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Çalışmamızda geç dönem Mu‘tezilesinin önemli temsilcilerinden birisi olan Ebû Reşîd en-Nîsâbûrî’nin Mu‘tezile mezhebindeki konumunu ve ekol içerisindeki polemiklere yaklaşımını ele aldık. Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın önde gelen talebelerinden birisi olan Nisâbûrî, hocasının vefatından sonra Basra Mu‘tezilesinin riyasetini üstlenmiştir. Kaynaklarda hayatına dair fazla bilgi bulunmasa da ömrünün ilk yıllarında Bağdat Mu‘tezilesine mensup olduğu ve Horasan bölgesinde büyük bir üne sahip olan Ebü’l-Kâsım el-Belhî’nin görüşlerinden etkilendiği aktarılmaktadır. Günümüze ulaşan ve Basra Mu‘tezilesinin bakış açısıyla kaleme alınan eserlerinde Belhî’nin görüşlerine yoğun bir şekilde atıfta bulunmaya devam etmektedir. Ömrünün ilk yıllarında Bağdat ekolüne mensup olması ve daha sonra Basra ekolüne intisap etmesi, kendisine her iki ekolü yakından tanıma fırsatı sunmuştur. Bu tecrübesinden hareketle iki ekol arasındaki polemiklere dair bir eser telif etmiş ve eserde Ebû Hâşim el-Cübbâî’nin görüşlerini Bağdat Mu‘tezilesine karşı savunmuştur. Nîsâbûrî’nin görüşlerini yakından incelediğimiz zaman Mu‘tezile içerisinde Şiî temâyüllerin başladığı Büveyhiler döneminde yaşamasına rağmen Mu‘tezilî bakış açısını büyük oranda muhafaza ettiğini söyleyebiliriz. Farklı fikirler ve yaklaşımlar ileri sürmekten ziyade hocasının yolunu takip ederek Mu‘tezilî mirası daha sistematik ve anlaşılır bir hale getirmeye çalışmıştır. Ayrıca kendine özgü birtakım yaklaşımlar da ileri sürmüştür. Özellikle sarfe konusunda Nazzâm gibi ilk dönem Mu‘tezilî düşünürlere ciddi eleştiriler yönelterek genel sünnî görüşe yakın bir tutum sergilemiştir. Şehristânî’nin de ifade ettiği üzere Basra Mu‘tezilesinin sünnî düşünceye bu yakın konumlanışını Nîsâbûrî’nin nübüvvet ve keramet konularında da görmek mümkündür. Çalışmamızda dokümantasyon tekniği kullanılarak Nîsâbûrî’nin hem yazma hem de matbu olarak günümüze ulaşan eserleri tespit edilmiştir. Bu eserler içerik analizine tabi tutularak incelenmiş ve ulaşılan sonuçlar değerlendirilmiştir.

The primary sources of the history of Islamic sects are the maqāla, fıraq and milal-nihal. The maqāla were written earlier than the other two, but the majority of maqāla writings have not survived. For this reason, firaq, which emerged after the maqāla, became a prevalent type of writing in the history of Islamic sects. In this type of writing, influenced by the hadith of iftiraq, the authors classified the Islamic sects based on the number 73. Interestingly, the early writers of firaq did not consider the divisions that would occur in Islamic society in the coming centuries. Furthermore, it is more interesting that Ottoman scholars did not revise their classification of the sects. Although new sects emerged over the intervening centuries, they were not included in the classification of sects. However, sects attributed to a single person or whose existence was not even certain remained in the classifications. Some authors even criticized in their books the groups of their time but did not include them in their classification of sects. This situation is worthy of questioning, and the present study results from this questioning. From this perspective, the author examines the historiography of Islamic sects in the Ottoman period. The objective of this study, which deals with the historiography of Islamic sects in the Ottoman Empire through the literature of firaq, is to reveal the literature by identifying the classification of sects written by Ottoman scholars in the 15th and 16th centuries, to make preferences by addressing the problem of authenticity in the classifications, to compare the classifications with the tradition of firaq they follow, and to reveal the nature of the historiography of sects in the Ottoman Empire by discussing the existence of this historiography. Although the narrative of the early period of the history of Islamic sects has been formed, it is interrupted in the Ottoman period and directly relates to the history of sects in the Republican period. The principal reason for this is the lack of sufficient studies in the literature on the history of sects in the Ottoman period. The present study aims to fill this gap and determine the status of the history of sects in the Ottoman period. The initial section of the article, comprising two chapters, is an analytical review of the pertinent literature. I divided this part of the article, in which I examined thirteen different classifications of sect, into two