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Na kraju Drugog svjetskog rata Jugoslavija se našla u velikim problemima i pred velikim izazovima. Hitno je trebalo obnoviti ceste, pruge, osigurati prehranu stanovništva i smještaj ljudima koji su ostali bez kuća. Odmah se uočio još jedan problem, a to je velik broj nepismenih žena i muškaraca svih dobnih skupina, ali i djece. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (dalje KPJ) odmah je pokrenula obnovu zemlje i počela je planirati ambiciozan plan gospodarskog razvoja Jugoslavije, ali on nije bio moguć s ljudima koji ne znaju čitati ni pisati. Nepismenost velikog broja stanovnika Jugoslavije/Hrvatske bila je prvorazredni problem koji je KPJ nastojala riješiti najkasnije do kraja 1952. tj. do kraja Petogodišnjeg plana. Vlast je u rješavanju ovog problema vidjela višestruke koristi. Dokidanjem vjekovnog problema priskrbila bi si naslov prve vlasti koja je uspjela riješiti ovaj težak problem. Uspjehom na ovom polju htjela se dodatno legitimirati i pokazati da je s novom vlašću stiglo sve novo, pa tako i novi pismeni čovjek, te je intenzivno radila na ideološkom oblikovanju ljudi u svim fazama tečajeva opismenjavanja, pomoću svih poučavatelja, materijala i vrsta medija. Namjere vlasti nisu bile samo političke nego i prosvjetiteljske. Pismenost je trebala postati dostupna svim slojevima društva i svim dobno-spolnim skupinama. Htjelo se modernizirati sve dijelove društva i gospodarstva. Modernizacija se provodila i širenjem pismenosti te je ona trebala postati jedan od temelja razvoja nove socijalističke Jugoslavije. Masovno opismenjavanje trebalo je pridonijeti velikoj preobrazbi Jugoslavije iz zaostale i agrarne zemlje u razvijenu, industrijaliziranu i urbaniziranu. Za ostvarivanje masovne pismenosti bilo je potrebno pokrenuti velike akcije opismenjavanja (tzv. kampanje narodnog prosvjećivanja) i u njima je sudjelovao velik broj stručnih i nestručnih poučavatelja koji su poučavali tisuće analfabeta slovima i brojevima. Cilj je disertacije ustanoviti stupanj uspješnosti narodnog prosvjećivanja na području varaždinskog i bjelovarskog okruga od 1945. do kraja Petogodišnjeg plana 1952. godine. Koristio se interdisciplinaran pristup u kombinaciji s analitičko-sintetičkom, deskriptivnom, komparativnom, kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom metodom. Pretraženi su objavljeni i neobjavljeni arhivski izvori, literatura i znanstveni članci koji se bave ovom problematikom. U radu su nabrojane i opisane sve osobe koje su sudjelovale u narodnom prosvjećivanju, od predstavnika vlasti, članova organizacija i društava do poučavatelja i polaznika tečajeva. Istraživanjem je ustanovljeno da je proces opismenjavanja stanovništva bio vrlo dinamičan, ali i podložan utjecaju brojnih faktora. Svaka osoba koja je sudjelovala u narodnom prosvjećivanju reagirala je na svoj način. Neki su opismenjavanju pristupili s puno entuzijazma, a neki su bili slabo motivirani. U nekim slučajevima ostvarena je dobra i kvalitetna suradnja i komunikacija, u nekima osrednja, čak i loša. Takva je bila i organizacija rada, ali i rezultati narodnog prosvjećivanja. Zbog brzine rada i velikog broja faktora nisu postignuti željeni ciljevi. Rezultati kampanja opismenjavanja bili su osrednji, ali su ipak pridonijeli pokretanju znanstvenog pristupa opismenjavanju i obrazovanju odraslih te razvoju andragogije u narednim desetljećima. Prosvjetni rad s analfabetima nakon rata bio je prvi korak na dugom putu dokidanja nepismenosti u Hrvatskoj. In the first chapter of Defining literacy, several definitions of literacy are presented and it has been established that the concept of literacy cannot be easily explained since a great number of factors affect its acquisition, development and preservation. The shifting views on literacy during the 19th and 20th centuries as well as the changes in the approach to the concept in different times and societies are described. Moreover, a brief overview of the development of literacy is made, and it is described how literacy was used as a means of power and authority in relation to the illiterate. A couple of foreign authors (Paulo Freire, Malcolm S. Knowles and William S. Gray) who studied the issues of literacy from their respective research fields were highlighted. These findings prompted the need to consider the attitudes that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia took towards literacy. The subchapter Criteria for Socialist Literacy in Yugoslavia after the Second World War describes the basic principles with which the CPY embarked on the post-war literacy project. Namely, the success of literacy in the Soviet Union and Lenin’s philosophy as well as the experience of enlightenment and the rise of literacy within the People's Liberation War. Wartime literacy criteria were not sufficiently elaborated and a result thereof was the lowest level of literacy, the so-called "alphabetic literacy". The level of literacy in question continued to develop in the postwar period. A brief overview of the establishment of the Yugoslav andragogical foundations and a more elaborate educational work with adults after 1952 is also presented. The chapter Illiteracy and Enlightenment in Croatia before the Second World War provides an overview of literacy campaigns from the second half of the 19th century to the beginning of World War II. There are mentioned people and social organizations who were important for educational activities among adults, in particular Albert Bazala, Jure Turić and Franjo Anderlić, the ABC Club, the Prosvjeta society, and the Peasant Unity (Seljačka sloga) which achieved the highest results in the number of newly-literate immediately before the beginning of the war in Yugoslavia. The chapter Literacy campaigns during the Second World War presents literacy campaign actions in areas under partisan control, and there is mention of attempts to work with the illiterate in areas under Ustasha rule. Here it is described how the Party, through intense propaganda, linked literacy with the liberation war against the occupiers and associated illiteracy with fascism and evil. Further, there are presented the effects of literacy courses in difficult wartime conditions, the work of professional and unprofessional teachers with the illiterate, and how the Party in the post-war period overstated educational work with adults in the war period. The formation of the first educational directives for literacy campaigns at the sessions of the Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Yugoslavia (hereinafter AVNOJ) and the National Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Croatia (hereinafter ZAVNOH) are described. The chapter Post-War Approach to Public Enlightenment describes the Party’s control of the entire enlightenment process. Everything is set in the context of a time marked by the revolutionary enthusiasm prompted by victory, reconstruction and construction of the country, but also the lack of money, teachers, materials, etc. The importance of public enlightenment for educating and re-educating people in order to create a new socialist man is explained. For this exact purpose, military and other socialist terms are used, as well as Lenin's numerous sayings on education and literacy. At the end, it is explained how the conflict between Tito and Stalin in 1948 reflected on the public enlightenment. The subchapter Modernization Tendencies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia describes the meaning of the term modernization. The state of the country after the war and the measures taken by the Party to mend it are further discussed, literacy campaigns being an integral part of these efforts. Modernization and change were crucial to an authority whose greater part of legitimacy depended on the success of transforming a backward and agrarian society to an industrialized and urbanized one. This topic is followed by the subchapter FiveYear Plan and Public Enlightenment. It gives account of how the Party incorporated the spread of literacy into economic guidelines and how it desired to justify the point and purpose of literacy by improving the quality of life. Building up the country, factories and cities was inconceivable without literate people. It was therefore that literacy was included in the FiveYear Plan and the deadline was clearly set by the end of 1951, later moved to 1952. The chapter Chronology of Public Enlightenment has four subchapters. The first is titled The Beginnings of Enlightenment during the Second World War and it depicts the activities of AVNOJ and ZAVNOH when it comes to spreading education in the liberated territory. The chapter also shows the decision-making that initiated work with illiterates. The second subchapter called The First Post-War Campaign and the peak of literacy in 1947/1948 describes the beginnings of literacy campaigns and their development. Both good and bad results are presented here and it is pointed out that the best results were achieved during the first year of the Five-Year Plan. Third subchapter titled The Milestone of 1948/1949 explains the reasons for the decline in the intensity of public enlightenment, and the last subchapter Other Campaigns until the end of the Five-Year Plan presents the attempts to revive the enlightenment, as well as the Party’s attitude towards the unresolved problem of illiteracy. The chapter Organization of Public Education is divided into three subchapters which deal with the Party’s notions and plans on carrying out major literacy actions. The subchapter Characteristics of Literacy Campaigns defines the meaning of the term campaign and the characteristics of the campaign work mode. Based on the literature and the archival sources, a discussion on the advantages and disadvantages of such work is presented, as well as contradictory opinions on the beginning and the end as well as the duration of literacy campaigns. The subchapter Planning and organizing courses provides an overview of the work of the authorities in charge of organizing, supervising and conducting literacy courses. The entire system was managed by the Ministry of Education (Department of Public Enlightenment) and the National Committee for the Dissemination of Literacy, whose main cooperation was achieved with mass organizations such as AFŽ (Women's Antifascist Front of Yugoslavia) and youth organizations. By means of circulars, instructions and directives, all notifications reached from the highest level to the district, county and local ones. Here the formation of cultural and educational departments, commissions, work groups and staff at the county/local level is described, who their members were is stated, and the activities of teachers and public education officers as persons who linked the system together is explained. The courses could be established by schools, mass organizations, societies, factories, and mines. Numerous problems in this large system have been noted that diminished the efforts made to gather the illiterate. In the subchapter Financing of courses, it is described how the authorities financially and materially supported the work of courses from state to local level. Local people also assisted in the work by voluntarily arranging classrooms and collecting necessary things. There are noted fine examples of the help provided to the work of courses, but also cases in which the Party did not care about the needs of literacy courses. The chapter Social, economic and psychological profile of the illiterate tells of the Party’s intention to encompass all groups of the illiterate population, from the youngest to the oldest, from peasants to workers, women and men, all illiterates regardless of wealth, both the rural and urban population. The conditions in which the illiterate lived and the reasons why they were left outside the education system are described. The chapter is divided into nine subchapters: Peasants, Women, the Elderly, Youth and Children, Workers, Soldiers and Prisoners, Party Members, County/Local People's Committees and Mass Organizations, Roma people, and the Disabled Illiterates. For the members of each illiterate group, the conditions in which they lived are described. The factors that hindered the educational work with them, the motives that encouraged them to education and the approach that the Party applied to each of these groups are listed here. Each of the presented illiterate groups was marked by specific problems and different results were noted in working with them, from good to bad ones. In Age-sex groups of the illiterate the frequency of illiteracy by age groups is described as well as how the Party formed courses with respect to the large age differences among the illiterates. The distribution of illiterates by age and sex is described on the example of Pregrada district. In all age groups of 26 years and older, higher illiteracy of women was recorded, and the same situation was present in other districts, but also in the whole of Croatia. Chapter The role of mass organizations and cultural and educational societies in public enlightenment is divided into seven subchapters. The first is titled Narodna fronta (The People’s Front) and describes the work of this nationwide political organization. It was considered the main initiator of enlightenment and its members had to gather as many teachers and illiterates as possible. There is evidence of both good and bad work of the Front with the illiterate that was found in archival documents and newspaper reports. The members were not always motivated for educational work, and many times the work of the Front was exaggerated and emphasized as an example to others. The subchapter Women's Antifascist Front (AFŽ) shows the work of the members of this organization with illiterate women who made up 2/3 of all illiterates after the war. The organization planned to help women on several levels. Illiterate women were encouraged to take part in modernization processes, and the first step was to take a literacy course. On one hand, they wanted to distance them from backwardness, illiteracy, patriarchy, religion and limited movement/migration. On the other hand, they wanted to create a new sort of "conscious" socialist woman loyal to the Party. Members were more or less active during literacy courses and different results were achieved, ranging from the best to the worst, depending on a number of factors. Youth Organization talks about the importance of youth for the Party and the future of the state. The youth were to be the main bearers of public enlightenment and the Party demanded their participation in all parts of the enlightenment, from agitation and organization to running courses. The results achieved were similar to those of AFŽ members. In the subchapter Trade Unions, most of the discussion is devoted to teachers' unions, and afterwards other trade unions. The active work of teachers' unions is described, as well as their efforts to provide teachers with the necessary rest during summer, including the work with illiterates. The factory unions had many problems in the educational work with the workers, and the members did not show sufficient activity. The subchapter Alliance of War Invalids of Croatia and the Alliance of Associations of Veterans of the People’s Liberation War of Croatia describes the work of these associations in educating their members. It was a disgrace for the Party that the disabled and fighters who fought for the new Yugoslavia would remain