Search

Deze column gaat in op hoe je als mens keuzes maakt.

Van consumenten die voor hun voeding vooral biologische producten kopen is bekend dat zij meer milieubewust zijn, zich meer bekommeren om dierwelzijn en een voorkeur hebben voor minder bewerkte en gezonde producten. Er zijn echter tot op heden weinig tot geen kwantitatieve onderzoeksgegevens beschikbaar over producteigenschappen zoals mate van bewerking, toevoegingen, inhoudsstoffen en andere milieu- en gezondheid-gerelateerde parameters op het niveau van de ‘biologische boodschappenmand’ van de eindgebruiker. Dit onderzoek heeft daarom tot doel om een analyse uit te voeren van een biologische en gangbare boodschappenmand aan de hand van geselecteerde producteigenschappen en te onderzoeken in welke mate die eigenschappen het aankoopgedrag van consumenten beïnvloeden. Dit om concrete aanbevelingen aan de biologische sector te kunnen doen over hoe het biologische aanbod verder ontwikkeld kan worden.

Gedragseconomisch beleid kan op velerlei terreinen worden ingezet. In het bijzonder voor natuur- en milieubeleid is het relevant omdat milieubeleid samenhangt met abstracte menselijke waarden. Het maakt dat besluitvorming op het gebied van milieu gevoelig is voor psychologische invloeden. Gedragseconomie is een betrekkelijk jong onderdeel van de economische wetenschap.

Current many changes are taking place in the elderly care: care is changing from supply-oriented to demand driven, problems have to be more serious than previously to get a placement in a nursing home, furthermore the demand for heavier care will increase due to ageing. The aim of this study is to acquire a clear insight in the decision-making process with regard to placement in a nursing home facility.

Current many changes are taking place in the elderly care: care is changing from supply-oriented to demand driven, problems have to be more serious than previously to get a placement in a nursing home, furthermore the demand for heavier care will increase due to ageing. The aim of this study is to acquire a clear insight in the decision-making process with regard to placement in a nursing home facility.

Introduction In sensory science liking ratings are commonly used to understand and predict food intake and choice. And indeed, higher liked products are more often chosen than lower liked products. However, there is more to food choice than sensory liking per se, as many highly liked products fail on the market. A broader perspective on how consumers experience a food product is needed, where we take into account that individuals experience and attach emotions and cognitive associations to foods. Measuring these, in addition to liking, might explain and predict food choice better. Aim The aim of this thesis was to test if food-evoked emotional and cognitive associations explain and predict food choice better than sensory liking per se. Hereby we focused on the sensory and packaging product properties. In addition, we investigated the link between sensory properties and emotional responses to foods; and the influence of the context appropriateness on choice. Methods We conducted a series of product profiling experiments of test products (breakfast drinks) with regular consumers. Participants rated emotional responses and liking to a set of tasted test products, and subsequently, after an interval of one week, participants’ actual choice was observed, after again tasting the series of product samples (presented blind) to choose from. In the following study we took the same measures, but now included the products packaging. Thus, participants rated emotional responses also to the product’s package and they chose one product after viewing the packages of all test products (without tasting). Two dessert products were included in the product set to assess the impact of eating occasion appropriateness. The test products were also evaluated by a trained panel on sensory characteristics using descriptive analysis. In the last study, we assessed cognitive terms (emotional and functional words) participants associate with sensory attributes and the products’ package. And, participants rated liking and chose, after an interval of one week, a product based on the products’ packages. Results The measured emotional responses could be decomposed in two dimensions, i.e. valence (pleasant to unpleasant) vs. arousal (calm to excitement). The combination of emotion valence and liking scores predicted individual choice based on the products taste for over 50% of all participants and was a better predictor of choice than liking scores alone. The combination of liking, valence and also arousal resulted in the best prediction for package-based choice with correct predicted individual choices for 41% of all participants. Furthermore, we demonstrated that the match, between the cognitive associations to the products sensory and packaging cues, was positively related to choice. However, liking ratings outperformed the product-package-match in predicting individual product choice. In particular, expected liking (based on the product’s package) predicted 25% more individual choices correct than the product-package-match. Furthermore, we demonstrated that a product was more likely to be chosen when the package provided context appropriate information (i.e. breakfast context for breakfast drinks). Lastly, we found that texture-related attributes were drivers of positive emotions and that specific taste-related attributes were drivers of specific arousal emotions. Conclusion Emotional and cognitive responses to foods are relevant drivers of choice behaviour. Food-evoked emotional responses predicted choice consistently better than liking scores alone. However, the combination of liking scores and emotions was the best predictor of food choice based on the product’s taste and packaging. Hence, emotions may explain and guide consumers’ choice behaviour. Furthermore, product profiles, based on cognitive product associations, seem to be related to choice behaviour; but it is still unclear what their contribution is in predicting choice based on liking per se. In addition, it was shown that appropriateness also influences package-based choice. Lastly, links between sensory and emotional profiling were identified which offer a possible application of the findings on food-evoked emotions in product development.

