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The purpose of the article is to carry out a multi-faceted analysis of the dynamics of the development of parliamentarism and digital constitutionalism, to identify possible challenges and threats, as well as prospects for parliaments and parliamentary activity in the conditions of the spread of modern digital (electronic) technologies. Approaches to understanding and defining the phenomena of «parliamentarism», «constitutionalism», «digital constitutionalism», some of their modifications and features are highlighted, their multifaceted nature, transformation in the conditions of modern progressive digital development, electronic democracy is emphasized. Crisis and conflict events have largely become challenges for parliaments and parliamentary activity, as well as digitalization and digitization processes and tools. It is important that parliamentary institutions of various levels (national, supranational, inter-parliamentary associations, their auxiliary bodies and services) contribute to the development and regulation of these processes, using advanced and effective digital technologies tested in practice. The «Digital Compass» for the EU Digital Decade (2030), the concept of digital sovereignty, the adopted charters of digital rights (Catalan, Nice), the Law on Digital Markets, the Law on Digital Services, the Law on Artificial Intelligence, the Declaration on European Digital Rights and Principles should be singled out. (2022), «World e-Parliament Report» of the IPU, the concept of e-democracy of the European Parliament, the resolution on e-democracy of the PACE, recommendations on open government and electronic participation of citizens OECD. Thanks to this, new forms and tools for the implementation of existing human rights are introduced, as well as new digital rights are constituted (to access the Internet, to identity in the digital environment, to protection in the digital environment, non-discrimination, etc.). In the same way, the forms and methods of activity of parliaments are being modernized (expansion of platforms for online broadcasts of plenary and committee meetings, electronic (remote) voting, improvement of interactive websites with access to draft laws and other documents, and systems of electronic petitions and consultations with voters, electronic participation of citizens and public organizations in the legislative process). However, the development of digital parliamentarism and digital democracy is accompanied by numerous challenges (digital inequality, low digital literacy of members of parliaments and parliamentary services, cyber threats, material and financial costs etc.). This requires a thorough study of the issues raised, improvement of digital culture, improvement of parliamentary and non-parliamentary procedures, along with further development of technological infrastructure, cyber security protection of the components of digital parliamentarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do interest groups target legislators to approach or lobby under strong presidentialism? This article explores two hypotheses. First, interest groups and lobbyists seek to access committee chairs with gatekeeping power, even in those jurisdictions where the executive holds (most) exclusivity to initiate legislation (Gatekeeping Hypothesis). Second, interest groups and lobbyists target legislators who introduce more bills on issues that concern them but only on policy areas outside the executive's exclusive sphere (Legislative Activity Hypothesis). We test these hypotheses with evidence from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. We have coded and analysed 6479 lobbying audiences and over 2300 bills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the peculiarities of the state-building and legislative activity of the puppet Soviet republics on the territory of Ukraine in 1918-1922, in particular, the Donetsk-Kryvorizka Soviet Republic (DKRR), the Tavrida Soviet Socialist Republic (RSRT), the Odessa Soviet Republic (ORR), and the Don Soviet Republic. The author of the article proves that the Bolsheviks, seeking to seize power on the territory of Ukraine and not having popularity among the local population, tried to solve this problem by creating «independent» republics in the South of Ukraine, appointing to leadership positions famous Bolshevik figures who all their actions and decisions were coordinated with the top party leadership. It has been proven that the Bolsheviks used the slogan «the right of a nation to self-recognition», using it through the formation of puppet state entities, the basis of the normative and legal support in them were the decrees of the II and III All- Russian Congresses of Soviets, the Central Central Committee and the Soviet People's Committee of the RSFSR, instructions and directives of the Russian People's Commissars. It