sections: the Eastern Hanafite and Ash'arī traditions in Ottoman period. I then examined eight classifications in the first section and five in the second. One of the most significant challenges in the period under examination is the issue of authenticity. Because the authorship of six of the thirteen classifications is doubtful. It should be noted that five of the six doubtful classifications originate from the Eastern Hanafite tradition. Another noteworthy issue in this section is the discovery of two of Lutfi Pasha's works in which he classified Islamic sects. Although studies on Lutfi Pasha's historiography of sects have focused on his Fıraḳ-ı ḍālla, it has been demonstrated that he also made a classification of sects in two of his works, namely Ḥayāt-ı Ebedī in Turkish and Zubdatu'l-masāil in Arabic. Furthermore, it has been proposed that the risāla, entitled Fıraḳ-ı ḍālla, is a transcription of the first chapter of Ḥayāt-ı Ebedī. The work Zubdatu'l-masāil presents one of this period's most original classifications in terms of content and structure. Furthermore, the available evidence indicates that the writing of the Turkish firaq and milal-nihal began in this period. In the initial chapter, it is evident that the most frequently referenced names in the Eastern Hanafite firaq tradition within the Ottoman Empire were Abū Mutī' and, in the Ash'arī firaq tradition, al-Āmidī. The second section of this study concerns the existence of Ottoman sectarian historiography. As far as can be determined, no independent works on firaq or milal-nihal were written by Ottoman scholars in the 15th and 16th centuries. In addition, the available classifications do not mention the groups of the authors' periods. For this reason, although it is accepted that there was some writing in Ottoman sectarian history, it does not seem easy to speak of a strong writing similar to that of the early period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The epistemological and theological framework constructed by the sect in the historical process offers its members a certain perception of religion and the world. This perception affects all of their intellectual and social activities. Tafsīr is one of the scholarly activities in which sectarian affiliation is effective. However, the activity of tafsīr often emerges as a product of the social framework and the mufassir's position within it. The phenomenon of sect is one of the most dominant factors at this point. Because it serves as an important framework that shapes Muslims' interpretation of verses and their perception of the Qur'an. The members of the sects resort to justifying their views on many issues with the Qur'an, even if they often do not carry a religious content and are essentially the product of sociopolitical rivalry. In this context the verses can be reconstructed by the members of the sect in a way that justifies the goals of the sect and can be subjected to different interpretations from other on the axis of the sect's understanding of religion. Tafsīr, theology (kalam) and fiqh books are filled with dozens of interpretations of verses and hadiths in this context. The same verse and hadith can be presented to members of different sects with very different interpretations. The structure of the Qur'anic language, which is suitable for justifying some beliefs in line with sectarian affiliation, has made the work of sectarians easier. However, in our opinion, the main problem in this matter is the determining effect of sectarian affiliation rather than the structure of the verses that can be understood differently. This article has tried to concretise the abstract issues mentioned above through the different interpretations of some verses associated with raj'a directly or indirectly. In this context, Imamite and Sunnite scholars were chosen as examples, and it was analysed how the same verse could be subjected to different interpretations by them due to the influence of sectarian affiliation. Ayyāshī, Abū al-Hasan al-Qummī, Abū Ja'far al-Tūsī, Abū 'Ali al-Tabersī, Shaykh Sadūq and Shaykh al-Mufīd are the Imamite scholars whose interpretations about raj'a are focused on. From Ahl al-Sunnah, the interpretations of Abū Mansūr al-Maturīdī and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī have been analyzed. The fact that the number of Sunnī scholars who criticize the Imāmiyya with verses on the issue of raj'a is very small has led us to focus more on the interpretations of these two scholars. However, we have also tried to identify the