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Copyright of Dirasat: Human & Social Sciences is the property of University of Jordan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this review article, I offer an overview of research undertaken thus far on early Mālikī Manuscripts, primarily the collection from Kairouan, Tunisia. Modern attention to this collection dates from the early twentieth century, as the collection itself moved from Kairouan to Tunis and back again. While access to Qurān manuscripts has been highly restricted, select scholars had been allowed to study and make copies of a limited number of legal manuscripts, primarily from the Mālikī school of Islamic law. These limitations had an effect on scholarship, making some forms of codicological and paleographic analysis difficult at best. The last part of the article addresses very recent scholarship and work that remains to be done, including network analysis and other ways of placing these manuscripts within broader social and historical contexts. I close with a reflection on the colonial history of research into these manuscripts and the responsibilities of researchers to reflect on the ethical implications of their activities into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

İslam Dini’nin, Kur’an’dan sonra ikinci kaynağını oluşturan Sünnet, fıkhî hükümler için de bir kaynak ve delildir. Bu itibarla çeşitli ekoller fıkhî çıkarımlarda bulunurken Hz. Peygamber’in sünnetini esas almışlardır. Hz. Peygamber’in namaz kılarken taabbudi olarak yaptığı fiiller çeşitli hadis eserlerinde geçmektedir. Onun namaza dair rivayet edilen hadislerinden biri de kıyamda iken sağ eliyle sol elini tutmasıdır. Bu çalışmada namazda ellerin bağlanması ile ilgili rivayetler fıkhü’l-hadis bağlamında değerlendirilmektedir. İlgili hadislerin, hadis eserlerindeki yeri, sıhhat açısından değerleri ve râvîlerin cerh ve tadil açısından tenkide tabi tutulmaları gibi teknik bilgiler öncelikli olarak ele alınmaktadır. Fıkıh mezheplerinin konuya dair referans aldıkları hadisler ve inşa ettikleri hükümler eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ortaya konmuştur. Rivayet metinlerinde Hz. Peygamber’in namazı kılma şekline dair bir çok bilgi aktarılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Hz. Peygamber’in, namazda ellerini bağlarken ellerini nereye koyduğuna dair rivayetlerde geçen bilgilerden ziyade, namazda el bağlamanın olup olmadığı değerlendirilmektedir. Rivayetlerin çokluğu sebebiyle ilk üç asır değerlendirmeye tabi tutulmuş ve sadece merfû hadisler incelenmiştir. Aralarındaki benzerlik sebebiyle bazı mürsel rivayetler de sened tenkidi yapılmaksızın yeri geldikçe zikredilmiştir. Rivayetlerin senedlerinde adları geçen râvîler, bütüncül bir bakış açısı elde etmek için sened ağında gösterilmiştir. Cerh ve tadil lafızları belirtilerek râvîlerin güvenilirlikleri, tabakat kitapları incelenerek ortaya konmuştur. Böylece bu çalışma, hadisler ve fıkhî görüşler analiz edilerek tümevarım yöntemi ile şekillenmiştir. Fıkhî mezheplerin çoğunluğuna göre namazda iftitah tekbirinden sonra sağ elin sol elin üzerine konulması sünnettir. Cumhurun dışında kalan Mâlikî mezhebinde farz ve nâfile namazlarda ellerin durumu ile ilgili farklı hükümler mevcuttur. Buna göre farz namazlarda ellerin bağlanması mekruh, nafile namazlarda ise kıyamın uzaması durumunda dinlenmek maksadıyla caiz görülmüştür. Cumhur, görüşünü temellendirirken çalışmamızda ele aldığımız birtakım hadisleri delil olarak zikretmiştir. Mâlikî mezhebinde ise merfû hadislerden ziyade mezhebin kurucusu Mâlik b. Enes’e isnad edilen görüşler baz alınarak temellendirme yapılmaktadır. Oysaki Mâlik b. Enes’in Muvatta’ adlı eseri incelendiğinde, namazda ellerin bağlanması gerektiğine dair iki tane rivayete yer verildiği görülmektedir. Bu durumda Mâlikî mezhebinin savunduğu görüşte bir çelişki ortaya çıkmaktadır. Elde edilen bulgular, bu tutarsızlığın iki sebebi olabileceğinin olabileceğini göstermektedir. Birincisi, Mâlik’in, Muvatta’ adlı eserinde rivayet ettiği hadislerle uyuşmayan bazı uygulamalar geliştirmesidir. Öyle ki söz konusu tutarsızlığı nedeniyle Mâlik, zaman zaman eleştirilerin odağı haline gelmiştir. İkincisi, sünnetle sabit olmasına rağmen Mâlik’in bir mazeret dolayısıyla bu sünneti terk etmiş olabileceği görüşüdür. Nitekim Mâlik’in, yaşamış olduğu mihne olayı neticesinde namazda ellerini bağlayamadığı birçok kaynakta zikredilmektedir. Ancak Mâlik’in mihne sürecine dair farklı görüşler serdedilmiştir. Mâlik’in, mihne sürecinde, baskı altında karısını boşayan birinin talakını geçersiz sayan bir hadisi rivayet etmesi sebebiyle işkenceye maruz kaldığı ifade edilmiştir. Bazı kaynaklarda ise Mâlik’in, baskı altında yapılan yeminin geçersiz olduğunu ifade eden fetvasından dolayı bu işkenceye maruz kaldığı belirtilmiştir. Mâlik’in bu fetvası, Abbâsî yönetimi tarafından siyasi otoriteye yönelik bir tehdit unsuru olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Nihayetinde işkenceye maruz kalan Mâlik’in, namazda ellerini bağlayacak bir konjonktüre sahip olmadığı iddia edilmiştir. Daha sonraki dönemlerde, Mâlikî mezhebinin müteahhirun âlimleri, namazda ellerin bağlanmamasını fıkhî delillerle gerekçelendirmeye çalışmışlardır.