is substantiated that in these state entities there was no clear division of powers between the Central Committee and People's Committees, People's Commissariats, central and local authorities. It was established that in some regions of the South of Ukraine, the real power belonged to the revolutionary commissariats, which were created at the time of the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks at the end of 1917. It is proved that for all the studied state entities there was a characteristic similarity in the deployment of Sovietization processes according to a certain scenario. The author of the article makes an assumption that in the future the Bolsheviks planned to use these puppet republics to organize a general proletarian revolution throughout Ukraine. At the current stage of understanding the processes that took place during the revival of Ukrainian statehood (1917-1921), learning their lessons is quite relevant, as it can help prevent the repetition of past mistakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İçerisinde ağırlıklı olarak şer‘i hukuka dair meselelerin yer aldığı Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi İslam Hukuk tarihinde yasama faaliyeti bağlamında çok önemli bir konuma sahiptir. Tanzimat Dönemiyle başlayan kanunlaştırma faaliyetlerinin en önde gelen düzenlemelerinden olan Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi özellikle Hanefi mezhebi dışındaki içtihadi görüşlerin kanunlaştırılması bakımından Osmanlı hukuku yasama faaliyetinde mümtaz bir yerde durmaktadır. Dolayısıyla Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi İslam yasama faaliyeti kuralları çerçevesinde hem hazırlanma usulü hem de içerdiği hükümlerin meşruluğu açısından incelenmesi gereken bir düzenlemedir. Bu çalışmada Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi gerek İslam ve gerek Osmanlı hukuku yasama faaliyeti açısından değerlendirilmeye çalışılmıştır. Makalenin giriş kısmında; Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesinin Osmanlı hukuk müktesebatındaki yeri kısa bir şekilde izah edilmiş akabinde Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesinin hazırlanma sebepleri ile muhtevası hakkında bilgiler verilmiştir. Çalışmanın bir sonraki aşamasında ise genel hatlarıyla İslam Hukuku yasama faaliyeti ele alınmıştır. Bu ön bilgilerden sonra Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesinin nasıl bir usulle hazırlandığı izah edilmiştir. Akabinde İslam Hukuku yasama faaliyeti bağlamında Kararname incelenmiştir. Bu incelemede bilhassa daha önce Osmanlı hukuk uygulamasında çok sık rastlanmayan Hanefi görüşleri dışındaki hükümlerin “telfik ameliyesi” temelli meşruluk incelemesi üzerinde durulmuştur.

Copyright of ASBU Law Journal is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the scientific article is to generalize and develop theoretical knowledge about the potential, trends and possible directions of using artificial intelligence technologies as a tool of legal reform, a means of improving the effectiveness of its implementation. The methodological basis of scientific research is a set of principles of scientific knowledge (historicism, science, comprehensiveness, pluralism), methodological approaches (activity, system, comparative, axiological), general methods of thinking (analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalization), philosophical (dialectical, metaphysical, metaphysical, metaphysical, metaphysical, hermeneutic, epistemological), general scientific (historical, synergetic, functional, structural) and specific scientific (formal-legal, comparative-legal) methods, the application of which provided the validity and reliability of the results of the study of the nature of artificial intelligence as the latest technology for legal reform. The scientific novelty of the publication is that for the first time the potential of artificial intelligence technologies as an important tool of legal reform, the latest means of improving its implementation due to its ability to make rational legal decisions, most adequate to the circumstances of legal development, in fact in real time. legislative activity, improvement of the legislative process and diversification of legislative techniques through digitalization of legal information; improved characteristics of the current state, trends and main vectors of the introduction of artificial intelligence in the legal field and legal practice; scientific ideas about doctrinal and normative approaches to understanding the nature of artificial intelligence, as well as debatable issues and possible threats and challenges related to the legal regulation of the creation, implementation and use of artificial intelligence technologies have been further developed. The conclusions of the scientific article are reduced to the following provisions, namely: the spread of artificial intelligence technologies in the modern