interpretations of the few other scholars who have expressed an opinion on this issue and to present a more holistic picture. It has been observed that both the Imāmī and Sunnī scholars have resorted to various means to provide Qur'ānic evidence for their beliefs in the rec'a, such as "associating some verses with other verses that support their views, establishing an absolute uniformity between the past and the present through hadiths of questionable authenticity, conducting linguistic, contextual, and historical analyses within the framework of presuppositions, and expanding or narrowing the meanings of verses through subjective inferences." The most common evidence used by both Sunnī and Imāmī scholars to legitimize their sectarian views on the raj'a with the Qur'ān is exegesis of the Qur'ān with the Qur'ān. However, the scholars of both sects made serious methodological mistakes such as not paying attention to the internal unity of the verses, taking only a part of the verse, not looking at the siyāq and sibāq of the verses, ignoring other related verses, and sometimes linking verses to each other even though they are not related to the same subject. Similar problems were observed in the method of interpreting the verse with hadith. They used hadiths of doubtful authenticity as evidence and detached the hadith from its verbal and historical context. Both the Imāmī and Sunnī scholars have seen no harm in going beyond the literal meaning of the verse from time to time in order to justify themselves on the issue of raj'a. In other words, when the meaning of the verse contradicted the views advocated by a sect, the scholars of both sects put the views of their sects at the center and tried to adapt the verse to their own systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There were no sects during the Prophet’s lifetime. There is no mention of the existence of sectarian/factional movements. As a matter of fact, when a problem arose, the Prophet Muhammad, who was responsible for the communication and dissemination of the Qur’ān, was responsible for the solution. Prophet would find a middle way and the disagreements of the companions were resolved. However, with the death of the Prophet, the companions faced many problems, especially debates over the caliphate, and although these problems seemed to be solved, this period paved the way for the formation of sects that would emerge later. When the negative events experienced in the first thirty years of the caliphate were added to some negativities caused by the political strategies followed by Muawiya, the founder of the Umayyad state, a period of fractionalization among the ummah began. Abū Hanīfa, who witnessed the wrong practices of some Umayyad and some Abbasid caliphs, left his mark on this period of conflict within the ummah with his solution-oriented views. He is one of the leading thinkers who prioritized rational knowledge and used it in explaining texts. The innovative approach he brought to Islamic thought with his creedal works, especially his views in al-‘Ālim wa’l-Muta‘allim -considered the first text on creed-, made him the target of criticism and harsh accusations by the supporters of Hadith. The fact that he was the leader of Ahl al-Ray and a supporter of the Murji‘ah also played a big role in these criticisms. In addition, he criticized Mu‘tazila, who considered him one of their own, leading Mu‘tazila members to claim that he did not have any religious works. On the other hand, al-Zahabī said that al-‘Ālim wa’lMuta‘allim, was attributed to Abū Muqātil al-Samarkandī not to Abū Hanīfa. This view was accepted by some orientalists, such as F. Kern, J. Schacht, W. Madelung and U. Rudolph, and brought about discussions about the authenticity of the creed works attributed to Abū Hanīfa. In particular, Schacht made some assumptions and rejected the attribution of al-‘Ālim wa’lMuta‘allim to Abū Hanīfa. In fact, Schacht considered this work one of the early Murjian sources and regarded it as the strongest evidence that it did not belong to Abū Hanīfa. However, according to most scholars, the theological views in al- ‘Ālim wa’l-Muta‘allim and other works attributed to him indeed belong to Abū Hanīfa. The biggest factor that influenced the formation of this opinion was Māturīdī, one of the founders of the Hanafī-Māturīdī school. Not only was he one of the narrators of al-‘Ālim wa’l-Muta‘allim, but he also attributed this work to Abū Hanīfa in his Ta’wīlāt and quoted from the work. His views on cardinal sins in Kitāb al-Tawhīd are