose, also carry out a propaganda role, bearing a certain educational message. The National Museum of History of Moldova have a large collection of postal pieces on various themes, including ones dedicated to the “Limba Noastră” national holiday. Among them we should mention the standard postage stamp “10 years since returning to the Latin script” (by V. Roşca) issued on August 21, 1999, the postcard “August 31, 1989. Limba Noastră” (by E. Karachentsev) produced in 2004, and the postal envelope “25 years since returning to the Latin script. 1989-2014” (by A. Cojocari) produced in 2013. The collection includes also special imprinted stamps that the Post of Moldova uses to commemorate the “Limba Noastră” Day, both at the Central Post Office (Chişinău) and at post offices in other towns of the republic (Orhei, Floreşti, Glodeni, and others). The format of the stamps is different, as the designers strive to combine artistic aspect with functionality as successfully as possible.

Based on the analysis of two period newspaper articles published in 1846, the contribution provides a glimpse into the shaping of the position of women in society during Romanticism with a special accent on women's involvement in the national movement. The Protestant priest Štefan Václav Homola (1820 - 1881) published an article addressing girls' and women's education in Slovak entitled Ústavy pre vychovávanie dievčat [Institutions for girls' education]. His text triggered a response from Johana Miloslava Lehocká (1810 - 1849), a published poet and wife of a Protestant priest from Liptovský Trnovec. Period intellectuals aimed at "awakening" the women and elevating them from the low "matter" to the higher level of national "spirit," but they were primarily concerned with the interests of the national movement, not with women's education. J. Lehocká accentuated the necessity of educating women and the need for professional training of Slovak women teachers. In her article, Lehocká - in line with period understanding of the function of the woman in society - interpreted the role of women in the Romantic national project as a duty. At the same time, however, she described various limitations that impeded women from self-realization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. As a social group with its specific features and motivation, students have been long characterized by their active involvement in social and political unrest. However, the behavioral analysis of students in different historical situations has become an independent research topic as late as in the 1960s. Numerous nuances of student activity remain for that reason unexplored. That is true of the process of student politicization and nationalization in the multi-ethnic Austrian empire during the tumultuous year of 1848. In literature, this issue is either pushed aside or based on an image of a radical “Austrian” student helping proletarians to fight against the regime on barricades. The latter is not relevant in view of the diversity of student sentiments and ideas that were present in the vast Habsburg hereditary lands. Methods and materials. This article analyzes students’ sympathies and actual participation in the rebellious events of 1848 considering the cases of two universities – that of the capital city of Vienna and the university of provincial Innsbruck. The study is based on students’ memoires, pamphlets, letters and newspapers of that time, as well as official documents and appeals by the government. Analysis. The analysis shows that Viennese students had an effective voice in revolutionary events, but their demands were of relatively moderate liberal character, while they largely remained loyal to the emperor. The revolutionary activity of provincial students was much more modest and peaceful than in Vienna. In case of Innsbruck, in particular, an image of a patriotic student fighting with arms for his emperor and fatherland replaced the image of a student fighting for political freedoms. Results. The participation of students in the revolutionary events of 1848 resulted in politicization of the “Austrian” student body and its consolidation as an independent social group.