Introduction In sensory science liking ratings are commonly used to understand and predict food intake and choice. And indeed, higher liked products are more often chosen than lower liked products. However, there is more to food choice than sensory liking per se, as many highly liked products fail on the market. A broader perspective on how consumers experience a food product is needed, where we take into account that individuals experience and attach emotions and cognitive associations to foods. Measuring these, in addition to liking, might explain and predict food choice better. Aim The aim of this thesis was to test if food-evoked emotional and cognitive associations explain and predict food choice better than sensory liking per se. Hereby we focused on the sensory and packaging product properties. In addition, we investigated the link between sensory properties and emotional responses to foods; and the influence of the context appropriateness on choice. Methods We conducted a series of product profiling experiments of test products (breakfast drinks) with regular consumers. Participants rated emotional responses and liking to a set of tasted test products, and subsequently, after an interval of one week, participants’ actual choice was observed, after again tasting the series of product samples (presented blind) to choose from. In the following study we took the same measures, but now included the products packaging. Thus, participants rated emotional responses also to the product’s package and they chose one product after viewing the packages of all test products (without tasting). Two dessert products were included in the product set to assess the impact of eating occasion appropriateness. The test products were also evaluated by a trained panel on sensory characteristics using descriptive analysis. In the last study, we assessed cognitive terms (emotional and functional words) participants associate with sensory attributes and the products’ package. And, participants rated liking and chose, after an interval of one week, a product based on the products’ packages. Results The measured emotional responses could be decomposed in two dimensions, i.e. valence (pleasant to unpleasant) vs. arousal (calm to excitement). The combination of emotion valence and liking scores predicted individual choice based on the products taste for over 50% of all participants and was a better predictor of choice than liking scores alone. The combination of liking, valence and also arousal resulted in the best prediction for package-based choice with correct predicted individual choices for 41% of all participants. Furthermore, we demonstrated that the match, between the cognitive associations to the products sensory and packaging cues, was positively related to choice. However, liking ratings outperformed the product-package-match in predicting individual product choice. In particular, expected liking (based on the product’s package) predicted 25% more individual choices correct than the product-package-match. Furthermore, we demonstrated that a product was more likely to be chosen when the package provided context appropriate information (i.e. breakfast context for breakfast drinks). Lastly, we found that texture-related attributes were drivers of positive emotions and that specific taste-related attributes were drivers of specific arousal emotions. Conclusion Emotional and cognitive responses to foods are relevant drivers of choice behaviour. Food-evoked emotional responses predicted choice consistently better than liking scores alone. However, the combination of liking scores and emotions was the best predictor of food choice based on the product’s taste and packaging. Hence, emotions may explain and guide consumers’ choice behaviour. Furthermore, product profiles, based on cognitive product associations, seem to be related to choice behaviour; but it is still unclear what their contribution is in predicting choice based on liking per se. In addition, it was shown that appropriateness also influences package-based choice. Lastly, links between sensory and emotional profiling were identified which offer a possible application of the findings on food-evoked emotions in product development.