Sarah Stroumsa's 2009 Maimonides in his World spurred much reconsideration of Almohad influence on medieval Jewish thought. Many now accept that Almohad ideology was at least one crucible in which Moses Maimonides's thought was forged. This paper broadens exploration of Almohad influences to include Maimonides's understudied contemporary Joseph ben Judah Ibn ʿAqnīn. It focuses on the jurisprudential theories propounded by these two thinkers in order to evaluate the extent to which their views can be considered distinctively Almohad. Assessment of medieval Jewish legal theory in light of earlier Andalusian and developing Almohad thought allows for a fine-grained level of analysis, pinpointing when Jews endorsed Almohad ideas and when they ratified claims of other schools of Islamic law. In the end, at least on questions of jurisprudence, Maimonides and Ibn ʿAqnīn must be understood within several overlapping and mutually reinforcing traditions, namely, Andalusian Rabbanism, reformed Mālikism, and early Almohadism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the source of istisḥāb (presumption of continuity) according to the Mālikī methodology is analyzed through its types. In this context, having based on the commonly used classification of the types of istisḥāb, the following types of istisḥāb are discussed: the istisḥāb of barā'ah al-asliyyah, the istisḥāb of ibāḥa al-asliyyah, the istisḥāb of shar'ī ḥukm, the istisḥāb of ijma', and the maqlūb istishāb. There is no disagreement among the Mālikī scholars about the authenticity of using the istisḥāb of barā'ah al-asliyyah, which is also described as the aqlī (rational) istisḥāb in the sources. It is also stated that that ibāḥa al-asliyyah, which is considered as a type of istisḥāb, was used as a principle by the Mālikī jurists, however it is not regarded as a type of istisḥāb. Thus, the discussions mainly covers the fact that whether it is a type of istisḥāb or not in some cases instead of underliying the use of the istisḥāb of shar'ī ḥukm as evidence, which is metaphorically expressed as an umbrella concept. Although the general approach regarding the istisḥāb of ijma' implies that it is not a valid evidence, there are Mālikī scholars who reach the similar conclusions like those who sees the istisḥāb of ijma' as a valid evidence in the case of individual issues. The maqlūb istishāb, on the other hand, emerged in later periods and was characterized as an irregular evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Anbar University for Islamic Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) sözlerini, fiillerini ve tasdik ettiği hâdiseleri bizlere aktaran ashâbın ardından, bunların Kutlu Elçi’ye (s.a.v.) aidiyetiyle ilgili birtakım tartışmalar ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu tartışmaları ortadan kaldırmaya çalışan İslâm bilginleri bazı prensipler geliştirerek bunlardan hangilerinin hakikatte Resûl-i Ekrem’e (s.a.v.) ait olduğunu tespit etmeye çalışmışlardır. Bunu yaparken haberi epistemolojik açıdan da incelemişlerdir. Ancak aynı seviyede yer aldığı için aralarında hiyerarşik ilişki bulunmayan ve birbiriyle çelişen haberlerin hükmü konusunda farklı görüşler beyan etmişlerdir. Hadisçiler bu konudaki düşüncelerini ihtilâfu’l-hadîs, muhtelif’ul-hadîs ve müşkilü’l-hadîs adını verdikleri müstakil bir literatür altında incelerken; fıkıhçılar daha çok usûl eserlerinde