illiterate. After having become literate, the government planned for all of them to be actively involved in society and the economy. However, even in these illiterate groups there were problems with the organization of courses and the members’ low motivation for literacy. The subchapter Croatian Peasant Educational Society "Seljačka sloga" presents the society's activities in the new sociopolitical conditions under the supervision of the Party. The society was involved in the realization of the Five-Year Plan, but also in the creation of the new socialist man. Some branches were successfully rebuilt after the war and continued to work on literacy, and some had struggles with the renewal and return of former members but also with Communists who considered this society a "Maček" and "kulak" organization. The subchapter Serbian Cultural and Educational Association "Prosvjeta" provides an overview of the association’s work in the cultural and educational field and solving the problem of illiteracy of Serbs from Varaždin and Bjelovar districts. Prosvjeta and Seljačka sloga were supposed to work together on the development of brotherhood and unity, the realization of the Five-Year Plan and especially on the elimination of illiteracy among Serbs. In the work of this society regarding organization of illiteracy courses, similar problems were noted as with other organizations and societies. The chapter Professional Teachers in Literacy Courses is divided into three subchapters that provide an overview of the life, work and problems of teachers and the expectations that the authorities had of them. Too Few Teachers describes the importance of teachers in leading the entire public enlightenment, but also the poor treatment of them by the authorities and their frequent transfer from one district to another. The problems that the Party had due to its great educational ambitions and small number of teachers are described, as well as the compromise solutions for overcoming them. Political Eligibility and Motivation of Teachers discusses the procedures by which the Party inspected teachers and kept them in check. The Party regarded them as key figures for leading the public enlightenment and shaping the new generations that would build socialism. That is why they were required to have a constant political and cultural education and perfection. Few teachers became members of the Party, and some teachers were not in line with the Party and did not show a sufficient level of motivation, including work on public enlightenment. The Teacher-Educator subchapter describes how the Party placed teachers in its framework and what expectations they had of them. They were imposed upon many extracurricular tasks that they had to do voluntarily, which led some teachers to overwork and burnout. Here are presented the cases of teachers who approached school and extracurricular work challenges very enthusiastically, but also teachers who approached the task very disinterestedly or only routinely. In the chapter Non-Professional Teachers, it is elaborated how the Party approached the issue of the lack of teachers for conducting literacy courses. Due to the few teachers and the pace with which it was planned to eradicate illiteracy, the Party had to resort to all literate people and encourage them to participate in the public enlightenment. Quick and short courses were organized for literate people who volunteered. In the area of northern Croatia, in addition to teachers, the following groups of literate people taught: youth, women, peasants, children, members of the district and local authorities, priests and nuns and others. A review of the results achieved by non-professionals in working with illiterates was also made. It was found that their work in a large number of cases was unsatisfactory due to lack of knowledge on working methods and poor approach to illiterates. The chapter on Literacy Courses is divided into three major sections. The first describes the preparatory activities, the central part deals with the actual courses, and the final part deals with the problems of courses and literacy campaigns. The first part is titled Preparations before literacy courses and is divided into three parts: Determining the number of illiterates, Setting the norm, taking on duties and gathering the illiterate, and Events before and during literacy campaigns. The subchapter Determining the number of illiterates talks about the first action that the Party had to take before the start of the courses, namely the census of illiterates. It turned out that no way of collecting data was completely reliable and it was not possible to establish the exact number of illiterates in the area of Bjelovar and Varaždin districts. There are several reasons: the concept of a literate person was not defined precisely enough, the illiterate often lied about their literacy, and the enumerators decided at their own discretion who was literate and who was not. Setting the norm, taking on responsibilities and gathering the illiterate describes the Party’s desire to solve the problem of illiteracy in an express and effective way. This was planned to be achieved by setting a high norm of the number of illiterates who would be literate within a certain period of time. All organizations of the People’s Front, cultural and educational societies, authorities and individuals who participated in literacy actions had to take on the duty and work on its complete execution. All these actions were closely linked to the realization of the Five-Year Plan and the competition that was encouraged through all phases of public enlightenment. The gathering of the illiterate was not easy and there was great resistance from the illiterate population. Persuasion was used to sway illiterates, and in most cases they came to the courses voluntarily. There are few recorded examples of attempts by the authorities to take repressive action against illiterates who refused to attend courses. The subchapter Events before and during literacy campaigns shows the ceremonial opening of literacy courses. The Party gave much importance to the beginning of the courses in order to show their success and create and spread enthusiasm for public enlightenment among teachers and illiterates. Public Enlightenment Week was the most common event dedicated to the fight against illiteracy. It was usually held in early December, and over several days there were numerous activities such as gathering illiterates into courses, establishing courses and libraries, plays, presentations, concerts, competitions, etc. To maintain the zest and pace throughout the literacy campaign there were held plays which humorously talked about illiteracy, and money was raised for courses by selling badges. The fight against illiteracy was also celebrated at various ceremonial academies and other events. The chapter Conducting literacy courses is divided into eight parts. The first subchapter Establishing, Visiting and Sending Reports on Literacy Courses, discusses the initiation of courses and the Party’s attempts to keep everything under control, to ensure that the courses do not dissolve and that participants attend meetings regularly. Teachers and members of the education authorities were required to submit regular reports and reviews on the operation of the courses and the success of literacy. Many complained about the constant sending of reports, and the data was often inaccurate, fabricated or whitewashed. The second subchapter Course Venues tells of the prevalent practice of teachers coming to the illiterate, not the other way around. Courses were conducted in all premises, from schools to private houses, but also in open spaces, construction sites and forest works. The courses were mostly held in the winter months, which created problems for teachers because they had to walk for miles on bad roads to remote villages, and it happened that the participants did not come to the course at all. Duration of Literacy Courses discusses the practice of non-uniformity of course duration, some lasting longer than anticipated and some very shortly. Problems also arose due to the late start of courses in December or even January and the arrival of the spring months and the start of agricultural work. At the time, the peasants came to the courses less and less, so the courses dissolved. Course Competition and Participant Rewarding describes the ubiquitous competition in post-war Yugoslavia. In all kinds of physical work, but also in cultural and educational events, the Party, following the example of the USSR and the Stakhanovite movement, encouraged competition in order to build Yugoslavia as quickly as possible. The competition was supposed to hasten the elimination of illiteracy and show the combativeness of the people in building socialism. All participants were required to participate, and they were motivated by prizes (prize flags, books, radios). Modest cash prizes were awarded to the best teachers, but also to the best courses and participants. The competition was encouraged by the Ministry of Education, the National Committee for the Dissemination of Literacy, but also by mass organizations, and the progress of the competition was regularly reported in newspapers and radio shows. The subchapter Group and Individual Teaching deals with the formation of courses and the differences in the number of participants between courses. Problems arose because some groups were too big, and some participants did not want to study in a group, but individually at home. Poor results were reported in both teaching methods, and individual learning was often criticized as a bad way of working with illiterates. Frequency of Course Attendance and Assessment of Participants shows and analyzes the problems of irregular attendance of courses on the basis of archival documents. Different situations are presented, some attended the courses regularly, some occasionally, some came regularly at the beginning, and towards the end steadily less often or gave up at some stage of the course. Irregular attendance also resulted in poorer grades in final exams. Spelling books and Course Documentation shows how the Party influenced the design of spelling books by means of which they spread their political ideas, but simultaneously encouraged a positive attitude towards modernization among the rural population. Documentation on literacy courses was presented here. Due to the lack of paper after the war, bookkeeping was difficult. Since 1947, Nakladni Zavod Hrvatske (Croatian Publishing House) printed various forms that made it easier to keep records of the start and ending of courses. The subchapter Completion of Literacy Courses section describes how the ending of courses was conceived. An examination commission was formed by representatives of the authorities and mass organizations headed by a teacher. The exams were mainly designed to enable as many participants as possible to successfully take the reading and writing exams. To take the exam, it was necessary to create a festive atmosphere, hold a performance and speeches, hand out certificates on the completion of the course. Completion of courses was important for the Party and was used to send political messages, and for the newly literate this was certainly an important life event. The graph on the number of taught and qualified participants from Pregrada district shows the ratio between the taught and qualified and it was found that in most cases the number of qualified participants was less than the initial number of taught participants due to dropping out, but also failing the exam. Next chapter Problems of Public Enlightenment is divided into two subchapters. The subchapter Material Deficiencies and Other Problems describes the problems that affected many courses, namely the shortcomings of chalk, pencil, suitable premises, firewood and kerosene. Among other problems there is word of courses being held in the winter. The subchapter Problems of Leadership, Mass Organizations, Teachers and Illiterates presents a number of real, but also fictitious problems of participants in literacy courses. Problems of poor organization, low coordination with the authorities and lack of motivation were noted among mass organizations, as well as teachers being irresponsible with the given tasks. Some county/local authorities did not understand the importance of education, and some did just enough to have a written record. Illiterates often cited legitimate reasons for refusing to attend courses such as bad clothes and shoes. They often invented being unfit so they would avoid courses, and in northern Croatia the problem of alcoholism was cited as a reason for not attending courses. The chapter The Role of the Media in Informing the Public about Public Enlightenment shows how public enlightenment was reported in newspapers, on film, on the radio and on radio stations. Authorities aimed to make newspapers and books available in every village, thus it was important to educate the very last illiterate person. The enlightenment was often written about in all newspapers of the time, and the progress of the enlightenment was recorded in articles, radio reports and films. All media were used for strong propaganda, and reports and depictions of courses often overstated the work in the field. All, including the smallest examples of literacy actions were used to promote the Party and reinforce the desire to finally eradicate illiteracy. In the subchapter Agitation and propaganda of Public Enlightenment, the operations of Agitprop on directing public enlightenment are presented. Representatives of Agitprop entered all educational committees, and all the texts in newspapers and other media went through Agitprop first. At all rallies, meetings, in all media, propaganda messages were highlighted in order to encourage combativeness and enthusiasm in the construction of Yugoslavia and socialism, and the population was encouraged to write texts, reviews and songs about public enlightenment. The chapter Evaluating Literacy and Continuing Adult Education provides an overview of literacy results from the observed area, but also from the entire territory of Yugoslavia. Reviews of authors who dealt with this issue and this period are presented. Here it is shown how the Party viewed the number of literate people at the end of the Five-Year Plan and its gradual confrontation with major problems of literacy campaigns. Especially a new problem, namely the semi-literate people who had forgotten letters and did not understand the text after finishing the course. A synthesis of all the events during the public enlightenment is made, as well as an attempt to evaluate the success of literacy courses from a quantitative and qualitative point of view. The chapter also comments on the view of newly-literate people on the acquired skills of reading and writing and its significance for their lives. It is also described how the Party encouraged the newly-literate to further their education. All the mistakes of the post-war public enlightenment are listed and it is explained how partypolitical guidelines without scientifically based research and results affected the success of literacy. Conclusion provides an overview of the entire research in this dissertation and presents conclusions about the set goal and hypotheses of the research. The dissertation ends with a list of abbreviations, sources and the literature used, as well as the biography of the author.