Both preferences and institutions are central to economic theory. Insofar as they cannot be taken as given, it is important to understand how they are formed, and how they “respond” to shocks. This thesis investigates the endogenous formation of preferences and institutions. It presents field-experimental evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa – specifically Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Ethiopia – gradually zooming out through different levels of responses to shocks. It starts by looking at the formation of individual preferences in utero and during childhood. Next, it explores the endogeneity of rational choice among adults. Finally, it looks at the cumulative outcome of these responses in terms of changes in local norms and informal institutions. Shocks are thought of in their broadest possible definition. Conflict is a shock, but so is the introduction of exogenously planned and implemented institutions, or the penetration of statutory law into predominantly customary settings. Chapter 2 investigates the fetal origins of preferences for cooperation. I study the effect of prenatal trauma on the cooperation of those born during the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency in northern Uganda. I find that a rise in the relative length of the index finger with respect to the ring finger – a marker for prenatal hormonal shock – reduces the child’s probability of contribution to the public good. I interpret this as evidence that prenatal trauma may affect later-life individual preferences, and that the nine months in utero may be more important than previously thought. Chapter 3 looks at the preferences for competition towards in- and out-groups, in relation to conflict exposure. I study aggressiveness and willingness to compete among youth in Sierra Leone, using the group dynamics generated by a local football tournament to separate in- and out-group behavior. I find that football players that experienced more intense exposure to violence are more likely to get a foul card during a game. Also, I isolate competitiveness from aggressiveness in the lab, and find that conflict exposure increases the willingness to compete towards the out-group—not the in-group. I conjecture that violent conflict is not only a destructive process, but that it may also trigger autonomous transformations in believes and preferences. Chapter 4 explores the endogeneity of rational choice among adults. I study the relationship between market exposure and rationality in rural Ethiopia, through a laboratory experiment involving sesame brokers and farmers. Following a randomly assigned trading session in a competitive auction, I find that farmers and brokers selected for the treatment behave more rationally than their peers in the control group. Markets are thus not only neutral institutions; they change the way people make decisions. I speculate that, in the presence of endogenous rationality, a rapid market expansion may offer dynamic efficiency gains, but that it may also affect the distribution of rents and wealth at the local and regional levels. Chapter 5 investigates the relationship between formal and informal institutions. I study the dynamics of social capital – proxied by contributions to a public goods game – in response to the introduction of a formal insurance scheme in southwestern Uganda. I find that formal insurance crowds-out social capital, but that it is not those adopting the formal insurance who reduce their contributions (as predicted by theory). Instead, social capital erodes because of the uninsured. I argue that this is consistent with “weapons of the weak” theories, emphasizing social embeddedness. Those who fear to lose from this inequality-increasing innovation respond with the only “weapons” at hand—by reducing cooperation in other domains. Chapter 6 looks at how the penetration of formal law affects customary legal institutions. I study the effects of introducing a formal legal alternative on the arbitration decisions of real customary judges in Ethiopia. I find that introducing a legal fallback reduces arbitration biases and draws the decisions of customary judges significantly closer to the formal law. At the same time, agents disfavored by the custom do not take advantage of their increased bargaining power. I argue that most effects of increased competition between formal law and customary legal institutions may rise from changes in the latter, rather than from plaintiffs seeking justice under the rule of law. While each chapter is envisioned as a self-standing contribution to economic literature, the crosscutting thread is equally crucial. Not always do endogenous responses to shocks fit existing economic theory. Rather, the evidence presented sometimes highlights unforeseen dynamics. It moreover strongly rejects the notion of passive acceptance of shocks; individuals and institutions “respond” to shifting circumstances through “rational” – although not necessarily conscious – behavioral changes. These findings contribute to the understanding of the micro-foundations of preferences and institutions, and emphasize the need to continuously underpin theoretical predictions with empirical evidence.