similar to those in al-‘Ālim wa’l-Muta‘allim. In this study, brief information is provided about the scholars who are in the narration chain of al-‘Ālim wa’l-Muta‘allim and who contributed to its spread in Samarkand. Among the religious debates that constitute the content of the work, key topics of the day include the nature of faith, the difference between faith and deeds, equality in faith, the distinction between religion and sharia, the issue of cardinal sins and the issue of irjā are the . Based on these discussions, the important traces of the work on Māturīdī have been tried/attempted to be determined. The fact that the source criticism of this work, which constitutes the core of Hanafī-Māturīdī thought, made by evaluating the process it has undergone to this day, distinguishes this research from similar ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religious leaders of the Nusayris claim that the Nusayris are within the circle of Islam and that they represent the true Islam. In contrast to this claim, both the historians of moderate Shiite sects and the historians of Islamic sects belonging to Ahl al-Sunnah consider al-Nusayrism as one of the goulât sects of Shi'a and outside the circle of Islam. This situation is also reflected in the works written. There are serious differences between the views expressed in the writings of the Nusayrite sheikhs and those written by their opponents on the principles of Nusayrite belief and worship. The Nusayri sheikhs living in our country have started to write works about their sect, especially since the early 1990s. In these works, they endeavored to put forward their principles of belief, to have an influence on the new generations and to explain their sect to them. Because the negative effects of urbanization and modernization began to be seen on the Nusayris, who showed a closed society structure. Nusayri authors focused on publications in order to prevent these negative effects and to convey Nusayri beliefs to new generations. When we examine these works of Nusayrite sheikhs, Nusayris say that their beliefs are always described in a false and slanderous way. The authors of these works state that the Nusayri faith is Islam itself and that they live Islam with their principles of belief and worship. They also state that the Nusayrite faith and beliefs described by historians of Islamic sects have nothing to do with them, and that they accept the Prophet Muhammad as their prophet and the Holy Quran as their holy book. The Nusayris say that their belief in God is as described in the sûrah of Ihlâs. However, they also firmly reject the belief in hulûl. According to the Nusayris, believing that God will appear in the body of a created being is to go astray. The idea that the Prophet Ali is recognized by them as a deity is a slander against them. The passages about 'Ali's divinity in the Kitâb al-Majmûc, which is the source of this view, were added later by their enemies. According to them, 'Ali is in a high position of sainthood with his attributes, virtues, knowledge, and extraordinary states. Allah's power was often manifested in Hazrat Ali. However, these manifestations have absolutely nothing to do with the belief in hulûl. Hazrat Ali, who possessed spiritual knowledge, was created from the same light as Hazrat Muhammad. He received many praises from the Prophet and was declared the successor as the caliph of the Muslims after him. The Nusayrî sheikhs, who specifically state that they do not give a higher value than the position and value given to Hazrat Ali by the Prophet, emphasize in their works that their thoughts about Hazrat Ali are within this framework. Considering these statements, we believe that examining the thoughts and convictions of the Nusayrite sheikhs and revealing the methods and methods of dealing with issues related to aqeedah in their writings will make important contributions to the recognition and understanding of this sect. It is one of the foremost principles of this discipline that historians of Islamic sects should be objective in their studies. In the light of this truth, in this study, we have endeavored to examine the Nusayrite sheikhs' conception of God, which forms the basis of their beliefs, beyond what has been said, written and claimed about the Nusayris. In order to contribute to the comprehensibility of their thoughts and ideas on this subject, we have also examined the perception of Hazrat Ali in detail. Our main goal in this study is to reveal the conception of God and the perception of Hazrat Ali