tearuz, muaraza, mumânea ve teâdül gibi başlıkları altında konuya dair görüşlerini zikretmişlerdir. İmam Şafiî (ö. 204/820), tearuz ve ihtilaf kavramlarına sıkça yer vermesi, el-Ümm adlı eserinin son bölümünü ihtilâfü’l-hadîs konusuna hasretmesi ve er-Risâle’de bu ilmin esaslarını belirlemesiyle bu literatürün kurucusu kabul edilebilir. Bilindiği üzere kaleme alınan eserler dönemin ilmî, sosyal ve siyasî atmosferinden vareste kalamazlar. Bu doğrultuda ilgili literatürün karşıt fikirlere yönelik reddiyelere dönüşmesinin İbn Kuteybe’nin (ö. 276/889) eliyle gerçekleştiğini söylemek mümkündür. Nitekim İbn Kuteybe pek çoğu Mu‘tezile’nin eleştirilerine konu olan hadisler arasında çelişki olmadığını göstermek üzere Te’vîl’ü Muhtelifi’l-Hadîs isimli eseri kaleme almıştır. Bu bağlamda ilgili literatür birbiriyle tearuz ettiği zannedilen rivayetler arasındaki çelişkiyi ortadan kaldıran bir ilim dalı olmasının yanında, karşıt fikirlerin birbiriyle mücadelesinin bir ürünü olarak da karşımıza çıkmaktadır.Bu çalışmada Mâlikî mezhebinin ilk sistematik usûl müelliflerinden Bâcî’nin (ö. 474/1081) tearuz ve tercih kaideleri örnek metinler üzerinden tetkik edilmiştir. Mâlikî düşüncenin ehl-i hadis ile ehl-i rey arasında daha çok rey ekolüne yakınlık gösterdiğine ve fıkıhçıların rivayetlerin senetleriyle meşgul olmadığına yönelik iddialar tearuz ve tercih kriterleri özelinde tartışılmıştır.Bu kapsamda Bâcî’nin tearuzu sadece haberlere hasretmediği ve illet bahsini de içine alan bir kavram olarak anlamlandırdığı tespit edilmiştir. Çalışmamızda illetle ilgili bahislere temas edilmemiş, konu, haber nazariyesi çerçevesinde tetkik edilmiştir. Bâcî’nin zâhiren birbiriyle çelişen haberleri cem‘ etmenin mümkün olmadığı görüşünü savunarak tearuz ve tercihin senet ve metinde ortaya çıkacağını iddia ettiği gözlemlenmiştir. Bu doğrultuda Bâcî senetle ilgili tercih kriterlerinde zabt ve hıfz yönünden daha üstün ve daha çok, olayın içinde, rivayetlerinde çelişki olmayan ve hadis sahasında daha araştırmacı ve düzenli râvilerin rivâyetlerinin tercih edilmesi gerektiği iddia etmiştir. Buna ilave olarak daha meşhur ve yaygın olan, semâyla tahammül edilen, Medine ehlinin ameline uygun, senedi ızdıraptan sâlim olan rivâyetlerin de tercih edilmesi gerektiğini ileri sürmüştür. Ayrıca daha çok hadisçilerin üzerinde durduğu merfûnun mevkufa ve müsnedin mürsele tercih edilmesi meselelerini de senetle ilgili tercih kriterleri altında tetkik etmiştir. Bâcî’nin senetle ilgili tercih kriterlerine metinle ilgili tercih kriterleri kadar önem atfetmesi, fakihlerin rivayetlerin senetleriyle ilgilenmediğine dair galat-ı meşhuru da tashih edeceği için oldukça önemlidir. Bâcî, metinle ilgili tercih kriterlerinde ızdırap ve ihtilaftan sâlim, söylendiği alanda delalet ettiği mantuğa muvafık, tevile ihtiyaç duymayarak müstakil bir anlam ifade eden, tahsis içermeyen, içerdiği hükmün maksadın belirlenmesine yardımcı olan, hükme tesir eden, sebebe bağlı nakledilmeyen, üzerine hüküm bina edilen, farklı ibare ve lafızlarla çeşitli anlamlara gelecek şekilde nakledilen ve sahâbeye yakışmayan davranışlar içeren haberlerin tercih edilmemesi gerektiğini öne sürmüştür. Tüm bunların yanında birbiriyle çelişen haberlerden herhangi birinin tercih edilememesi durumunda, ikisinin de tercih edilebileceğini de iddia etmiştir.Araştırma sonucunda fakihlerin kendine mahsus donanımları ve rivayet malzemesini işleyebilme kabiliyetine sahip olduğu gerçeği yeniden gün yüzüne çıkarılmıştır. Ayrıca tearuz ve tercih literatürünün fakihlerin kendi aralarındaki fikir ayrılıklarının da bir sonucu olarak karşıt fikirlerin birbiriyle mücadelesinin bir ürününe dönüştüğü tespit edilmiştir. Bu bakımdan tearuz ve tercih bahislerinin ilmî açıdan olduğu gibi sosyo-kültürel ve siyasi açıdan da oldukça büyük bir önemi haiz olduğu görülmüştür