Both preferences and institutions are central to economic theory. Insofar as they cannot be taken as given, it is important to understand how they are formed, and how they “respond” to shocks. This thesis investigates the endogenous formation of preferences and institutions. It presents field-experimental evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa – specifically Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Ethiopia – gradually zooming out through different levels of responses to shocks. It starts by looking at the formation of individual preferences in utero and during childhood. Next, it explores the endogeneity of rational choice among adults. Finally, it looks at the cumulative outcome of these responses in terms of changes in local norms and informal institutions. Shocks are thought of in their broadest possible definition. Conflict is a shock, but so is the introduction of exogenously planned and implemented institutions, or the penetration of statutory law into predominantly customary settings. Chapter 2 investigates the fetal origins of preferences for cooperation. I study the effect of prenatal trauma on the cooperation of those born during the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency in northern Uganda. I find that a rise in the relative length of the index finger with respect to the ring finger – a marker for prenatal hormonal shock – reduces the child’s probability of contribution to the public good. I interpret this as evidence that prenatal trauma may affect later-life individual preferences, and that the nine months in utero may be more important than previously thought. Chapter 3 looks at the preferences for competition towards in- and out-groups, in relation to conflict exposure. I study aggressiveness and willingness to compete among youth in Sierra Leone, using the group dynamics generated by a local football tournament to separate in- and out-group behavior. I find that football players that experienced more intense exposure to violence are more likely to get a foul card during a game. Also, I isolate competitiveness from aggressiveness in the lab, and find that conflict exposure increases the willingness to compete towards the out-group—not the in-group. I conjecture that violent conflict is not only a destructive process, but that it may also trigger autonomous transformations in believes and preferences. Chapter 4 explores the endogeneity of rational choice among adults. I study the relationship between market exposure and rationality in rural Ethiopia, through a laboratory experiment involving sesame brokers and farmers. Following a randomly assigned trading session in a competitive auction, I find that farmers and brokers selected for the treatment behave more rationally than their peers in the control group. Markets are thus not only neutral institutions; they change the way people make decisions. I speculate that, in the presence of endogenous rationality, a rapid market expansion may offer dynamic efficiency gains, but that it may also affect the distribution of rents and wealth at the local and regional levels. Chapter 5 investigates the relationship between formal and informal institutions. I study the dynamics of social capital – proxied by contributions to a public goods game – in response to the introduction of a formal insurance scheme in southwestern Uganda. I find that formal insurance crowds-out social capital, but that it is not those adopting the formal insurance who reduce their contributions (as predicted by theory). Instead, social capital erodes because of the uninsured. I argue that this is consistent with “weapons of the weak” theories, emphasizing social embeddedness. Those who fear to lose from this inequality-increasing innovation respond with the only “weapons” at hand—by reducing cooperation in other domains. Chapter 6 looks at how the penetration of formal law affects customary legal institutions. I study the effects of introducing a formal legal alternative on the arbitration decisions of real customary judges in Ethiopia. I find that introducing a legal fallback reduces arbitration biases and draws the decisions of customary judges significantly closer to the formal law. At the same time, agents disfavored by the custom do not take advantage of their increased bargaining power. I argue that most effects of increased competition between formal law and customary legal institutions may rise from changes in the latter, rather than from plaintiffs seeking justice under the rule of law. While each chapter is envisioned as a self-standing contribution to economic literature, the crosscutting thread is equally crucial. Not always do endogenous responses to shocks fit existing economic theory. Rather, the evidence presented sometimes highlights unforeseen dynamics. It moreover strongly rejects the notion of passive acceptance of shocks; individuals and institutions “respond” to shifting circumstances through “rational” – although not necessarily conscious – behavioral changes. These findings contribute to the understanding of the micro-foundations of preferences and institutions, and emphasize the need to continuously underpin theoretical predictions with empirical evidence.