by contemporary Nusayrite religious leaders on the axis of their own views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Ilahiyat Researches / Ilahiyat Tetkikleri Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İslam düşüncesi ve kelâmının oluşum ve gelişim sürecinde Mu‘tezile’nin önemli katkıları olmuştur. Ancak çeşitli nedenlerle ilgili ekol zayıflamış, düşünce sistemlerini aktaran kaynaklara erişim zorlaşmıştır. Bu nedenle Mu‘tezilî düşünceye dair bilgiler, daha çok muhaliflerince aktarılan bilgiler üzerinden değerlendirilmiştir. Bu durum aleyhlerinde; aklı nakle önceledikleri, rivayetleri terk ettikleri yönünde teyide muhtaç bazı olumsuz iddiaların şüyû bulmasına sebebiyet vermiştir. Mu‘tezilî kaynaklarda ise naklî bilginin ötelenmediği hatta rivayete dayalı bilginin önemli yekûn oluşturduğu görülmektedir. Şefaat ve kabir azabı gibi bazı konularda muhaliflerine kıyasla daha dar bir yaklaşım benimsemelerinin, ilgili meselelerin topyekûn inkârı şeklinde yorumlandığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bu açıdan Mu‘tezilî düşüncenin kendi kaynaklarından tespit edilmesi önem taşımaktadır. Bu bağlamda ele alınması gereken önemli bir mesele Mu‘tezilî ekolün Kur’ân kıssalarına yaklaşım biçiminin tespit edilmesidir. Kur’ân kıssalarında genellikle olaylar ve şahıslar mübhem olarak ifade edildiği için ilgili anlatıların detaylarına dair çeşitli rivayetler aktarılmaktadır. Kıssalarda yer alan mûcizevî anlatılar, bazı aklî çıkarımlara da imkân vermektedir. Mu‘tezilî düşüncenin Kur’ân kıssalarına yaklaşımı, akıl-nakil anlayışlarıyla yakından ilgilidir. Kur’ân kıssalarından Hz. Nûh ve kavmine dair anlatılarda yer alan; peygamberlik, inkâr, vahiyle gemi yapımı, tûfan ve kavmin helak edilmesi gibi konular, Mu‘tezile’nin temel ilkeleriyle irtibatlı hususlar içermektedir. Bu nedenle Cüşemî örnekliğinde Mu‘tezilî düşüncenin Nûh kıssasına yaklaşımının araştırılması faydalı olacaktır. Doküman ve içerik analiz yönteminin uygulandığı çalışmada; Mu‘tezilî âlimlerin Nûh kıssasına yaklaşımı, Cüşemî kaynaklığında tahlil edilmiş, itikadî düşüncelerinin Kur’ân kıssalarına yaklaşımlarındaki etkisine yer verilmiştir. Sonuç olarak Mu‘tezilî âlimlerin rivayetlere önem verdiği, Kur’ân kıssalarından mezhebî ilke ve teorilerine dair çeşitli deliller çıkardıkları tespit edilmiştir.

The Shiite presence in Iraq is linked to a series of important events throughout history. Periods such as the Umayyads, Abbasids, the Buwayhids, the Seljuks, the Mongols and the Safavids shaped the religious and political structure of the region. In particular, the Safavids’ adoption of Shi’ism as the official sect and their efforts to spread this sect were influential in the transformation of the sectarian structure in the region. During the Ottoman period, the policies of Abd al-Hamīd II aimed to consolidate Islamic unity and the authority of the Ottoman caliphate. However, the presence and influence of the Shiite population caused some difficulties in the implementation of these policies in Iraq. The reasons for the spread of Shi’ism in Iraq include demographic changes, the influence of the Safavids, Qajars and regional religious dynamics. In addition, the lack of education in the region and some policies of the Ottoman administration also paved the way for the spread of Shi’ism. In this context, the attempts to prevent the spread of Shi’ism in Iraq during the reign of Abd al-Hamīd II have an important place in understanding the Ottoman Empire’s efforts to direct the religious and sectarian structure in the region, and a detailed examination of this situation constitutes the main purpose of our research. The scope of the research covers the period of Abd al-Hamīd II’s reign (1876-1909) and focuses specifically on the demographic, social and religious changes in Iraq. The research utilizes primary sources from the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives and contemporary literature on Shi’ism. The methodology is based on document analysis and historical interpretation. Overall, the study reveals Ottoman efforts to manage religious diversity in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muʿtazila contributed significantly to the formation and development of Islamic thought and theology. However, for various reasons, the Muʿtazilite school has been weakened and access to the sources that convey their system of thought has become difficult. For this reason, the information about the Muʿtazilite thought was mostly evaluated through the information transmitted by their opponents. This led to