world is gaining momentum. Soon enough, man will not be able to imagine life without artificial intelligence systems, which are likely to become the largest innovation project in the history of earthly civilization. At present, there is no single approach to understanding the nature of artificial intelligence in the technical field, which causes some uncertainty in the legal, social and moral-ethical fields. There is a discussion between different groups of legal experts on the legal aspects of the development of artificial intelligence; possible recognition of the legal personality of robots with artificial intelligence; the need to develop new mechanisms for the implementation of legal liability and compensation for damage in the use of artificial intelligence. In recent years, there have been intensive examples of the implementation of artificial intelligence systems in various fields and segments of social activity, which are mostly positive for their results. The use of artificial intelligence technologies in the legal field and legal practice is an important factor in the development of the legal system, ensuring the rights and freedoms of man and citizen. The potential of artificial intelligence technologies can contribute to the solution of complex, priority legal tasks, the implementation of significant and progressive legal transformations (innovations in the legal system, legal system, legal system). The use of artificial intelligence during legal reform allows to significantly expand the horizons of legislative activity, improve the legislative process and diversify legislative techniques

Recently, the urgent attention of representatives of legal doctrine and legal practice has been drawn to the processes of improving lawmaking in the state. This, in turn, necessitates focusing on optimizing the activities of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, which produces a proposal to consider this process not only interrelated with the effectiveness of national legislation, but also using European experience. It should be noted that issues related to the optimization of parliamentary activities are not new in the context of discussions in professional scientific circles. At the same time, the dynamics of the activities of these discussions from time to time increases in relation to the consequences of periodic coverage of the effectiveness of the legislative work of the parliament of the relevant convocation. During the years of Independence in Ukraine, the need to increase the institutional capacity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine has been repeatedly emphasized. The aim of the article is to analyze doctrinal research related to the "unloading" of parliament and "filtering" non-functioning bills in the context of the latest constitutional modernization of the country: in particular, increasing the role of Verkhovna Rada committees in ensuring legislative efficiency. Special attention is paid to the standardization of the legislative process (classical and modern approaches); procedures related to "second reading" (regular format and special format); procedures for registering bills in European parliaments (formal and informal); elaboration of alternative bills (European practice). A separate vector of consideration in the article is devoted to the recommendations of international organizations. The author concludes that the optimization of legislative activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine today is associated with increasing the role of committees of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the context of ensuring the effectiveness of the legislative process, increasing the efficiency of the institutional capacity of parliamentary structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work addresses the current problems of the Spanish regulatory system as a consequence of the crisis of the principle of legality and the alteration of the principle of the hyerarchy of the norms. This exposes some important distortions both in legislative and regulatory powers, which ultimately are translated into a loss in the minimum guarantees citizens must enjoy vis a vis the legislative activity and administrative action. Moreover, this is closely linked to a deeper issue at stake: the proliferation of regulations and the lack of quality and rationality that reigns in our norms. We believe this is due to the absence of a "theory of legislation" that establishes the guidelines for an effective and efficient legislative technique. It is necessary to reflect carefully on which legislative policy is required, as only then can we provide some clarity to the current confusing regulatory system and assure the citizens the legal certainty they need. We aim to analyse these issues and propose several initiatives that may improve the quality and rationality of our legislative technique.