The world is currently confronted with environmental problems such as water pollution, loss of biodiversity, and air pollution. A promising way to reduce environmental problems is to encourage consumers towards more sustainable consumption patterns. Pro-environmental consumer choices involve a tradeoff between environmental motives and more personally related motives such as healthiness, convenience, and price. In this dissertation we explore how feeling good about oneself influences pro-environmental decision making. We focus on pride and guilt, which belong to the group of self-conscious emotions. Self-conscious emotions occur when individuals are aware of themselves and reflect on themselves in order to evaluate whether their behaviour is in accordance with their (personal and social) standards. In short, we explore the fundamental way in which pride and guilt guide pro-environmental behaviour via self-reflection. We propose that pride and guilt guide behaviour via a self-regulatory function, meaning that they provide feedback about how one is performing regarding one’s own standards and the perceived standards of others. The emotional feedback is used to guide oneself in accordance with these standards (i.e. self-regulation). Furthermore, we propose that the way one sees the self (who am I in relation to others), affects how individuals evaluate themselves, which in turn affects how pride and guilt are formed and guide behaviour. This thesis has both theoretical implications, as we increase understanding in the function of self-conscious emotions, and practical implications, as understanding the functions of pride and guilt in consumer decision making can be used to develop interventions to promote pro-environmental behaviour among consumers. For a thorough discussion of these implications we refer to the General Discussion. Below we provide a short overview of the findings of the individual chapters. Chapter 2 explores whether and how pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour. Previous studies do not provide clear evidence regarding the effects of pride and guilt on subsequent pro-environmental behaviour. Acting or not acting in a pro-environmental way might induce feelings of pride and guilt respectively, which does not necessarily mean that these emotions guide future pro-environmental choices. Three studies show that pride, and to a lesser extent guilt, guide future pro-environmental choices. Chapter 2 additionally explores how pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour. We propose that pride and guilt influence pro-environmental behaviour by providing information about whether the intended behaviour is in line with one’s standards, and not out of a basic tendency to feel good. Two studies show indeed that only related (endogenous) and not unrelated (exogenous) emotions affect pro-environmental behaviour. These findings imply that pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour via a feedback-function and not via a basic mechanism to feel good. Chapter 3explores howpride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour via a feedback-function. Up until now it was not clear how these emotions guide behaviour. The function of pride and guilt is explored in two vested theories: the Norm Activation model (NAM) and the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB). Several researchers who use the NAM propose that anticipated pride and guilt are associated with personal norms. However, these researchers have specified the nature of this association in different ways (including direct effects, mediating effects, or moderating effects), and have rarely tested these proposed associations empirically. This chapter shows how the function of pride and guilt within the NAM can be specified. The results support a self-regulatory function of pride and guilt which shows that they mediate the effects of personal norms on pro-environmental behaviour. Anticipated pride and guilt thus guide individuals to behave themselves in accordance with existing standards regarding the environment (i.e. self-regulatory function). Moreover, we integrated the NAM with the TPB and show that the self-regulatory functions of pride and guilt remain present in an integrated NAM-TPB model (Bamberg et al., 2007). Pride and guilt mediate the effects of personal norms, attitudes, and injunctive social norms on intentions. Pride and guilt therefore seem to regulate individual behaviour regarding the environment so as to allow a person to be in accordance with one’s personal and social standards towards the environment. Chapter 4initially explores whether the self-regulatory functions of pride and guilt differ across personally oriented versus pro-socially oriented contexts. Previous studies that explore the self-regulatory function of self-conscious emotions within the TPB show mixed findings regarding the mediating effects of these emotions. This chapter distinguishes between injunctive and descriptive social norms and includes multiple contexts to explore whether this accounts for the mixed findings. Three survey studies show that anticipated pride and guilt regulate behavioural intentions to make them in accordance with attitudes and injunctive and descriptive social norms. Additionally, we show that the self-regulatory function of pride and guilt differs across contexts, which may account for the mixed findings of previous studies. We show preliminary evidence that anticipated self-conscious emotions have a larger mediating effect in altruistic (i.e. organic and fair trade consumption) rather than personally oriented (i.e. healthy consumption) contexts. InChapter 5 we explore whether the self-regulatory function of pride and guilt differs across collectivistic and individualistic countries. Based on previous studies (e.g., Mesquita, 2001), we suggest that the function of emotions might differ due to cultural differences in the construal of the self. We propose that the way one sees the self in relation to others (i.e. self-construal) affects the self-regulatory function of anticipated pride and guilt. Individualistic countries are overrepresented by individuals with a private self (i.e. independent self) meaning that the self encompasses unique individuals with their own personal goals. Collectivistic countries are overrepresented by individuals with a social self (i.e. interdependent self) meaning that the self encompasses family, friends, and important others, and a striving to reach group-based goals. We conducted a survey across eight collectivistic and individualistic countries. As expected the results show that there are no differences across countries in the self-regulatory function of anticipated pride and guilt withinindividualistic and withincollectivistic cultures, but that there are differences betweencollectivistic and individualistic cultures. Individuals from collectivistic countries use more social standards and less personal standards to anticipate pride and guilt. These findings provide a first indication that the function of emotions is more socially driven for individuals from collectivistic rather than individualistic cultures. These findings imply that cultural differences in the function of emotions are associated with cultural differences in self-construal (i.e. independent and interdependent self). Chapter 6explores whether the function of pride and guilt might also vary within individuals due to activating different construals of the self. Previous studies show that contextual cues can activate private versus social selves within an individual. We show that social media can also act as a contextual cue that activates the social self. Moreover, three experiments show that activating the social self increases the effects of guilt on pro-environmental intentions, whereas activating the private self increases the effects of pride on pro-environmental intentions. This finding implies that activating different construals of the self can increase the effects of emotions on intentions. Furthermore, we show that these effects occur because the activation of private versus social selves results in different self-evaluations. Activating the social self makes individuals more sensitive to social norms in self-evaluations that evoke emotions, whereas activating the private self makes individuals more sensitive to attitudes in self-evaluations that evoke emotions. The findings of this chapter imply that guilt is more social in nature than pride. Conclusion. The current thesis shows that pride and guilt guide pro-environmental consumer behaviour via a self-regulatory function. Pride and guilt occur after a self-reflection on personal and social standards related to the environment, and in turn they guide pro-environmental behaviour. This function differs when different employments of the self are activated or cultivated. Thus how one sees oneself through one’s own eyes and through the eyes of others affects the emotions that one experiences, and how these emotions affect subsequent pro-environmental intentions.