Do proleća 1917. godine, na teritoriji (bivšeg) Ruskog carstva našlo se nekoliko desetina hiljada ratnih zarobljenika Južnih Slovena, od kojih su se mnogi direktno uključili u revolucionarna događanja započeta padom monarhije u februaru. Nakon Oktobarske revolucije, hiljade Bugara, Hrvata, Slovenaca i Srba borile su se na strani boljševika. Od 1918. godine, imali su svoju Južnoslovensku komunističku grupu pri Boljševičkoj partiji, kao i novine Svetska revolucija. Grupa se, međutim, brzo sukobila po pitanju ustrojstva posleratnog projekta. Jedni su se zalagali za stvaranje Jugoslavije kao države Južnih Slovena, dok su drugi smatrali da buduća socijalistička država treba biti Balkanska federacija, stari projekat balkanske socijaldemokratije. Ovo neslaganje dovelo je u konačnici do odvajanja Bugara iz Južnoslovenske komunističke grupe. Iako pitanje buduće radničke federacije na Balkanu nije razrešeno čak ni formiranjem Komunističke internacionale, ova zaboravljena rana debata između tada vodećih južnoslovenskih komunista bila je uvod u kasnije marksističke rasprave o nacionalnom pitanju u Bugarskoj i Kraljevini SHS. Analiza ovih projekata otvara pitanja o prijemu boljševičkih ideja među Južnim Slovenima, kontinuitetu i diskontinuitetu marksističke misli među balkanskim socijalistima pre i posle 1917. godine, kao i o razvoju koncepta lenjinističkog prava na samoopredeljenje u kontekstu političke situacije na Balkanu u posleratnom periodu., By the spring of 1917, tens of thousands of South Slavic prisoners of war had found themselves on the territory of the (former) Russian Empire, and many of them took an active part in the revolutionary events which had begun with the collapse of the monarchy in February. After the October Revolution, thousands of Bulgarians, Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs fought on the side of the Bolsheviks. Beginning from 1918, they had their own South Slavic Communist Group of the Bolshevik Party, as well as a newspaper called Svetska revolucija (The World Revolution). However, the Group soon became divided over the question of building a future postwar order. Some communists supported the creation of Yugoslavia as a country of South Slavs, while others thought that the future socialist state must be a Balkan Federation, an old project of Balkan social democracy. The pro-Yugoslav current was composed primarily of people who were radicalized by the world war and the revolution and who fought together in the South Slavic units of the Russian Imperial Army before 1917. The supporters of a Balkan federation were those who were active in the labor movement before 1914. The Bulgarian communists, influenced by the theoretical tradition of “narrow socialism” developed by Dimitar Blagoev, were the standard bearers of the idea of Balkan federalism, while most Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes eventually opted for Yugoslavia, also as a federal state. This disagreement eventually led to the separation of Bulgarians from the South Slavic Communist Group. Even though the question of the future workers' federation in the Balkans was not ultimately resolved even after the creation of the Communist International, this forgotten early debate between the leading South Slavic communists foreshadowed the later Marxist discussions on the national question in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The analysis of these projects raises new questions regarding the reception of Bolshevik ideas among the South Slavs, the continuities and discontinuities of Marxist thought before and after 1917, as well as the development of the concept of the Leninist right to self-determination in the context of the political situation in the Balkans in the post-WWI period.