Copyright of Sirnak University Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Sirnak University, Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ABHATH is the property of ABHATH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İslâm’da setr-i avret (tesettür/örtünme) kadın ve erkek için farz olan hükümlerden biridir. Dinî/fıkhî bir terim olarak setr-i avret, vücudun şer’an/dinen örtülmesi gereken yerlerini (avret) örtmek, demektir. İslam hukukçuları, setr-i avretin namazın sıhhat/geçerlilik şartı olup olmaması hususunda ihtilaf etmişlerdir. Bu konuda biri (Hanefî, Şâfiî ve Hanbelî mezheplerin içinde bulunduğu) cumhura, diğeri ise Mâlikîlere ait olmak üzere iki temel yaklaşım bulunmaktadır. Cumhura göre setr-i avret namazın sıhhat şartıdır. Dolayısıyla setr-i avret şartına riayet edilmeden kılınan namaz sahih değildir. Bu şekilde kılınan namazın vakit içinde veya vakit dışında mutlak olarak iadesi gerekir. Setr-i avretin namazın sıhhat şartı olup olmaması ile ilgili Mâlikî mezhebinde ise iki yaklaşım bulunmaktadır. Birinci yaklaşım (kısmen) cumhur ile aynıdır. İkinci yaklaşıma göre ise (namaz ve namaz dışı diye bir ayırım olmaksızın) setr-i avret İslâm’da genel bir farz olup ayrıca namazın sıhhat şartı değildir. Bu ikinci görüşü kabul eden Mâlikîlere göre namazda setr-i avret şartına riayet sünnettir. Diğer taraftan Mâlikî mezhebinde namazın sıhhatine etkisi açısından avret, avret-i muğalleza ve avret-i muhaffefe diye ikiye ayrılmaktadır. Setr-i avretin namazın sıhhat şartı olup olmaması ile ilgili ihtilaf avret-i muğalleza ile ilgilidir. Avret-i muhaffefenin namazın sıhhat şartı olmadığı hususunda ise ittifak vardır. Setr-i avretin namazın sıhhat şartı olup olmaması ile ilgili klasik fıkıh doktrinindeki ihtilafın bazı fıkhî semeresi/sonuçları bulunmaktadır. Nitekim cumhura göre ister avret-i muğalleza olsun ister avret-i muhaffefe olsun avreti açık olarak kılınan namaz sahih değildir ve mutlak iadesi gerekir. Maliki mezhebinde ise avreti muğalleza ve muhaffefe olmasına göre farklı görüşler bulunmaktadır. Vücutta açılan yerin avret-i muğalleza olması halinde; Setr-i avreti namazın sıhhat şartı kabul edenlere göre namaz sahih değildir ve mutlak iadesi gerekir. Setr-i avreti namazın sıhhat şartı kabul etmeyenlere göre ise namaz sahih olmakla birlikte vakit içerisinde iadesi müstehaptır. Vakit çıktıktan sonra ise namazın iadesi gerekmez. Vücutta açılan yerin avret-i muhaffefe olması halinde ise tüm Mâlikîlere göre ittifakla namaz sahihtir. Vakit içerisinde iadesi müstehap olmakla birlikte vakit çıktıktan sonra iadesi gerekmez. Setr-i avretin namazın sıhhat şartı olup olmaması ile ilgili klasik fıkıh doktrinindeki ihtilafın özellikle avret-i muhaffefe açısından uygulamadaki örnekleri ile ilgili şu söylenebilir: Setr-i avreti namazın sıhhat şartı kabul etmeyen Mâlikîlere göre kadınların başı, dizden aşağısı ve kolları açık namaz kılması sahihtir. Yine onlara göre avret-i muhaffefeden sayıldığı için erkeklerin uylukları/kalçaları (fahz) açık namaz kılması sahihtir.