The world is currently confronted with environmental problems such as water pollution, loss of biodiversity, and air pollution. A promising way to reduce environmental problems is to encourage consumers towards more sustainable consumption patterns. Pro-environmental consumer choices involve a tradeoff between environmental motives and more personally related motives such as healthiness, convenience, and price. In this dissertation we explore how feeling good about oneself influences pro-environmental decision making. We focus on pride and guilt, which belong to the group of self-conscious emotions. Self-conscious emotions occur when individuals are aware of themselves and reflect on themselves in order to evaluate whether their behaviour is in accordance with their (personal and social) standards. In short, we explore the fundamental way in which pride and guilt guide pro-environmental behaviour via self-reflection. We propose that pride and guilt guide behaviour via a self-regulatory function, meaning that they provide feedback about how one is performing regarding one’s own standards and the perceived standards of others. The emotional feedback is used to guide oneself in accordance with these standards (i.e. self-regulation). Furthermore, we propose that the way one sees the self (who am I in relation to others), affects how individuals evaluate themselves, which in turn affects how pride and guilt are formed and guide behaviour. This thesis has both theoretical implications, as we increase understanding in the function of self-conscious emotions, and practical implications, as understanding the functions of pride and guilt in consumer decision making can be used to develop interventions to promote pro-environmental behaviour among consumers. For a thorough discussion of these implications we refer to the General Discussion. Below we provide a short overview of the findings of the individual chapters. Chapter 2 explores whether and how pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour. Previous studies do not provide clear evidence regarding the effects of pride and guilt on subsequent pro-environmental behaviour. Acting or not acting in a pro-environmental way might induce feelings of pride and guilt respectively, which does not necessarily mean that these emotions guide future pro-environmental choices. Three studies show that pride, and to a lesser extent guilt, guide future pro-environmental choices. Chapter 2 additionally explores how pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour. We propose that pride and guilt influence pro-environmental behaviour by providing information about whether the intended behaviour is in line with one’s standards, and not out of a basic tendency to feel good. Two studies show indeed that only related (endogenous) and not unrelated (exogenous) emotions affect pro-environmental behaviour. These findings imply that pride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour via a feedback-function and not via a basic mechanism to feel good. Chapter 3explores howpride and guilt affect pro-environmental behaviour via a feedback-function. Up until now it was not clear how these emotions guide behaviour. The function of pride and guilt is explored in two vested theories: the Norm Activation model (NAM) and the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB). Several researchers who use the NAM propose that anticipated pride and guilt are associated with personal norms. However, these researchers have specified the nature of this association in different ways (including direct effects, mediating effects, or moderating effects), and have rarely tested these proposed associations empirically. This chapter shows how the function of pride and guilt within the NAM can be specified. The results support a self-regulatory function of pride and guilt which shows that they mediate the effects of personal norms on pro-environmental behaviour. Anticipated pride and guilt thus guide individuals to behave themselves in accordance with existing standards regarding the environment (i.e. self-regulatory function). Moreover, we integrated the NAM with the TPB and show that the self-regulatory functions of pride and guilt remain present in an integrated NAM-TPB model (Bamberg et al., 2007). Pride and guilt mediate the effects of personal norms, attitudes, and injunctive social norms on intentions. Pride and guilt therefore seem to regulate individual behaviour regarding the environment so as to allow a person to be in accordance with one’s personal and social standards towards the environment. Chapter 4initially explores whether the self-regulatory functions of pride and guilt differ across personally oriented versus pro-socially oriented contexts. Previous studies that explore the self-regulatory function of self-conscious emotions within the TPB show mixed findings regarding the mediating effects of these emotions. This chapter distinguishes between injunctive and descriptive social norms and includes multiple contexts to explore whether this accounts for the mixed findings. Three survey studies show that anticipated pride and guilt regulate behavioural intentions to make them in accordance with attitudes and injunctive and descriptive social norms. Additionally, we show that the self-regulatory function of pride and guilt differs across contexts, which may account for the mixed findings of previous studies. We show preliminary evidence that anticipated self-conscious emotions have a larger mediating effect in altruistic (i.e. organic and fair trade consumption) rather than personally oriented (i.e. healthy consumption) contexts. InChapter 5 we explore whether the self-regulatory function of pride and guilt differs across collectivistic and individualistic countries. Based on previous studies (e.g., Mesquita, 2001), we suggest that the function of emotions might differ due to cultural differences in the construal of the self. We propose that the way one sees the self in relation to others (i.e. self-construal) affects the self-regulatory function of anticipated pride and guilt. Individualistic countries are overrepresented by individuals with a private self (i.e. independent self) meaning that the self encompasses unique individuals with their own personal goals. Collectivistic countries are overrepresented by individuals with a social self (i.e. interdependent self) meaning that the self encompasses family, friends, and important others, and a striving to reach group-based goals. We conducted a survey across eight collectivistic and individualistic countries. As expected the results show that there are no differences across countries in the self-regulatory function of anticipated pride and guilt withinindividualistic and withincollectivistic cultures, but that there are differences betweencollectivistic and individualistic cultures. Individuals from collectivistic countries use more social standards and less personal standards to anticipate pride and guilt. These findings provide a first indication that the function of emotions is more socially driven for individuals from collectivistic rather than individualistic cultures. These findings imply that cultural differences in the function of emotions are associated with cultural differences in self-construal (i.e. independent and interdependent self). Chapter 6explores whether the function of pride and guilt might also vary within individuals due to activating different construals of the self. Previous studies show that contextual cues can activate private versus social selves within an individual. We show that social media can also act as a contextual cue that activates the social self. Moreover, three experiments show that activating the social self increases the effects of guilt on pro-environmental intentions, whereas activating the private self increases the effects of pride on pro-environmental intentions. This finding implies that activating different construals of the self can increase the effects of emotions on intentions. Furthermore, we show that these effects occur because the activation of private versus social selves results in different self-evaluations. Activating the social self makes individuals more sensitive to social norms in self-evaluations that evoke emotions, whereas activating the private self makes individuals more sensitive to attitudes in self-evaluations that evoke emotions. The findings of this chapter imply that guilt is more social in nature than pride. Conclusion. The current thesis shows that pride and guilt guide pro-environmental consumer behaviour via a self-regulatory function. Pride and guilt occur after a self-reflection on personal and social standards related to the environment, and in turn they guide pro-environmental behaviour. This function differs when different employments of the self are activated or cultivated. Thus how one sees oneself through one’s own eyes and through the eyes of others affects the emotions that one experiences, and how these emotions affect subsequent pro-environmental intentions.

