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Several scholars point out that racism now resides under the guises of equality, meritocracy, non-racialism, and multiculturalism. The term 'colour blindness' has gained noticeable currency in international and local scholarship on racism and race. In the context of South Africa, while several authors are using the term 'colour blindness', very few studies offer a systematic analysis of colour-blind racism (CBR). This article examines how Whites deploy CBR in historically white universities, and it considers the relationship between colour-blind racism and neoliberalism in post-apartheid South Africa. The article advances the following two arguments. First, colour-blind racism is an ideological resource that Whites can use in post-apartheid South Africa to silence discussion about historical injustices; to resist interventions intended to address racial inequalities, and to express racialised feelings without appearing defensive. Second, colour-blind racism has proven to be useful to proponents of neoliberalism (White and Black) in their pursuit to erase race from the affairs of the state, and to assign responsibility for development and justice to the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish youth's process of transition to adult life illustrates the complex effects of a prolonged economic crisis that emerged in 2008 and exacerbated an already precarious labour market. In this article, we approach this panorama of social change from the perspective of the young individuals who find themselves immersed in this passage from one crisis to another – from a global economic crisis to COVID-19 – and between two symbolic realities, one marked by individualism and the other by individualisation. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults, conducted between 2018 and 2019 for a publicly funded RDI project, we analyse how the process of individualisation tied to a self-sufficient model of human agency may contribute to an increased reliance on individual solutions to social problems. Furthermore, we underline how these individualised pathways involve a dependency on multiple supports which are characterised by a series of tensions. Consequently, we seek to elucidate the manner in which vulnerable young workers navigate, both interpretively and practically, the trials of social life as well as the expectations associated with individualism/individualisation within a context of crisis and uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through his existential analyzes and his reconstruction of human existence, Sartre arrives at the conclusion that the existence of what he calls the paradoxical / transcendent or divine, if we want to be more precise, is impossible. He describes it as an original but failed tendency in the human being, who permanently escapes his absolute freedom by this tendency. Thus, the individualism adopted by Sartre works to undermine the inclusive and alienating tendencies that restrict human freedom and individuality. To this, is added the idea of religion, and behind it God himself, as the ultimate limit of alienation and totalitarianism which deprives man of his freedom. Sartre concludes: If God exists, then man is nothing. In this article, the understanding of Sartre's basic statements are presented as well as the analysis of his conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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L’article a pour but de confronter deux variantes de « l’imaginaire de la crise » se manifestant dans les pratiques poétiques de deux écrivains francophones contemporains, Michel Houellebecq et Colette Nys-Mazure. L’examen de quelques traits caractéristiques de leurs univers imaginaires, représentés entre autres par les figures du Père et de la Mère, permet de réfléchir sur les motivations profondes de leurs attitudes artistiques et existentielles. Il s’avérera que les stratégies poétiques qu’ils adoptent face aux problèmes existentiels fondamentaux restent en correspondance plus ou moins directe avec les vertus chrétiennes (la foi, l’espérance et l’amour), même si le point de départ pour Houellebecq (athée ou agnostique) est la « part sombre » de l’existence alors que Nys-Mazure (chrétienne, catholique) choisit sa « part claire », tous deux préfèrent construire que démolir. L’intuition d’une transcendance qui émane de leur soif d’harmonie poursuivie dans le monde chaotique contemporain permet de constater que la poésie, contredisant la crise du sujet et celle de la société, détient les moyens qui permettent de s’opposer – non sans succès – à la fameuse « crise de vers ».