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Understanding the hadith with different methods may have either the same result or different results, especially between ra’yu and hadith experts. The struggle for authority on understanding hadith makes this study more interesting because it involves understanding hadith itself, differences in schools of thought and which method is more authoritative in practicing a hadith. This paper discusses how Ibn al-Labbād criticized the hadith authority of as-Shafi’ī and the struggle for hadith authority and meaning. This paper uses a qualitative approach with literature review, and content analysis. The object of research in this paper is the work of Ibn al-Labbād (d. 333/944) along with his work in ar-Radd ‘alā as-Shāfi’ī. There are four categories of criticism by Ibn al-Labbād, they are: criticism of definitions, the causes of the appearance of hadith (asbāb al-wurūd), hadiths that are not fit with the verses of the Qur’an and laws that are not found in the hadith. Ibn al-Labbād’s critique of the interpretation of as-Shafi’ī is a proof that hadith text is not limited only to the understanding of the Shafi’ī school. Likewise, what was done by as-Shafi’ī also a proof so that the understanding of hadith is not only dominated and controlled by Malik.

It is an undisputed fact that more or less all Muslim sects and sects adhere to the Book of God and the Sunnah of the Prophet in one form or another, and love and affection for the Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) is evident in the hearts of the majority of Muslims, and they have these entities. The process of seeking guidance and religious guidance is also ongoing. However, some people are convinced of the excellence and superiority of some companions of the Prophet over the Ahl al-Bayt, the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt; While the majority of Muslims are convinced of the excellence and intellectual superiority and perfection of the Ahl al-Bayt, and according to them, the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt have the intellectual superiority over the entire Prophet's Ummah, as well as excellence and superiority in piety and piety. Of course, this is the reason that from the point of view of jurisprudence, the Arbaa imams of Ahlul-Sunnah namely Imam Abu Hanifa, Imam Malik, Imam Ahmad bin Hanbal and Imam Shafi'i were greatly influenced by the Prophet's family, and they Shafi'i were greatly influenced by the Prophet's family, and they also gained favor from the Imams of Ahl al-Bayt directly or indirectly. Therefore, the question arises that according to the Imams of Arbaa, are the Ahl al-Bayt the ones with the attributes that are the most superior among the virtues and the true right of the leadership of the Ummah, or does this position and status belong to someone else? This paper answers this question. The thesis has been edited under the descriptive-analytical method from the research-historical point of view and in it libraries and original and original sources as well as other authentic books and articles have been used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vakıflar Dergisi is the property of T.C. Vakiflar Genel Mudurlugu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study illustrates the axiom “A mufassir (exegete) addresses his society and era”, with the case study of the life of Abdullah ibn Fodio (d. 1245/1829) and his tafsīr work titled Kifāyetu Ḍu'afāʾi's-Sūdān fî Bayâni Tafsīri'l-Kurʾān. Ibn Fodio is one of those who influenced the Islamic thought of 19th century West Africa. He was the first vizier of the Sokoto empire and was renowned for his remarkable insights in politics and scholarship. His foremost tafsir work, Ḍiya't-Ta'wīl Fī Ma'āni't-Tanzīl includes explanations based on alqirāʾa al-mutawātira and the four Sunni schools of thought. Considering the complexity of this relatively sizable work, the author decided to abridge it to benefit students with basic knowledge. In doing this, he took into account the style of recitation and the school of thought widely known to the people in his geography and time. Thus, in Kifayetü Ḍu'afāʾi's-Sūdān, he attempted to maintain only interpretations that are in accordance with the Warsh riwaya of Nafi's qiraat and the views of the Maliki school of thought. Consequently, this paper explores this unique exegesis approach with a comparative analysis of the sample verses. In this article, this work was examined utilizing the inductive method, and the outcomes of the evaluation were provided in descriptive and comparative terms. The study reveals that Ibn Fodio only mentions the Warsh riwaya in cases of recitation differences and the Malikite opinions in cases of jurisprudential differences in opinion. Examples of Ibn Fodio's commentaries and those of other authors were compared in both contexts. Conclusively, it is revealed that, while Ibn Fodio benefitted from the writings of authors from various schools of thought, he carefully stuck to his tafsir approach, which we characterize as "Only Warsh" and "Only Maliki," in his Kifayetü Ḍu'afāʾi's-Sūdān, with very few exceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La arqueología ha revelado recientemente la existencia de una importante revitalización urbana en Córdoba durante el Califato Almohade, apenas tratada hasta ahora por la historiografía, centrada principalmente en su pasado omeya. Por un lado, se ha observado una importante inversión del poder almohade en elementos defensivos y palatinos, acaso por tratarse en estas fechas de un centro fundamental en la conceptualización histórica de al-Andalus y en la lucha contra los reinos cristianos; por otro, se ha documentado un importante crecimiento orgánico y privado extramuros. Todo ello coincidió con su elección como capital andalusí en 557/1162 por ‘Abd al-Mu’min, lo que suponía un hito fundamental para la legitimación de su nuevo califato. Tras su muerte pocos meses después, Abū Ya‘qūb Yūsuf hizo regresar la corte a Sevilla, creando un importante cambio de rumbo en la política almohade que no afectó al resurgir urbano de la antigua sede omeya. En realidad, Córdoba seguiría muy presente en la mentalidad colectiva andalusí durante el gobierno almohade, manteniéndose como referente principal del esplendor pasado y como núcleo esencial de la tradición mālikī.