Gedragseconomisch beleid kan op velerlei terreinen worden ingezet. In het bijzonder voor natuur- en milieubeleid is het relevant omdat milieubeleid samenhangt met abstracte menselijke waarden. Het maakt dat besluitvorming op het gebied van milieu gevoelig is voor psychologische invloeden. Gedragseconomie is een betrekkelijk jong onderdeel van de economische wetenschap.

In het project "Consumer Insight & User-Producer Interaction" wordt het gebied van duurzame productinnovatie van voedingsmiddelen belicht voor de consumentenmarkt. Centraal in dit domein ligt het vraagstuk welke duurzame producten welke consumentendoelgroep zullen aanspreken. De onderliggende vraag is hoe dit te meten en daarmee te voorspellen of te sturen is.

In dit deelrapport van de Voedselbalans is een grootschalig vragenlijst-onderzoek gehouden onder een groep consumenten die representatief voor de Nederlandse bevolking is. Het belangrijkste doel van dit onderzoek was om te begrijpen waarom consumenten de voedingsmiddelen kiezen die ze kiezen.

Een test in het Restaurant van de Toekomst van de invloed van CO2-labels op het aankoopgedrag van consumenten, heeft nog geen duidelijk beeld opgeleverd. Wel pakten mensen vaker kraanwater dan bronwater.

Een test in het Restaurant van de Toekomst van de invloed van CO2-labels op het aankoopgedrag van consumenten, heeft nog geen duidelijk beeld opgeleverd. Wel pakten mensen vaker kraanwater dan bronwater.

Mensen zijn gewoontedieren. Gewoontes zijn echter lastig te veranderen. In het Restaurant van de Toekomst proberen onderzoekers daarom om te beginnen gewoontes rond voedselkeuzes te gaan begrijpen.