The 2018 federal elections brought about a substantial change in the political map in Mexico. For more than twenty years no single political party held an absolute majority in congress. The return to a single party majority scenario suggests a change in the decision-making logic in congress. This article analyses the political changes in the chamber of deputies during the LXIV legislature (2018-2021), its implications and legislative productivity. We present data of the political integration of the legislature compared with previous legislatures with plurality in the chamber of deputies and the different variations in parliamentary groups. Likewise, we analyze the legislative activity of bills approval during the LXIV legislature (2018-2021) contrasting the results with a previous legislature LXII (2012-2015). Our findings suggests that although there is a new single party domain scenario in the chamber, the results of bills' approval are not substantially different from previous legislatures of minority government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking into account the general historical past, the paper examines current issues of the scope of application of labour law in Ukraine. The article aims to study the legislation governing the labour activity of special categories of persons, who do not have the status of an employee (civil servants, military, police officers, judges, etc.). The authors also pay attention to bogus self-employed, who perform work personally and are more or less economically dependent on a single principal/employer arguments. Based on analysis, both negative and positive tendencies related to the sphere of application of labour law were identified. It has been established that the scope of labour law in Ukraine is characterized by its constant dynamics. The outdated legal structure of the current Labour Code of Ukraine does not display the situation of legal regulation of work activity that has changed and ignores the existence of new special legal acts. It is concluded that despite the fact that at the beginning of the 21st century the scope of labour law has narrowed, at the moment, the prerequisites for its gradual expansion are being traced. Considering the fact that issue of adopting a new Labor Code in Ukraine is still open, the authors expect that, when developing a new Code, the legislator will focus properly on the scope of application of labour law according to the modern tendencies in this sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States around the world have struggled to come up with proper legislative responses to the 2019 novel coronavirus pandemic. This editorial introduces the special issue on 'Global Legislative Responses to Coronavirus' and offers an overview of its rich array of articles. It follows on from the previous special issue on legislatures in a time of Covid-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can voters learn meaningful information about candidates from their electoral campaigns? As with job market hiring, voters, like employers, cannot know the productivity of candidates, especially challengers, when they elect them. The real productivity of representatives only reveals itself after the election. We explore if the information revealed during the "hiring process" is a good signal of the legislative effort of elected representatives. In the incomplete information environment of election campaigns, candidates should turn to credible signals to indicate their "type" to voters. Campaigns—and campaigning—are means by which candidates can, in principle, signal their motivations to voters. Is a candidate's behavior on the campaign trail informative about his or her behavior and effort as a legislator? Does it, for example, reveal whether a candidate will be more hard working and legislatively active? Using evidence from the European Parliament, we show that campaign activity prior to the election is not related to policy‐seeking behavior in the legislature post‐election. The finding also holds in two national‐level settings and across a variety of measures of legislative effort. Those who campaign harder do seem more likely to win the election, but campaign effort seems to provide a poor guide to what the winner does once elected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a reconnaissance and analysis of the normative production of the Italian Episcopal Conference in the main areas of agreed implementation, on ecclesiastical courts, on privacy, on the protection of minors, in the period from 2010 to 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Legislatures around the world have been challenged by the 2019 novel coronavirus pandemic. Questions have arisen about parliaments' operation during the pandemic, their role in combating covid-19, and their relationship with the executive and other state actors. This editorial introduces the special issue on 'Legislatures in the Time of Covid-19' and offers an overview of its rich array of articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much attention has been given to the challenge posed by the covid-19 pandemic to people's health, to public health systems and to the global economy. Insufficient attention has been given to the challenge posed by the 2019 novel coronavirus to legislatures, the vital organ of democracy. This article develops a comprehensive analysis of the multiple ways in which the pandemic challenges legislatures and their operation, drawing on illustrative examples from various countries around the world. It argues that covid-19 poses a unique and complex challenge for legislatures; resulting from the characteristics of this pandemic and the ways they interact with the fundamental institutional features of legislatures; the typical demographic traits of legislators; the psychological biases that can prejudice legislatures' ability to evaluate the risk; and the effects of emergencies on legislatures. The article then delves into an in-depth case study analysis of Israel to analyze how the pandemic particularly challenges parliaments in countries where covid-19 coincides with a pre-existing political crisis. By understanding the complex challenges posed by covid-19 on parliaments, we can help ensure that parliaments, and perhaps ultimately democracy itself, would not become casualties of covid-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research suggests that bill initiation is a mechanism used by legislators to foster personal votes. This article puts forward a theory whereby legislative activity is understood as a form of party service. Bill initiation records are used by parties to inform their decisions on who is ready to be promoted. The theory is evaluated using an original data-set from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. Our empirical findings make a strong case for the hypothesis according to which parties reward those deputies who have shown to be effective legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five territories of the United States, plus the District of Columbia, send six non-voting delegates to the United States House of Representatives. While these delegates lack a vote to pass bills, they can serve on committees and advance to subcommittee chair, a position that facilitates Island representation via oversight and legislative activity concerning the federal agency with jurisdiction over territory policy. But aspiration to institutional power requires acceding to the partisan rules and norms of the House; hence, a tension arises between territorial representation and party loyalty. Majority parties under unified government minimise oversight of the executive branch in favour of legislative activism, while Island territories value oversight regardless of party power. Accordingly, under unified government, delegates are less likely to serve as subcommittee chairs than under divided government when their party does not control the executive branch. Once chosen as subcommittee chair, they pursue greater executive oversight than a chair with full voting privileges, while exercising party discipline by curbing oversight activity under unified government. This trade-off is an adaptation to empire in exchange for a degree of representation and authority within the metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Norba: Revista de Arte is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Extremadura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In article are considered questions of influence of objective factors on lawmaking, communication of legislative activity with public conditions and their interdependence. The basic types of objective factors that influence the law­making, the formation of the text of the law is natural­geographical and social­historical bases. In article discusses the essences of natural­geographical and social­historical conditions, their value, need to consider them in the process of lawmaking, and also are analyzed extent of influence of these factors on lawmaking of the country.