The purpose of the study is to find out the reasons for the support of the leading communist party apparatus of the western regions of the UkrSSR for the Moscow putsch led by the State Committee on the State of Emergency (SCSE), as well as factual reconstruction of the events and consequences of the coup failure in the context of restoring Ukrainian independence. The methodological basis of scientific intelligence is based on a rational step in compliance with the principle of historical objectivity. The study used methods of critical and structural analysis and classification, systematization and verification of unpublished archival sources and field material. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is formed on the documents of one republican and seven regional archives, as well as the columns of communist and democratic periodicals and interviews with contemporaries and participants of the events. Based on them, the littleknown facts related to the reception of the coup at various levels of the then Soviet society were reconstructed. The key attention is paid to the unexplored perception by local communist elites of an attempt at armed revenge in the face of their loss of pro-government status. Conclusions. After the liberation of the western Ukrainian regions from the communist monopoly on political power as a result of the defeat of party nominees in the 1990 elections, the local party apparatus retained hope for revenge only with the forceful support of the union center. Therefore, unlike ordinary communists and supporters of the National Communist Democratic Platform, after the illegal proclamation of power by the SCSE in August 1991, the top regional leadership became the focal points for the implementation of the insurgents' instructions. It was the only one to receive their first secret orders, recognize the state of emergency and call on the public to avoid acts of disobedience. Moreover, local party elites made plans to carry out the orders of the putschists and encouraged the heads of law enforcement, administrative and economic institutions to obey them. However, the anti-communist resistance, led by democratic councils, national parties and public associations, stood in the way. He positioned himself as a state-builder, as last year's local elections were won by Ukrainian political forces, which saw the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine as a restoration of its state independence. Thus, the coup attempt led by the SCSE in the western Ukrainian regions was a priori doomed to failure. The participation of the leading partocracy in the putsch outlawed the Communist Party of Ukraine, completed the disintegration of grassroots structures, caused the nationalization of property and transformed it into a criminal political union that opposed the restoration of Ukraine's independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism emerged at the end of the eighteenth century as a doctrine which rendered a decisive influence on the maturation of modern order, modern politics and state-governance. Hence, nationalism can be used to explain the process of nation-building of sovereign nations. Because nationalism explains the transformation of an existing state. In contrast, Miroslav Hroch uses the term national movement instead of nationalism to explain the nation-building processes of small nations. In this study, the last phase of the nation-building process in Tsaristruled Azerbaijan is going to be discussed by using Hroch's A, B, C model of oppressed nations. In this context, I am going to discuss Mehmet Emin Resulzade's national ideal (mefkure) and his debate of Azerbaijanism. Resulzadeh, has provided to contain political demand for the purpose of independence within the framework of the national ideal of the national movement. For this reason, Resulzadeh's thought and nationalism have been shaped as Azerbaijan centred. This study argues that the process of nationalism can only be explained by Horch's A, B, C model, considering the fact that Tsarist-ruled Azerbaijan had no state or national existence before the respective national movement which took place under the Tsarist rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with a pamphlet O spisovnej češtině (On Written Czech, 1849) by August Schleicher. It was written in Czech, shortly after the author himself had learnt Czech. Schleicher suggested reforms to be adopted. He wanted to enrich standard Czech with forms taken from Moravian and Slovak dialects in order to strengthen its inflectional elements and clear morphological distinctions as they can be identified in ancient Indo-European languages. His concept of the reforms follows the idea of the decline of morphology in Indo-European languages. There was no response to his work. The study explains that after the disputes over the reform of Czech orthography (about 1813-1849) and expanding vocabulary, a kind of consensus was reached (thanks to František Palacký as well) that the grammatical basis of literary Czech was solid and should not be changed. The study suggests using the term “modernization" for the rapid development of Czech in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 20th century, the national liberation movement against imperialism and colonialism became a world-wide movement in many colonial countries (Smith 2010:9, 25-30). Each country-nation has mirrored in one way or another depending on historical and socio-political conditions, especially the leaders' way (Finlayson 2014). Under British colonial rule, the nationalist movement in India was run under the leadership of patriotic and nationalistic leaders such as "a great soul" Mahatma Gandhi (McGregor 1993:799), Rash Behari Bose, Jawaharhlal Nehru, and "a respected leader" Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose (Gordon 1990:459-460). Among them, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has emerged as great leader. The paper consists of an introduction, three sections and conclusion: i. Vietnam and India both looked towards Japan in the early 20th century; ii. The support of the Japanese military to INA in struggle for national independence in India and Southeast Asia, and iii. Rethinking about the contributions of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose to India. The author tries to acknowledge the role of the military leader Netaji Subhas Chandra and his way of armed struggle through the Japanese military's support to INA in struggle for national independence in India and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk mengetahui implementasi pembelajaran sejarah pada pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional, mengetahui persepsi siswa etnis Tionghoa terhadap pembelajaran sejarah pada pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional dan Mengetahui hambatan yang di alami dalam pembelajaran sejarah pada pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional di SMA Kristen Wonosobo. Dalam penelitian ini peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah informan, dokumen dan lain-lain. Teknik pengambilan data yang digunakan adalah observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Pemeriksaan keabsahan data pada penelitian ini menggunakan trianggulasi data yang meliputi reduksi data, penyajian data, penyimpulan dan verifikasi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah implementasi pembelajaran sejarah pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional dilakukan lewat tahap perencanaan dan pelaksanaan. Dalam perencanaan guru mempersiapkan RPP, media berupa power point, metode berupa diskusi kelompok serta materi pembelajaran yang kemudian diterapkan pada tahap pelaksanaan pembelajaran. Persepsi siswa keturunan Tionghoa terhadap pembelajaran sejarah pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional berbeda antara satu sama lain. Hal ini disebabkan oleh faktor internal dan faktor eksternal yang mempengaruhi persepsi mereka tentang pembelajaran sejarah pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional. Dalam pembelajaran sejarah pokok bahasan pergerakan nasional, siswa keturunan tionghoa memiliki hambatan tersendiri. Berkaitan dengan status siswa etnis Tionghoa sebagai minoritas tidak menjadi penghambat dalam pembelajaran karena sekolah yang menerapkan toleransi yang tinggi.