U prvih dvadeset godina djelovanja, Komunistička partija Jugoslavije prošla je kroz razdoblje homogenizacije pokreta koje je obilježeno stalnim frakcijskim sukobima. Nakon uvođenja Šestojanuarske diktature, nemali broj njezina članstva odlazi u emigraciju ne bi li se spasio od progona režima i školovao na nekom od univerziteta Komunističke internacionale u Moskvi. U moskovskoj emigraciji sukobi u partijskom rukovodstvu poprimaju osobni karakter između stare garde i kadra koji je promicala Kominterna, što šteti ugledu KPJ u krugovima iste. Bez obzira na to, partijsko rukovodstvo pozdravlja Staljinov obračun s opozicijom na vrhu SKP(b). Čistke nisu zaobišle ni partijski aktiv KPJ u Moskvi te je nemali broj članova stradao u jeku čistki 1937.-1938. godine. In addition to being a place of hope, the Soviet Union in the interwar period was a refuge for many foreign communists whose parties were sections of the Comintern. Upon arrival in Moscow, the leaders and members of foreign parties sought to acquire the necessary theoretical and practical knowledge in order to use it to strengthen the revolutionary movement upon their return to their homeland. In addition to coming to school, many fled the brutality of the regimes that persecuted and banned the communist movement in their countries. Such was the case with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which was due to regime persecution, forced to withdraw illegallity and send its members to the USSR to save them from dungeons and liquidations. In addition to the aggravating circumstances imposed on the work of the CPY by the royal regime, its internal factional conflicts were an aggravating factor in efforts to reorganize and stabilize the movement. The emigrant life and work of the leadership, full of personal conflicts, further complicated these efforts and contributed to the creation of a negative image of the party in the eyes of the Comintern. Like the other sections, the Yugoslav section did not remain immune to changes at the top of the first country of socialism. Shortly after welcoming Stalin's confrontation with the opposition, numerous leaders and members of the CPY, unjustly convicted, meet their demise in Stalin's purges of 1937.-1938.