Even though Edmund Burke (1729-1797) is regularly described as the "founder of conservatism", it is argued in this article that Burke would not recognise his thinking in what is today regarded as modern conservatism. This is because modern conservatism - and the different strands that constitute it - can more aptly be described as particular strands within the broad framework of liberalism. The reason is that modern conservatism is in many ways built on liberal cornerstones, such as the pursuit of individual freedom, free markets, an appeal to political theory and a quest to universalise its way of thinking. Modern conservatism can be divided into a number of strands. It is argued that the most influential of these strands include: 1) libertarianism, which emphasises economic freedom as the primary determining factor for freedom; 2) individualist conservatism, which emphasises the individualist theories of among others John Locke and Thomas Paine; and 3) neoconservatism, which emphasises its quest to universalise the Western conception of social order. The traditional conservatism of Edmund Burke - and his conception of freedom in particular - differs from the mainstream strands of modern conservatism in three fundamental ways. These can be summarised as: first, the pursuit of the good as the cornerstone to promote freedom; second, a view of the citizen as someone who finds meaning and fulfilment not by turning inward towards their individual selves, but by participating in the community towards the pursuit of the communal good; and third, by rejecting political theory as an approach to solving societal questions and resorting to experience instead. Burke linked experience to tradition, which he also described as the "wisdom of the ancients". Nonetheless, Burke has been described as a liberal and even as the first post-modern thinker. This can be ascribed to his criticism of the prevailing political forces of his time, his support for the Glorious Revolution of 1688 (according to which monarchical power was limited in favour of parliamentary authority) and his support for American autonomy from British rule. It is argued that Burke does not fit these ideological labels, as Burke's conception of identity and of freedom was fundamentally conservative and hardly reconcilable with the tenets of liberalism and post-modernism. Burkean thought is not characterised by an aversion to change, but rather by a pragmatic approach to political change, which favours gradual change and reform over sudden change and revolution. Therefore, he argued for change in favour of American autonomy from the British Empire. Burke argued that the Americans had developed a different culture than that of the British and that they could therefore not be governed by the British as if they had in fact been British. This, according to Burke's analysis, constituted not freedom, but rather imperialism and oppression, which could be described as the opposite of freedom. Burke clearly distinguished between his own conception of freedom (which places the emphasis on the fulfilment of responsibilities in the context of community) and individual licence (according to which freedom is regarded as a circumstance under which individuals can do whatever they please). In Burke's analysis, freedom can only be achieved by preserving what is good from the past and building upon it towards the good, which is grounded in Christianity. This, he argued, can only be done by valuing experience over theory. For this reason, he rejected the French Revolution's conception of freedom, describing it as unnatural and savage. For Burke, freedom naturally implied that citizens of the community should suppress their immoral appetites. Failing to achieve this or giving in to one's sinful desires was, in Burke's analysis, a state of slavery - not freedom. This is because the pursuit of the good naturally implies that freedom must be connected to the pursuit of virtue rather than licence. Therefore, Burke described freedom as "not solitary, unconnected, individual selfish liberty," but as liberty "secured by the equality of restraint." It is thus concluded that in Burke's conception of freedom, he did not place the individual at the centre; nor did he define freedom along the lines of unlimited market participation; nor did he attempt to convert other cultures to his way of thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les objets et les matériels constituent un fondement pour une grande partie de la littérature française tout au long de la seconde moitié du XX siècle. Perec (1936-1982), l’un des écrivains de cette période essaie de retracer les soucis d’une génération bien attachée à ce monde matériel. Les Choses (1965) est l’une de ses œuvres qui prône le bonheur matériel après des années tragiques de la guerre. Ce livre amène par les motifs des espaces et des choses qui explosent le champ du réel, du quotidien, à s’interroger sur la place à accorder aux objets inanimés dans une société marchande qui en suscite le désir. Cet article cherche à savoir quel rôle jouaient-ils les objets dans la vie des Français des années 60. Et dans quel but l’auteur décrit minutieusement des objets? Notre étude vise à analyser la mentalité et les exigences de la société française, notamment celles des jeunes gens après la guerre