This article summarizes the main arguments regarding the use of legislative activity as a dependent variable in political studies. While comprehensive, it is not exclusive, and it shows this variable’s main trends. Starting from the idea that there is a division of legislative work in presidential systems, this paper attempts to show the various ways in which this division has been assessed, to contribute to a new vision which focuses on the effects this has on the dynamics of government. In addition, this article proposes establishing new research agendas on the use of legislative activity as a dependent variable. Raised here are debates which remain open, as well as those which have been forgotten; this paper proposes that the research agenda be resumed and directed at the observation and evaluation of bicameral legislature.

The literature shows that, on average, electorally vulnerable Members of Parliament (MPs) are more active than their colleagues. This article investigates whether parties have an incentive to reselect active MPs in a county with a closed-list electoral system. Being active is usually a way to increase one's visibility among the constituency. We argue that parties have incentives to reselect active MPs only when they believe that voters pay attention to the qualities of individual candidates. The Italian case is a perfect case to test this argument because the attention paid by voters to individual candidates varies significantly between the northern and southern regions. Our empirical analysis reveals that being active leads to a higher probability to be re-selected only in regions where the style of representation is personalised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the understanding that a career is a dynamic concept, this article applies the idea that parliamentarians' legislative activities vary according to their career stage and age. This is partly a function of experience and partly a function of future career prospects. Using a new data set of the German Bundestag (2002–13) that pinpoints the age and career stage of MPs at the time of individual activities, namely, attending votes, posing parliamentary questions, and holding rapporteurships, we identify practical and normative challenges to MPs' legislative work: It takes time to learn the trade and as the desire for re‐election dissipates, a last‐period problem arises. MPs significantly reduce their activity levels toward the end of their legislative careers, indicating a clear loss of accountability toward their parties and their constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the characteristics of the ghost deputies of the French National Assembly, i.e. deputies who do not have any official recorded activity over a whole year. Using a rich dataset providing various information about all deputies from 1959 to 2012, the results indicate that the typical ghost deputy is an old man with a low level of schooling, member of a large party which does not support the government and who is elected in jurisdiction with a low level of political competition. However, personal characteristics are less and less correlated with performance over the years. Finally, ghost deputies face more difficulties to achieve reelection, but are penalized only at the first round, voters exclusively considering national factors at the second round. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the escalation of large- scale religious terrorism, connected with and instrumentalised by the separatist forces in the North Caucasus, the Russian Federation has since the beginning of the 1990s been conducting numerous activities aimed at raising the efficiency of the fight against this political phenomenon. The efforts of the Russian state are primarily aimed at the adoption of pertinent legislation and at enhancing specialized services responsible for combating terrorism. This paper discusses the impact of the phenomenon of terrorism on some organizational and functional solutions in the part of the intelligence and security system of the Russian Federation directly responsible for combating terrorism. In addition, it analyses continuing amendments to legal regulations of anti-terrorist legislation in terms of organization, competencies and powers of the entities of national security of the Russian Federation - the police, army, intelligence and security agencies - engaged in combating this global phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Law of Ukraine / Pravo Ukraini is the property of Editorial Board of Journal "Law of Ukraine" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)