Ovaj rad bavi se dvjema temama: političkim životom Branka Horvata za vrijeme studiranja ekonomije na Ekonomskom fakultetu u Zagrebu i promjenama u njegovom ideološkom diskursu. Osnovni izvor su Horvatovi dnevnički zapisi koji su nastali u periodu od 1948 – 1951. godine. Trogodišnji raspon zapisa je uzet kao okosnica analize jer obuhvaća period Horvatovog studiranja i stasanja kao mladog intelektualca, a ujedno jer je to period političkih sukoba Jugoslavije i SSSR-a. Iz analize Dnevnika želi se prikazati kako je sukob Tito – Staljin utjecao na politički život mladoga Horvata, ali i na njegove ideološke postavke. Uz Dnevnik upotrijebljeni su i dokumenti koji su nastali od strane partijskih organa na Ekonomskom fakultetu, Sveučilištu u Zagrebu i Kontrolnih partijskih komisija. U prikazu ideoloških stavova korištena su i tri Horvatova studentska rada koja se bave pitanjima politike, ekonomije i ideologije. This paper deals with two topic: political life of Branko Horvat during his student life as a student of economics on the Faculty of Economics in Zagreb and transformations in his ideological discourse. Main source that was analyzed were Horvat's diary notes which were written in period from 1948. do 1951. The three year span of diary notes was taken as a outline for analsis because it covers a period of Horvat studying years in which he was maturing as a young intellectual, but also because it was a period of political conflict between Yugoslavia and Soviet Union. From analyzing the diary the main goal is to show how conflict Tito – Stalin affected Horvat's political life, but also how it affected his ideological postulates. Besides diary, in this paper were also used documents that were created by party organs on Faculty of Economics, University of Zagreb, and Control commisions. In representation of ideological postulates three Horvats student papers were used which deal with political, economical and ideological topics. Это работа обработает две темы: политическую жизнь Бранка Хорвата в течению изучения на Экономическом факультете в Загребе и с преобразованием его идеологического дискурса. Главный источник который проанализировал был Хорватов дневник, который он писал в периоде 1948. до 1951. года. Трехлетний пролет дневника принимали как схему за анализу потому что он покрывает период Хорватових студенческих лётов и него вызревания как молодого интеллектуала, но и потому что это был период политических конфликтов Юугославии и Советского Союза. Исходя из анализа дневника, главная цель - показать как конфликт Тито-Сталина повлиял на политическую жизнь Хорвата, а также на его идеологические постулаты. Помимо дневника, в работе также использовались документы, созданные партийными органами на Экономическом факультете Загребского университета и контрольных комиссий. В представлении идеологических постулатов были использованы три студенческие работы Хорвата, посвященные политической, экономической и идеологической тематике.