The author recommends that any consideration of the issue of nation and nationalism should be preceded by a careful analysis of the terminology used. He points out that the key term 'nation' itself should be used in the knowledge that it refers, on the one hand, to a specific large group of citizens – members of a nation, but also to an abstract value community of culture. He critically rejects the thoughtless use of the term 'nationalism', which forgets that it is derived from the term 'nation'. This is a dangerous distortion, especially when applied to non-European realities. A nation is originally a specifically European phenomenon, that is to say, a community that grows out of the old cultural and ideological resources of European countries. If the globalised term nationalism is used retrospectively to analyse the history or present of European nations, there is a danger of distortion and misunderstanding. Just as distorting, however, can be the analysis of non-European 'nations' in the coordinates of the European nation. In conclusion, the author points out that the humanistic and motivational values of the European nation from the time of its formation are largely an empty phrase for contemporary nations. The reason for this, however, lies not only in terminological confusion, but also in the great transformation of value norms as a result of the neoliberal questioning of national values and identities that is being promoted in the context of advancing globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses the perspective of influential representatives of the Albanian national movement on the origin of their nation and the role of the Pelasgian theme from the second half of the 19th century until 1912. Five personalities from the Albanian national movement who had written key texts on historical subjects and other works in which the ethnogenesis of the Albanians is mentioned were chosen for the study of this issue. The authors selected include Girolamo de Rada, Pashko Vasa, Naim Frashëri, Sami Frashëri and Thimi Mitko. On the basis of the content analysis of their works, which include poetry as well as prose, the construction and structure of the earliest phase of national history is described in detail with reference to authors who used the Pelasgian origin thesis for the Albanians from Conrad Malte-Brun and Johann Georg von Hahn. The works of these pioneers in the field of Albanian studies can be described as the main source of inspiration and information in the texts analyzed. During the process of forming the narrative of the national origin Malte-Brun’s and Hahn’s works stood in for the missing medieval and early modern Albanian historiography. The study also describes the use of Albanian language as an important element of the argument about the Albanians’ Pelasgian origin and the perspective of the above-mentioned personalities on the origin of the endonym “shqiptar” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widely acclaimed as the Lithuanian national poet, the Catholic clergyman Jonas Mačiulis-Maironis (1862–1932) in his canonical poems of the epoch of national revival expressed his romantic primordialist point of view that every nation has an inherent right to its independence that had been given by divine institution. Linguistic factors determined national identity in Eastern Europe of the late 19th century. Maironis as a follower of linguocentric nationalism modelled the conditions for the elite Lithuanian culture which would be significant at the European level. The longing for the so-called European virtues (universally based on Christian ethics) penetrated through all the poet’s world-view, therefore he was impressed by the diligence and activism of Western nations but did not support the ideas of social activism and individual liberties, opposed the ideas of secular philosophical trends, especially socialism and scientism. Eurocentrist motives in his rhetoric did not mean any challenge to the governing conservative Russian regime because they did not invoke opposition to the ideology of Pan-Slavism which was supported by the Tsarist ideologues. The poetical archetype of springtime awakening was related to the youthful activism of the “new” political nations of Eastern and Central Europe. Maironis was one of the first Lithuanian authors who openly criticized ideas of socialism and positivism; on the other hand, he provoked discussions of the enlightened group of the developing Lithuanian-speaking elite. He regarded the slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity as deceptive justification of populism and collective violence. Sceptically regarding parliamentary democracy, he emphasized the principles of Classical-Christian law and justice and the need for solidarity, consciousness and creativity. Maironis related the ideological dispute of conservative and radical trends to the decisive struggle of Christianity and atheism. He was a consistent and orthodox Catholic thinker, the opponent of any revolutionary upheavals; discussing social questions he emphasized that politicians should take into account doctrine of the Holy See on the obligations of Christians and principles of charity.