Dit rapport beschrijft de effecten van het Ik Kies Bewust-logo in de markt. Daarbij wordt gekeken of en in welke mate de vraag naar de producten met het Ik Kies Bewust-logo groter wordt en welke effecten dit heeft op de vraag naar andere producten in diezelfde of andere productcategorieën.

Sinds de invoering in 2002 van de bachelor-master structuur in het Nederlandse hoger onderwijs hebben Nederlandse instellingen voor hoger beroepsonderwijs hun bacheloropleidingen veelal opgedeeld in een major- en een minorgedeelte. De major vormt de hoofdmoot van de bacheloropleiding en wordt door alle studenten van de betreffende opleiding gevolgd. Minors zijn kleinere onderdelen van een bacheloropleiding, waarbij de student een keuze maakt uit een beschikbaar aanbod van minors. Minors bieden studenten de mogelijkheid hun bacheloropleiding vorm te geven op een wijze die aansluit bij hun persoonlijke ambities, interesses en kwaliteiten. Van hogescholen mag worden verwacht dat ze een passend minoraanbod ontwikkelen en dat ze studenten voorlichten over en begeleiden bij hun minorkeuze. Daarbij is het van belang kennis te hebben van beïnvloedingsfactoren van minorkeuze. Uit vooronderzoek blijkt dat nauwelijks iets bekend is waardoor studenten zich bij het maken van een minorkeuze laten beïnvloeden. Dit promotie-onderzoek beoogt een bijdrage te leveren aan het opvullen van deze leemte. Op basis van literatuuronderzoek en veldonderzoeken onder studenten van een zestal hogescholen die deel uitmaken van Fontys Hogescholen is in kaart gebracht door welke factoren studenten zich laten beïnvloeden bij het maken van een minorkeuze.

Dit onderzoek beschrijft de rol van voedsel bij jongeren in hun dagelijks leven en hoe ze hiermee omgaan. Jongeren zijn te motiveren tot duurzame en gezonde voedselkeuzes als alle partijen, die jongeren beïnvloeden, tot een integrale aanpak komen die aansluit bij de belevingswereld van jongeren.

Mensen zijn gewoontedieren. Gewoontes zijn echter lastig te veranderen. In het Restaurant van de Toekomst proberen onderzoekers daarom om te beginnen gewoontes rond voedselkeuzes te gaan begrijpen.

Dit rapport beschrijft de effecten van het Ik Kies Bewust-logo in de markt. Daarbij wordt gekeken of en in welke mate de vraag naar de producten met het Ik Kies Bewust-logo groter wordt en welke effecten dit heeft op de vraag naar andere producten in diezelfde of andere productcategorieën.

Dit onderzoek beschrijft de rol van voedsel bij jongeren in hun dagelijks leven en hoe ze hiermee omgaan. Jongeren zijn te motiveren tot duurzame en gezonde voedselkeuzes als alle partijen, die jongeren beïnvloeden, tot een integrale aanpak komen die aansluit bij de belevingswereld van jongeren.

Het concept “Waste Free Restaurant”, is geïnspireerd op de ‘natuurlijke cyclus’ en wordt uitgebouwd tot een business concept. Het ontwikkelconcept gaat uit van voorkomen van waardevermindering en verspilling van voedsel en het sluiten van kringlopen. Het verbeeldt waarom het noodzakelijk is onze relatie met de natuur te herstellen. Het restaurant zal fungeren als opvangcentrum voor A-keuze basisingrediënten met een afwijkende vorm. Voor de ondernemer is het noodzakelijk om in kaart te brengen welke grondstofstromen en producenten passend zijn bij het concept. Dit onderzoek is gericht op het ondersteunen van de ondernemer op dit gebied.

Het concept “Waste Free Restaurant”, is geïnspireerd op de ‘natuurlijke cyclus’ en wordt uitgebouwd tot een business concept. Het ontwikkelconcept gaat uit van voorkomen van waardevermindering en verspilling van voedsel en het sluiten van kringlopen. Het verbeeldt waarom het noodzakelijk is onze relatie met de natuur te herstellen. Het restaurant zal fungeren als opvangcentrum voor A-keuze basisingrediënten met een afwijkende vorm. Voor de ondernemer is het noodzakelijk om in kaart te brengen welke grondstofstromen en producenten passend zijn bij het concept. Dit onderzoek is gericht op het ondersteunen van de ondernemer op dit gebied.