Autor istražuje utjecaj pakta Hitler – Staljin iz 1939. godine na Komunističku partiju Jugoslavije te njezino djelovanje do Njemačkog napada na SSSR 1941. godine. U dokumentiranom istraživačkom radu prikazuje kako je uplitanje staljinizirane Kominterne dovelo do pada strategije antifašizma i uništenja kredibiliteta Komunističke partije Jugoslavije.

Komunistička partija Jugoslavije smatrala je Katoličku crkvu svojim najvećim i najopasnijim neprijateljem. Vlast s totalitarnim ambicijama nije mogla otrpjeti postojanje organizacije koja okuplja velik dio naroda, a nije pod njezinom kontrolom. Posebno što je bilo potpuno jasno da najveći dio crkvene hijerarhije tu vlast s pravom doživljava stranom i neprijateljskom. Analizirano razdoblje obuhvaća desetljeće poslije masovnih ubojstava katoličkih svećenika i vrlo širokih neselektivnih represivnih mjera koje su uključivale progon, oduzimanje imovine, zabrane kretanja, uhićenja, suđenja i dugogodišnja zatvaranja nadbiskupa, biskupa, provincijala i drugih svećenika. Kada se vlast učvrstila, a i međunarodne okolnosti se nešto promijenile, uslijedile su sofisticiranije metode represije i pritiska na Crkvu. Došlo je do prvih službenih susreta, osnovana su svećenička udruženja, koja su potakla postupak diferencijacije, odnosno podjele svećenika na »narodne« i »nenarodne« ili dobre i loše – naravno gledano iz perspektive komunističke vlasti. Taj proces pratile su mjere sveobuhvatne propagande i kontrole svećenika, podmetanja, zavađanja, kompromitacije i svega onoga što je komunističkoj vlasti moglo poslužiti da oslabi Katoličku crkvu i smanji njezin utjecaj u društvu, a prije svega u hrvatskome katoličkom narodu. U toj borbi, uz brojne vjernike stradali su i mnogi svećenici; jedni su izgubili živote, a drugi »duše«. To razdoblje odnosa Crkve i države na simboličan način završava smrću kardinala Alojzija Stepinca., The Communist Party of Yugoslavia considered the Catholic Church the biggest and the most dangerous enemy. The totalitarian communist regime could not stand the existence of an independent organization that was able to gather a part of the population. The communist leaders understood well that the largest amount of Catholic clergy rightfully considered the communist rule as something foreign and dangerous. The period analyzed in this paper covers the decades following the mass executions of the Catholic clergy and a wide range of repressive measures against this clergy that included a wide range of persecution, from the nationalization of Church property, prohibition of movement and religious services, arrests, trials and long-standing prison sentences for archbishops, bishops and another clergy. Gradually the communists gained a firm grip on power and in the meantime the international circumstances were different. Therefore, the communist regime began with more sophisticated methods of repression against the Catholic Church. The regime initiated the first official meetings with the representatives of the Church, and the regime also initiated the organization of the societies of the clergy. Membership in these societies was intended, from the perspective of the communist regime, as a means of differentiating between the clergy that was perceived as »people’s«, as socially positive, from the parts of clergy that were seen as enemies of the system. This shift in the policy of the communist regime was accompanied by a whole range of propaganda measures and the control of clergy, accompanied by various attempts to compromise the clergy with various slanders and infights. Therefore, the attempt of the regime was to weaken the Catholic Church and to lessen its influence over the Croatian Catholic population. Immediately after communist Yugoslavia broke off diplomatic ties with the Holy Seal, in May of 1953, the regime enacted the Law concerning the legal position of the religious communities. The law also set the framework of the regime’s relationship with the Catholic Church. Within this framework, but also beside it, a battle was fought for the establishment of complete communist control, while the Catholic Church fought for mere survival. This battle was especially hard fought concerning the youth and winning its hearts and minds. The communist regime, using its State Security Police, tried to discourage and dissuade the youth from enrolling in seminaries, while the clergy tried to dissuade its parish from joining the communist policies and organizations. The regime closely followed and analyzed the influence of the Catholic Church over the population, the number of people who attended the religious services, the number of baptized and confirmed youth. Priests who, with their spiritual work and private views, entered the sphere of politics were closely controlled by the regime, but even priests who were only diligently doing their religious services were seen as a potential threat. The regime reprimanded the clergy who tried to work with the youth, those who wanted to reconstruct or build religious objects, or those who generally sought to strengthen the influence among the population. The communist regime used the death of Cardinal Alojzije Stepinac to blame him for the bad relations between the regime and the Church. As international relations changed, in April 1961 Yugoslav communist regime enacted the Decree concerning the enactment of the Law concerning the legal position of the religious communities. Its aim was to eliminate, more precisely, the border toward the activities of the Catholic Church in society.

U diplomskom radu problematiziraju se događaji koji su prethodili organizaciji akcije oslobađanja komunističkih intelektualaca zatvorenih u dvorcu Erdödy u Kerestincu. Logor Kerestinec, svega nekoliko kilometara udaljen od Zagreba, bio je među prvim logorima koji su otvoreni u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj, a u kojem su bili internirani Židovi i komunisti. U srpnju 1941. godine Centralni komitet Komunističke partije Hrvatske odlučio je poduzeti akciju oslobađanja komunističkih intelektualaca iz logora, no radi nesuglasica s Mjesnim komitetom za Zagreb i radi upletanja Josipa Kopiniča, predstavnika Kominterne, došlo je do neuspjeha akcije. U ključnom trenutku došlo je do problema s napadom na logor te su zatvorenici sami izveli proboj, pri čemu je dio uspio pobjeći, a većinu su strijeljale redarstvene snage NDH.

Ovaj članak nastoji na jednom mjestu dati što cjelovitiju analizu raznih aspekata funkcioniranja logora na Golom otoku između 1949. i 1956. godine. Na temelju objavljene historiografske i memoarske literature dana je rekonstrukcija logorskog sustava te su predočeni podaci o kažnjavanjima ibeovca koji bi trebali razjasniti razmjere, metode i različitost akcija protiv osoba koje su optužene za podršku Staljinu u vrijeme sukoba Tito-Staljin.

KPJ je na čelu partizanskog pokreta primjenom represivnih sredstava nastojao osigurati ratnu pobjedu i učvrstiti svoju diktaturu. Proklamirani ciljevi, poput kažnjavanja ratnih zločinaca, obnove jugoslavenske države, proširenje njezinih granica i uvođenja federalizma, kao i onih prikrivenih, poput izgradnje komunističkog sustava onemogućivanjem i marginalizacijom ratnih i potencijalnih neprijatelja i suparnika, podržavljenjem privatne imovine te stvaranjem pogodnih uvjeta za izvođenje saveznih i republičkih izbora 1945. i 1946., bili su glavni motivi za drastične mjere. U tome je važnu ulogu imala Ozna/Udba, sigurnosna i obavještajna služba partizanskog pokreta i komunističke vlasti. Upravo je Ozna/Udba, uz pomoć tužiteljstva i sudstva, koristila i postupke koji su bili u suprotnosti s vlastitim načelima, zakonima i međunarodnom pravu. Često su se održavala brza suđenja bez uobičajene pravne procedure i utvrđivanja stvarne individualne krivice. Osim uhićivanja i istražnih postupaka, Ozna/Udba je često izvodila izvan sudska kažnjavanja, tj. nezakonita smaknuća. Smaknuća se mogu podijeliti na ona izvršena prema naredbama viših državnih vlasti i ona izvršena od strane nižih tijela bez izravnog naređenja viših tijela i samovoljnim odlukama. Samovolja se nije strogo kažnjavala i osim poneke smjene s dužnosti, nisu zabilježene veće kazne za počinitelje. Zato se može zaključiti da se je tolerirala. Nezakonita smaknuća rezultirala su fizičkim eliminiranjem protivnika, a manje drastični postupci maltretiranjem u zatvorima i marginaliziranjem takvih osoba u društvu. Ukratko, organizirana odmazda imala je bitnu ulogu u učvršćenju vlasti, a u kombinaciji s nekontroliranom osvetom smanjio se broj pravih i potencijalnih komunističkih protivnika u fizičkom i u političkom smislu. Odmazda započeta u ratu završila je, barem u najmasovnijem obliku nakon ljeta 1945., a pogotovu nakon izbora u studenom iste godine kada je učvršćena diktatura KPJ. Međutim, pojedinačna smaknuća u organizacije vlasti i izvedbi Ozne nastavljala su se i nakon uvođenja redovnog sudstva i proglašenja amnestije. U idućem razdoblju izvan zakonsko kažnjavanje uglavnom je ograničeno na smaknuća pripadnika gerilskih skupina, u Hrvatskoj najviše križara i njihovih pomagača. Osim rijetkih sačuvanih i dostupnih dokumenata o smaknućima, brojna svjedočanstva i otkriveni masovni grobovi smaknutih potvrđuju činjenice o organiziranoj odmazdi za zločine izvršene do 1945., ali i preventivnom onemogućivanju svake antikomunističke i antijugoslavenske djelatnosti od strane KPJ i DFJ, a uglavnom u izvedbi Ozne/Udbe.