Este artículo es un análisis del cómic El Diario íntimo de Maliki 4 ojos (2011), de la pintora chilena Marcela Trujillo. Primero, hacemos un comentario de las formas gráficas de este cómic y de cómo se genera el personaje de Maliki, alter ego de la autora. Y luego, analizamos los roles que este personaje asume en el ámbito de la familia, la mujer, la sexualidad, el arte, la cultura y la política. Concluimos que en este cómic se parodian los estereotipos culturales de la mujer inscrita en la sociedad chilena.

The questions of how Muslim legal schools developed, and how some jurists became dominant legal authorities have been the subject of some scholarly debate. In a chapter entitled “Competing Theories of Authenticity in Early Mālikī Texts,” Jonathan Brockopp argued against Norman Calder, Patricia Crone and John Wansbrough. All three maintained that the development of Islamic law reflected a linear move ‘from dependence on an individual Shaykh to dependence on God’s Prophet. Brockopp suggested a dialectic process, where this linearity competes with a different frame of authority where some jurists are raised by their followers to the status of a final authority, despite or at the expense of the Prophetic tradition. This study, which examines the early Mālikī texts on qunūt (the special nonQur’anic recitation in certain prayers), partially corroborates Brockopp’s criticism of these three theorists. However, it questions the wide applicability of his “Great Shaykh Theory.” It shows a more complex process, where at least three, not two, competing legal desires (to establish textual authenticity, to consider the reverent position of key jurists, and to reconcile the two in case of conflict) dictate, not necessarily the arrangement of materials, but certainly legal preferences of the authors of these texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Members of the Iraqi Mâlikî school had a serious presence in Iraq in the IV./X. century; on the one hand, they wrote contrarian pieces to support the views of Imam Mâlik, on the other hand, they wrote pieces aimed at rejecting the views of other sects and entered into serious disputes with their Hanafi and Shafii rivals. As a part of this effort, they carried out studies using the tahrîc method to ascertain the method of the Madhhab Mâlik and played a decisive role in the development of the Mâlikî fiqh method. On the other side, they also made a serious contribution to the initiation of these studies among the other Mâlikî schools. The works of Ibn al-Qassar, who lived in Baghdad in the IV.-X. century and was one of the prominent faqîhs of the Iraqi Mâlikî school, should also be considered as studies carried out within this framework. Ibn al-Qassar made significant contributions to both the development of Madhhab Mâlik in Iraq and the formation of the Madhhab Mâlik in general, and in this study, information on his life and scientific personality is given and his work is introduced. In addition, Ibn al-Qassar’s al-Muqaddimah fi al-usul, one of the oldest works of fiqh and one of the examples of Malikî fiqh is examined and Ibn al-Qassar’s views on fiqh within the framework of Muqaddimah is elaborated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the emergence of methodology, each sect created an original methodology. Different methods emerged on the basis of different conceptions of the fuqaha in terms of method. In this context, Mâlikî methodology made publications in the early periods of compilation and codification of methodology works. Although Imam Malik does not possess any methodological works, his compilation titled el-Muvattâ in which the fatwa, fiqh, and hadith are compiled forms the basis for these methodology activities. The different perspectives of Medina, Egypt, Iraq, and Andalusia schools which emerged in the Malikian sect also affected the methodology of each school, and each school produced works within the framework of their own thoughts. The first methodological works were centered in Iraq and then an era of development through the Andalusian scholarship was observed, while the Egyptian school shaped the classical period of the Maliki methodology. Although the fuqaha and combined method were used in these processes, a compilation tradition was created mainly within the framework of the mutakallamin method. The Iraq Maliki methodology of which the basic characteristic is debate and opposition in terms of methodology, Andalusia methodology which contradicts with this approach, and Egypt methodology which fuses these two methods have been effective. The Andalusian methodology school and the Egyptian methodology which remained under the influence of Irâq in the final process and based on the Irâq methodology were the two main schools that continued their dominance in the sect. In the modern era, a maqasid-based methodology, which is very different from the classical method, became dominant. In the present article, a holistic and overall picture of the development course of the Maliki methodology will be presented while considering the peculiar features and historical process of these periods of the Maliki methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disagreement fundamentalist Between the school of fundamentalist Zaydism and Maliki matters of consensus through the book (mnhaj alousoul