The article explores the relationship between individualism and group affiliation in the context of self-tracking technology. Prior research establishes that self-tracking fosters both self-focus and collective interactions. The article proposes that Durkheim’s notion of the cult of the individual offers a lens to understand the interplay of individualism and group formation in self-tracking. The notion of the cult of the individual suggests that individualism can be a source of public gatherings. While Durkheim’s notion remained largely untested for over a century, this study aims to build upon Durkheim’s framework by operationalizing it using Collins’s interaction ritual theory. By operationalizing the cult of the individual as a specific form of interaction ritual, we can analyze the collective mechanisms at play within the Quantified Self movement. This group organizes a community of self-trackers who share personal data during public gatherings. The article explores these public gatherings by deciphering their video recordings. Quantified Self-individualist gatherings are constituted by the co-presence of self-focused people, presenting one after the other their personal data following a script, and defending individuals against profaning situations. Quantified Self gatherings formed a transnational interaction ritual chain in approximately 71 cities on four continents, confirming that individualist gatherings can achieve a wide diffusion. Therefore, this original operationalization of Durkheim’s notion of the cult of the individual illustrates its enduring relevance and potential for broader application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores, from the perspective of political philosophy of education, the hypothesis that an explicit and assumed paradigm shift from a republican view of school to a more democratic, individualistic, liberal and morally minimalist conception of school may be necessary in the near future. First we refine this initial diagnosis by specifying the way in which society of individuals compels institutions to work on redefining their legitimacy and the conditions of possibility of their action (1). Then we present three concepts drawn from the liberal axiomatic and/or its contemporary deployments and reinvestment - the axiological neutrality of the state, negative freedom and prudence - which we deem to enable school to take up such a challenge (2). Finally, we test these proposals for intellectual resources by showing how they can help school clarifying its social and political role, to make itself capable of being inclusive and inspiring confidence (3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Homonormativity has become a hegemonic concept within geographies of sexualities, with critical scholars emphasizing exclusionary practices towards specific ‘unwanted’ subjects. However, the literature has ignored the role of one of the main sources of bias and discrimination for gay men: HIV-positivity. The paper seeks to start to fill this void by showing how the geographies of homonormativity and the migration paths of gay men living with HIV often overlap. The paper builds a diversified and situated account of homonormative spaces as spaces of (relative) privilege and inclusion by looking at the everyday practices and experiences of Italian and French gay migrants living with HIV in Barcelona, the Catalan capital. When considering everyday practices, the paper focuses on three characteristics usually associated with neoliberal homonormativity: individualism; privatization, domestication and sanitization of sexual life; exaltation of coupledom. Methodologically the paper results from fieldwork conducted in Barcelona in 2014, including 16 in-depth interviews with Italian and French gay migrants living with HIV.

Ce texte propose une réflexion critique à partir de différents travaux autant théoriques qu’empiriques sur la signification du « prendre soin de soi » et plus particulièrement de ceux de Michel Foucault sur la généalogie du souci de soi et des techniques de soi. Des réflexions sur les interrelations entre le souci de soi et l’individualisme ainsi que les interrelations entre les règles sociales et les techniques de soi sont exposées. Il sera vu comment prendre soin de soi consiste autant en une attention à l’âme et à l’esprit qu’à une attention au corps et que prendre soin des autres et de son environnement est indissociable du prendre soin de soi. Seront aussi présentées de multiples dimensions du prendre soin de soi qui se détachent du « prendre soin de sa santé », dont des dimensions intersubjectives qui s’insèrent dans les grands mouvements sociaux et forces sociales influençant nos moindres gestes, même les plus intimes.