Il presente articolo si propone di fornire un panorama complessivo delle attività di infl uenza politica jugoslave in Italia dall’espulsione dal Cominform alla liquidazione defi nitiva del partito di orientamento fi lojugoslavo, l’Unione socialista indipendente. Per fare questo gli autori si sono basati sui risultati delle storiografi e italiana e postjugoslave e, in paticolare, su materiali d’archivio ex jugoslavi. Dal momento che l’attenzione dei ricercatori si è concentrata fi nora quasi esclusivamente sulla vicenda di Aldo Cucchi e Valdo Magnani, i due deputati comunisti che, espulsi nel 1951 dal Partito Comunista Italiano, fi nirono per essere sostenuti e fi nanziati dal governo jugoslavo, l’approccio seguito nel presente lavoro fornisce una panoramica più ampia delle azioni intraprese dalla Jugoslava in Italia, e permette di fornirne un bilancio conclusivo.

Nakon pobjede u Drugom svjetskom ratu vlasti nove socijalističke Jugoslavije odlučile su se krenuti u izgradnju društva i države u novom smjeru. Jednu od prepreka na tom putu vidjele su u privatnom vlasništvu, ali i zemljištima raznih tipova koja su dotad čitav niz stoljeća pripadala raznim fizičkim i pravnim osobama, među kojima dobrim dijelom i vjerskim zajednicama. Makar su vjerske zajednice, napose Katolička crkva, stoljećima posjedovale ista dobra, to nije sprečavalo komunističke vlastodršce da u drugoj polovini 1940-ih počnu sa njihovim izvlaštenjem. U hrvatskim krajevima Komisije za agrarnu reformu i kolonizaciju, odgovorne Ministarstvu poljoprivrede i šumarstva Narodne republike Hrvatske, provodile su nasilno oduzimanje dobara, često propagandno ističući kako će se isto zemljište upotrijebiti za kolonizaciju bezemljaša. U samom Sisku i njegovoj okolici, tj. sisačkom kotaru, tako je najviše tokom 1946. i 1947. došlo do gotovo potpunog izvlaštenja Zagrebačkog kaptola, ali i mnogih župa te crkvenih redova. U tom procesu se istima ostavljao tek propisani minimum, od kojeg isti nisu mogli dobiti dovoljno prihoda koje bi koristili, kao dotad, za gradnju novih i popravak starih objekata, uzdržavanje klera, itd. Unutar zatvorenih jugoslavenskih granica procesom agrarne reforme željelo se, između ostalog, uvelike smanjiti gospodarsku moć vjerskih zajednica, posebno Katoličke crkve. Bez dotadašnjih financijskih temelja istu je zapravo trebalo dezavuirati te smanjiti mogućnost njezina utjecaja na društvo.

U članku se prikazuje kako je partizanski pokret na čelu s Komunističkom partijom Jugoslavije pomoću svoje sigurnosno-obavještajne službe u vrijeme rata i nakon preuzimanja vlasti prikupljao podatke o neprijatelju i kategorizirao ih prema različitim kriterijima, od vojnih do političkih. Na početku rata tim se pitanjima nije posvećivala posebna pozornost, no jačanjem partizanskih jedinica, tj. Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, poslije Jugoslavenske armije, te stavljanjem većih područja pod njihovu kontrolu jačala je potreba sustavnoga vođenja takve evidencije, napose potkraj i nakon završetka rata uspostavljanjem Demokratske Federativne Jugoslavije, a nakon izbora ujesen 1945. Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije. Autor prikazuje kako se razvijao sistem izrade popisa i kategorizacija neprijatelja na temelju ključnih dokumenata o utemeljenju sigurnosno-obavještajnoga sustava, uputa vodstva sigurnosno-obavještajnoga sustava i izvješća sigurnosno-obavještajnih tijela na primjeru Hrvatske, napose od osnivanja obavještajnih centara potkraj 1942., osnivanja Odjeljenja za zaštitu naroda u svibnju 1944., njegove reorganizacije i osnivanja Uprave državne bezbjednosti u ožujku 1946. sve do, koliko to dostupni dokumenti dopuštaju, 1950-ih., The security and intelligence system of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Komunistička partija Jugoslavije – KPJ) and the Partisan movement was institutionalised through intelligence centres (obavještajni centri – OC, late 1942), the Department for People’s Protection (Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – OZNA, May 1944), and the State Security Administration (Uprava državne bezbjednosti – UDBA, March 1946) and gradually created a system of recording and categorising enemies. The author uses key documents regarding the establishment of the security and intelligence system, instructions given by its leadership, and reports of security and intelligence bodies from Croatia in order to reconstruct the way in which records of armed enemies and political opponents were made and according to which criteria such people were categorised. At the beginning of the war, this matter wasn’t given much consideration, but with the gradual strengthening of the Partisan units i.e. the People’s Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (Narodno-oslobodilačka vojska i partizanski odredi Jugoslavije – NOV i POJ), later the Yugoslav Army (Jugoslavenska armija – JA) and their establishment of control over larger areas, and even more so at the end of the war and in its immediate aftermath as well as after the establishment of Democratic Federative Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija – DFJ) and later the Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija – FNRJ), the need for making such records became a pressing matter. Therefore, during the early phase of building this security and intelligence system, its main focus was on recording and categorising wartime enemies. Security and intelligence operatives reported on the state of affairs in the occupied territories, the number of enemy soldiers and their armament, and enemy military plans. However, the category of “class” i.e. political and ideological enemy was soon introduced, according to which the population’s stance towards the Partisan movement became a subject of interest. Therefore, political opponents such as members and supporters of “bourgeois” political parties, the clergy, and people who possessed a certain amount of property, especially owners of various types of shops, stores, and enterprises were all considered potential enemies. Records were kept on Ustashas, Crusaders, Chetniks, Gestapo agents, members of the Croatian Peasant Party, priests, convicts, émigrés, informants working for Western intelligence services (particularly the British Intelligence Service), and also those who had familial ties to such people or were considered to be their friends. In addition to active enemies and political opponents, they also monitored all other citizens. Therefore, as the end of the war was approaching, the KPJ and OZNA strove to secure their dictatorship and a one-party system in which there would be no room for opposition activity. With the establishment of the UDBA and the forming of separate departments and offices for various groups of armed, political, and ideological opponents, the security system was finally complete. Whether they were active or passive, living or dead, acting in the country or abroad, records were kept on all enemies and political opponents as well as their family members and friends. Unfortunately, these claims can be substantiated only with fragmentary data since full lists for Croatia or some of its larger or smaller territorial units such as districts (okrugs) or provinces (oblasts) are unavailable, at least for the 1940s and early 1950s. However, lists and reports of security and intelligence services regarding the number and types of enemies are available for certain smaller areas, such as districts or cities, or at least for some categories of enemies, such as those sentenced to death by the courts or without trial, active enemies of the people, former convicts, suspicious persons, and émigrés. They prove that records were kept on almost all types of enemies. The same conclusion applies to the monitoring of all other citizens, since all those working in state institutions and mass organisations – such as women’s and youth organisations – were monitored, as were critically-minded individuals. The main goal of the communist authorities and their security and intelligence services was to have a complete insight into enemy activities, rival political forces, and possible discontent among their own citizens so as to nip any opposing political activity in the bud.