ila ma'ana ma'yar ala'koul fa a'lm ala'soul), For the Imam Ahmed bin Yahya bin Al-Mortada, who died in the year (840 AH) He is one of the imams of the Zaidi school of thought, and book ((mukhtsr muntaha alsswl walamal fi eilmay al'usul waljadal) For the Imam Jamal Al-Din Abi Amr Othman bin Omar Abi Bakr, known as Ibn Al-Hajeb, who died in the year (646 AH), He is one of the imams of the Maliki school of fundamentalist, because Ibn al-Hajib and Ibn al- Murtada are Imams of great Maliki and Zaidi scholars. And they have great efforts in writing and teaching, And that their books are among the most important fundamentalist books in the fundamentalist especially. And among the general scholars; This is in terms of scientists 'care for them, And transfer and benefit from them. The researcher used the descriptive approach, with the use of the analysis method in collecting the different issues in it, and studying it a comparative study. The researcher found several results, one of the importance: Individual differences clearly emerged between the two imams through different inferences and perspectives that launched each study in addressing issues, And that the issues in which there are differences between the two imams are eight matters, three issues, the correct view regarding them is the weighting of Ibn al-Murtada, And two issues showed that what is right is the weighting of Ibn Hajib, And three issues have shown that what is right is different from the weighting of Ibn al- Hajib and Ibn al-Murtada, The study showed the effect of sectarian affiliation on the weighting of issues, Ibn Al-Hajib favored regarding the consensus of the people of Medina, and Ibn Al-Murtada considered the consensus of the people of Al-Bayt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

İslâm aile hukukuna göre nikâh akdinin sonlandırılmasında temel yöntem bireysel iradeye dayanan talaktır. Bununla beraber bazı durumlarda bu akdin yargı tarafından sonlandırılmasına ihtiyaç duyulmuştur. Söz konusu durumlar, mezhepler arasında farklı yaklaşımlara sahiptir. Bu çalışmada, Maliki mezhebine göre tefrik sebeplerinden hastalık ve kusur unsurları incelenmiştir. Konuya genel bir bakış açısı sağlama adına, giriş bölümünde tefrîk’in tarifi, mahiyeti ve hukuk sistemi içerisinde yer almasının dayanakları da ele alınmıştır. Hastalık ve kusur diye isimlendirdiğimiz durumlar, kaynaklarda uyûb-ı müştereke, uyûb-ı ricâl ve uyûb-ı nisâ ifadeleri eşliğinde zikredilmektedir. Bu ifadelere uygun olarak, hem erkek hem de kadında bulunan ayıplar (uyub-ı müştereke) “hastalık” başlığı altında, taraflarda bulunan cinsel hastalıklar da “erkekte bulunan kusur (uyub-ı rical)” ve “kadında bulunan kusur (uyub-ı nisa)” başlığı altında değerlendirilmiştir. Taraflarda bulunması söz konusu olan hastalık ve kusurun Mâlikî mezhebinde tefrîk sebebi olarak kabul edilmesinin gerekçeleri üzerinde durulmuş, bu gerekçeler doğrultusunda tıbbi gelişmeler dikkate alınarak günün şartlarına göre değerlendirme yoluna gidilmiştir.

Copyright of IUG Journal of Sharia & Law Studies is the property of Islamic University of Gaza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dirassat in Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of Research & Development of Human Recourses Center (REMAH) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Kutubiyya Mosque, the hallmark monument of the Almohad dynasty (1121–1269) in their capital city of Marrakesh, has resisted scholarly interpretation due to its unique plan, featuring two prayer halls wedged apart by the monumental minaret. The south-facing qibla and the architectural use of a prior dynasty's palatial remains further complicate the narrative surrounding the function of the mosque within the urban fabric and the Almohads' dynastic self-concept. This article argues that such idiosyncrasies are indicative of the Almohads' sensitivity to the intellectual, religious, and legal arguments of the day, expressed through a deliberate adaptation or repudiation of the architectural precedents in the Islamic West. The Kutubiyya must be understood as a monumental record of the dynastic shifts in ideology and identity as the Almohads struggled to define themselves against their predecessors and competitors. The site's unique plan and complex construction history are the physical evidence of this struggle, which makes the role of the Kutubiyya in the urban history of Marrakesh all the more significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical studies of Islamic legal systems have focused primarily on courts and prominent muftīs. My research shifts the focus to the community level, with particular attention to women and their relationships with male family members, drawing on cases from Fez and its environs under the Marinid dynasty from the mid-seventh/thirteenth to the mid-ninth/fifteenth century. I argue that people actively engaged with Islamic law in their daily lives and relationships, and that women had access to informal legal spaces that allowed them to influence the legal process, making interpretive decisions on issues where the Mālikī school accepted multiple opinions. Through an analysis of fatwās issued by Marinid jurists, I explore how communities and legal officials resolved contentious disputes, and how women used legal knowledge to participate in the legal process.