The relationship between religion and law plays a crucial role within diverse societies. In this contribution some historical contours will be outlined and eventually related to a few relevant systematic remarks. Traditional societies are undifferentiated but in Greece some succeeded in developing the Athenian polis (city state). The basic motive of matter and form gave direction to Greek culture, initially dominated by the matter motive and later on by the form motive. The religions of nature were succeeded by the cultural religious motive of form, measure and harmony in which the Olympic Gods played a key role. The notions of justice and order obtained a more restricted juridical meaning during the 5th century B.C. related to what we today associate with positive law. However, Protagoras relativised the yearning towards what is considered to be immutable. Yet, despite his nominalistic-individualistic inclination Protagoras still viewed the polis as the formative cultural power shaping individuals. The cultural form thus obtained is constituted by obedience to the jural laws of the polis. Ancient Greece and Medieval conceptions departed from the nominalistic-individualistic legacy by continuing a universalistic or holistic view of religion, society and law. The initial meaning of the terms logos (concept) and nomos (law) is found in the meaning of law in a jural sense, although the cosmic scope of the term logos by far exceeded its juridical meaning. Developments within Roman Law were radically transformed during the fourth century in a twofold way. The expansion of the Roman empire gave rise to the ius gentium in order to make provision for the legal position of non-Romans within the Roman empire. At the same time Christianity surfaced and provided a starting point for the development of the subsequent Medieval contest between church and state. The culmination point of this struggle between church and state, religion and law, was reached when it was declared in the famous papal Bull, Unam Sanctam (1302) that there is no salvation outside the Roman Pontiff. The subsequent differentiation between church and state since the late Medieval era and the Renaissance moved towards a situation where the state acquired the upper hand. However, neither theoretical accounts nor the actual rise of the modern idea of the just state succeeded effectively to limit state power and secure religious freedom. More recently, the first Amendment of the USA Constitution secures religious freedom but sadly failed in guaranteeing academic (conviction) freedom at public schools. The significance of distinguishing between the jural aspect and the faith aspect of reality occupies a key position in the last part of our analysis. After a discussion of the jural function of both church and state, an account is given of personal freedom of faith as well as collective religious liberty which depends on the structural difference between public law, civil private law and non-civil private law (i.e. the internal sphere of competence of nonpolitical societal entities). This analysis crucially depends upon the modal sphere-sovereignty of the jural and certitudinal aspects of reality, guaranteeing their mutual coherence and irreducibility. These aspects also guarantee the internal legal spheres of competence of collective faith communities and collective state communities, by respectively acknowledging the qualifying role of the faith aspect in the case of religious communities and the qualifying role of the jural aspect in the case of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapsing of communitarian relations and the increasing isolation of individuals in relation to each other figure prominently in the studies of various authors who sought to describe contemporary ways of life. We address this issue as presented by Charles Taylor in Sources of the Self and in The ethics of authenticity. The author identifies three "malaises" that are present in modern society: individualism, the primacy of instrumental reason and the alienation of individuals from the political sphere. Proposing to avoid a restrictively negativist reading of such phenomena, Taylor presents them as transformations of the dynamic frameworks that constitute the modern identity. We undertook a study of the notions of identity and authenticity as presented in those books, aiming at a synthetic comprehension of this issue and investigating the possibilities of overcoming it, that is, of recovering the meanings lost by an individualist fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Cette étude se veut une lecture d'un processus de prédation linguistique assumé apparemment sans état d’âme dans le cadre de la réforme du baccalauréat présentée en 2019, à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat. C’est en tout cas l’analyse que son auteur fait des bouleversements majeurs introduits dans le diplôme consacrant la fin des études secondaires et offrant, en partage désormais avec le dispositif parcoursup, le sésame d’entrée à l’université. Pour étayer sa démonstration, il procèdera tout d’abord à l’examen d’un texte capital, la circulaire de Monzie, puis reviendra sur les principales évolutions positives. Le texte fondamental du ministre de l’instruction publique offre en outre l’avantage d’exposer des prémisses qui font non seulement écho aux discours de Barère et de Grégoire mais qui instillent également leur présence discrète chez des auteurs contemporains : on veut parler ici du rapport Cerquiglini ou encore du positionnement du philosophe Vincent Descombes.