U tekstu se govori o pokretanju i sudbini prvih institucija izobrazbe novinara u Hrvatskoj, Novinarske škole i Više novinarske škole u Zagrebu, koje su djelovale na prijelazu iz 1940-ih u 1950-e. Njihova povijest promatra se u kontekstu novih okolnosti u zemlji nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata i uspostave komunističkoga režima, za koji su mediji bili iznimno važni kao poluga širenja nove ideologije. Za obradu teme korišteni su tekstovi objavljivani u glasilima novinarskih udruženja (Jugoslavenskog novinarskog udruženja i Društva novinara Hrvatske) i arhivska građa (u prvom redu fond Više novinarske škole).

Autor prikazuje političke i gospodarske prilike u Jugoslaviji s naglaskom na stanju u Hrvatskoj potkraj 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih. U uvodu podsjeća na odnose između komunističkih državnih vlasti i Katoličke Crkve 1960-ih kada komunističke vlasti ograničavaju represivne metode vladanja. Glavna značajka razdoblja u kojem se Krunoslav Draganović vratio u Jugoslaviju javno je otvaranje nacionalnog pitanja, sukob između reformista i protureformista te gospodarska kriza. Sukob će završiti političkim smjenama i krupnim reformama pod vodstvom nedodirljivog Josipa Broza Tita.

Biobibliografija s literaturom.

Biobibliografija s literaturom.

Biobibliografija s literaturom.

Autor prikazuje sadržaj i značaj knjige Snježane Koren, Politika povijesti u Jugoslaviji (1945-1960).

Biobibliografija s popisom literature.

Na temelju neobjavljenih dokumenata Uprave državne bezbednosti (UDBA), historiografske i memoarske literature na temu sukoba Tito-Staljin te razgovora s preživjelim logorašima ibeovcima autor je rekonstruirao broj interniranih ibeovaca na Golom otoku u razdoblju 1948.-1956. godine. U analizi su predočeni novi podaci UDB-e o kažnjenim ibeovcima u vrijeme sukoba sa SSSR-om koji bi, uz rekonstrukciju logorskog sustava za internaciju ibeovaca, trebali rasvijetliti razmjere, metode i brojnost akcije protiv osoba optuženih za podršku Staljinu u vrijeme sukoba.

KPJ je osiguravši svoju diktaturu i kod osnivanja sindikata izgradila monopol u određivanju njegove uloge. Tradicionalna uloga sindikata u zaštiti članstva stavljena je u ovisnost o općim interesima društva. Zato je djelatnost karakteristična za predratne revolucionarne sindikate odbačena ili reducirana. Tako je zahtjev za smanjenjem intenzifikacije rada i zahtjev za skraćenjem radnog vremena uvođenjem sustava natjecanja praktično odbačen, intenzitet rada povećan, a radno vrijeme često se produžavalo. Isto je tako zanemarena borba za povećanje plaća. Međutim, s obzirom na naglu industrijalizaciju i socijalistički vrijednosni sustav, sigurnost radnog mjesta i socijalna zaštita su se povećali, iako je ostvarenje normativnog bilo ovisno o normalizaciji teškog gospodarskog stanja. KPJ je od sindikata očekivala i velik doprinos u masovnom prosvjećivanju zaposlenih, ali i u širenju komunističkog svjetonazora. Zapravo je KPJ pretvorila sindikat u paradržavnu organizaciju nametnuvši mu produktivističku ulogu u obnovi i proizvodnji. Osim preko sindikata, KPJ je i pomoću radničkih povjerenika nastojala ostvariti potpunu kontrolu proizvodnje te mobilizirati radnike na povećanju produkcije. Zapravo su radnički povjerenici trebali biti kontrolori privatnog sektora i produžena ruka KPJ i države, a manje zaštitnici radničkih prava i radničkog zakonodavstva. Oko uloge radničkih povjerenika izbio je spor u vodstvu KPJ. Hebrang se bojao da će miješanje u rad privatnih poduzetnika rezultirati padom proizvodnje, što bi ugrozilo opskrbu stanovništva. Iako je prevladala radikalna struja uloga povjerenika bila je uskoro zanemarena. Svedeni na agitatore, nakon nacionalizacije, koja je provedena u prosincu 1946., i potpunog marginaliziranja privatnog sektora, institucija radničkih povjerenika je ukinuta. Godine 1945. godine zabilježeno je pet štrajkova. Prvi je izbio potkraj kolovoza ili početkom rujna 1945. u kamenolomima na Braču. Štrajkaši su protestirali protiv lošeg položaja. Nasuprot uvriježenom mišljenju u historiografiji, između radničkih savjeta formiranih Uputom o osnivanju i radu radničkih savjeta državnih privrednih poduzeća potkraj 1949. i početkom 1950. i radničkih savjeta uvedenih Osnovnim zakonom o upravljanju državnim privrednim poduzećima i višim privrednim udruženjima od strane radnih kolektiva iz lipnja 1950. nije postojao izravni kontinuitet. Naime prvi radnički savjeti trebali su biti oblik okupljanja radnika koji bi svojom većom inicijativom pronalazili nove motive za povećanje proizvodnje. Tek za nekoliko mjeseci vodstvo KPJ došlo je na ideju da se preko radničkih savjeta ostvari stara Marxova ideja o odumiranju države i prebacivanju njenih funkcija izravno u ruke radnika.

U radu se analizom napisa u hrvatskim novinama Vjesnik, jednom od najutjecajnijih službenih glasila DF Jugoslavije, prikazuje svjetonazor i odabir tema u neposrednom poraću. Na temelju najznačajnijih članaka prikazano je kakva je bila uloga tiska u oblikovanju javnog mnijenja te posebno na koje je načine jugoslavenska komunistička vlast provodila represiju u razdoblju od svibnja do kolovoza 1945. godine.