 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La obra Miray al-s. uud, del alfaquí de Tombuctú Ah. mad Baba (1556-1627), perteneciente a la escuela jurídica malikí, es una fatwà u opinión legal en el marco de la jurisprudencia islámica, que aborda la cuestión de los esclavos negros (sudan) que reclamaban la libertad en los mercados del norte de África, por haber sido capturados siendo musulmanes, algo que no está permitido en el islam. De acuerdo con el Derecho islámico clásico, sólo los no musulmanes que no cuenten con la protección de un pacto o del estatuto de lad imma, pueden ser esclavizados. Ah. mad Baba reitera esta doctrina en el Miray, haciendo hincapié en que, de acuerdo con la religión islámica, no existe ninguna relación entre el color de la piel y la esclavitud, y que los negros que habitan el bilad al-sudan (el África occidental premoderna) no son esclavos por naturaleza. Además, como medio para evitar la esclavización de musulmanes libres procedentes del África occidental premoderna, el autor lleva a cabo una clasificación de los pueblos que, en su época, han adoptado o no el islam en este ámbito geográfico, un sistema que plantea serias debilidades estructurales a la hora de llevar a cabo su fin, quizá también intencionadas.The work Miray al-s. uud, written in 17th century Timbuktu by Ah. mad Baba (1556- 1627), an Islamic scholar that adhered to the Malikí law school, is a fatwa or legal opinion that addresses the issue of the black (sudan) slaves that claimed their freedom in the markets of North Africa, for having been captured while being Muslims, something not allowed in pre- Modern Islamic law. According to it, only infidels without the protection of a pact or of the dhimma status can be legally enslaved. Ah. mad Baba repeats this doctrine, while emphasising that the black skin colour has nothing to do with slavery in islam, and that the peoples of pre-Modern West Africa (bilad al-sudan) are not slaves by nature. Besides this, and as a means of preventing the capture and sale of free African Muslims, the author classifies the peoples of sub- Saharan Africa according to their adherence (or lack of) to islam, a system that, however, could be hardly put into practice, as perhaps intended by the author himself.

In this study, the reasons of the Turkish-Iraqi relations' growing tense since 2011 which were rapidly developing towards the end of 2000 are analyzed. In addition to this, the softening in the relations observed in the recent period of 2013 started especially after the Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament Osama al-Nujaifi's visit. Besides, the relations between Turkey and the central Iraqi government were assessed by also including the axes of Erbil, Iran and Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: During the Spanish Reconquista, a number of Mālikī jurists wrote responsa that declared the Mudéjar 'ulamā' to be illegitimate holders of communal authority. Some contemporary scholars have characterized these writings as representing fanatical trends within Islam that privilege Islamic precepts over humanitarian concerns. By placing the jurists' works in the context of research on the Mudéjars, it is shown that their views were motivated more by pragmatic defensive measures than by religious concerns. For the jurists, the period from the seventh to the thirteenth century is a turning point. Beginning then, jurists become less willing to tolerate the Mudéjar 'ulamā' and more likely to demand their immigration to Islamic territory. I show that this position is tied to a weakening of Islamic political power and a consequent concern on the part of the jurists to more actively promote defensive measures. I show that the jurists' new rulings were not rote enforcements of tradition but actually went against established legal opinion to deal with the new political reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to most of the Maliki Doctrine, metals are owned by the state. This is closer to the right because it agrees with the general instructions of Islam and it depends on the public benefit that does not disagree with any text or stand against an Islamic principle. This decision that most of the Maliki agrees with does not mean, in anyway, that the State or the Sultan has the right to nationalize people's properties or eat it up unjustly. Rather it means, just as the Malikia says, these metal items are not parts of the earth on one hand and it is a benefit proved to be for public domain on the other hand. This does not allow anybody to eat up people's properties un-justified in anyway and the Sharia rules oblige the ruler to offset those in whose lands metals have been discovered because it is a right that no Muslim would ever debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]