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This article uses the philosophical work of Marcel Gauchet to consider what the contributions of religions to the spiritual dimension to individuation and individualization could be in democratic modernity. One of Gauchet's main theses is what he calls the exit of the religion. Several clarifications on the Gauchetian thought of politics, religion and education are firstly made. Controversies with other contemporary thinkers about religion are discussed (part 1). Then we turn to the potential place and role of spiritualities in a society of individuals (part 2). Such clarification conditions a better understanding of the way education can grasp the spiritual challenge in an autonomous world. Finally, the conditions for enabling this comprehension in the framework of " french laïcité" are considered (part 3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapsing of communitarian relations and the increasing isolation of individuals in relation to each other figure prominently in the studies of various authors who sought to describe contemporary ways of life. We address this issue as presented by Charles Taylor in Sources of the Self and in The ethics of authenticity. The author identifies three "malaises" that are present in modern society: individualism, the primacy of instrumental reason and the alienation of individuals from the political sphere. Proposing to avoid a restrictively negativist reading of such phenomena, Taylor presents them as transformations of the dynamic frameworks that constitute the modern identity. We undertook a study of the notions of identity and authenticity as presented in those books, aiming at a synthetic comprehension of this issue and investigating the possibilities of overcoming it, that is, of recovering the meanings lost by an individualist fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes where Brazilians stand in relation to the Bolsa Família Program (BFP) and its beneficiaries. The data are from a national public opinion survey commissioned by The Secretariat for Social Communication of the Presidency of the Republic (Secom/PR). The results of a multinomial logistic regression regarding the chances that people will support the BFP have shown that support grows among those with more positive evaluations of the federal government and higher levels of information about the program, as well as among those connected to or in contact with beneficiaries; support wanes depending on schooling and family income, not to mention the individualism of the interviewees. Ambivalences appear when the analyses turn to opinions on the management of Bolsa Família and its beneficiaries. OLS regressions, estimated to assess the opinions on the positive impacts of the BFP and the alleged lack of regulation of and control over the program and its beneficiaries, have shown that more knowledge about the program does not diminish negative views of the beneficiaries or management and oversight of the program. Surprisingly, these critical views are present even among those groups of people most likely to receive Bolsa Família resources, such as the less educated, people of color, and residents of the Northeast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a response to the six papers comprising this special issue on Love, Sex and Psychotherapy in a Postromantic Era. The theme of temporality is explored in reading the papers: specifically, time in terms of self-other development and the capacity to relate to others as a separate subjectivity, the social and cultural context in which we are situated, and temporality in psychotherapy. In responding to the papers, it is argued that psychoanalysis perhaps never was a 'romantic' endeavour, recognising as it does the fantasies and fictions involved in the idea of unconditional, and everlasting love. Rather, it recognises the role of being able to tolerate love and hatred in the experience of intimate relationships, whatever its forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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L’exemple du Groupe d’action d’art de Paris (1906-1920) révèle une certaine politisation de la critique d’art qui se traduisait par une attitude de refus à l’égard des autorités. Ce groupe né au début du XXe siècle et formé de jeunes artistes, de poètes et de théoriciens comprenait l’art et la critique d’art comme partie intégrante d’une révolte anarcho-individualiste, qui devait être une révolte d’ordre esthétique. Leur critique d’art s’adressait principalement à des institutions ou des acteurs qui restreignaient généralement le développement libéral des individus. Ce groupement de critiques d’art se battait contre la règle de la médiocrité, la « médiocratie » incarnée par l’État ou le système financier, mais aussi contre les faux représentants de la tradition, auxquels le groupe opposait une certaine attitude nostalgique. L’un des buts principaux de la critique d’art était de déterminer l’ « art vivant » du présent et du passé. Il était ainsi possible pour un artiste avant-gardiste et progressiste comme le futuriste Gino Severini de trouver des points de convergence avec les positions d’anarchistes individualistes tournés vers le passé.