the spread of demaging accusations against them that they prioritized reason to narration and abandoned narration which needed confirmation. In Muʿtazilite sources, on the other hand, it can be seen that they use narrated information, and even narrated information occupies an essential place in these works. It is understood that their adoption of a narrower approach compared to their opponents on some issues, such as intercession (shafaa't) and the torment of the grave, was interpreted as a total denial of the relevant problems. In this regard, it is important to identify Muʿtazilite thought from its own sources. An important issue that needs to be addressed in this context is the determination of the Muʿtazilite school's approach to the Qurʿānic parables. Since the Qurʿānic parables, are usually ambiguous regarding events and persons, various narrations are cited from different sources to elaborate on the related narratives. The miraculous narratives in the Qurʿānic parables also allow for some rational inferences. The Muʿtazilite approach to Qurʿānic parables is closely related to their understanding of reason and narration. The narratives of the Prophet Noah and his people, which are among the parables of the Qurʿān, contain issues related to the basic principles of Muʿtazila, such as prophethood, denial, building an ark based on revelation, the flood, and the destruction of the people. For this reason, it would be helpful to examine the approach of Muʿtazilite thought to the parable of Noah in the example of al-Jishumī. The study, which uses the method of document and content analysis, analyses the approach of Muʿtazilite scholars to the parable of Noah and the impact of their theological thought on their approach to Qurʿānic parables through the source of al-Jishumī. As a result it's been determined that Muʿtazilite scholars attach importance to narrations and extract various evidences from Qurʿānic parables to support their sectarian principles and theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the duties of the Supreme Council of Religious Affairs, which is the highest decision-making and advisory body of the Presidency of Religious Affairs, is to examine current religious formations. One of the religious movements that make their presence felt most among current religious formations is the groups that manifest themselves under the name of "Salafism". However, the definition of "Salafî" or the conceptual framework of the "Salafî Movement" is not established on a clear basis. Taking this problem into consideration, the Supreme Council of Religious Affairs organized a scientific consultation meeting titled "Salafism and Its Historical Background" in order to determine the conceptual framework, classification, theology of Salafism and determinations and proposals on how this phenomenon should be approached. At the meeting held on 7-8 December 2023, the issue of "Salafism" was discussed in detail by academics specialized in this field. This article aims to provide and introduce some information to the scientific community about the meeting in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The firmament admires the pious hearts of the scholars, arifs and hills who have devoted themselves to Allah. Those people whose only concern in this mortal world is to serve the cause of Allah. There is always remembrance in their language. Their hearts are adorned with the gem called humility. Our late teacher Yusuf Benli was such a person. In his 66 years of life, 13 years of teaching life and 30 years of uninterrupted academic life, he produced works that touched the hearts of countless students and friends. Now, our duty is to pray for our teacher, to protect his scientific heritage and to strive to explain the science and sublime virtues of our teacher on every humble platform. In this context, the study we have prepared serves to commemorate and explain a great scientist as well as being an obituary article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is possible to speak of chaos in the madhab's usage of the term "sunnah" in fiqh books We can enumerate among the reasons for this, the difference in the understanding of the Sunnah from each other and the non-determination of the legal terminology and the method of approach to the hadiths of the Prophet. In this context, due to that the Hanafis consider the applications of the Companions as the Sunnah, when an act is considered Sunnah in the literature of said sect, the source of the sunnah could either be Prophet Muhammad or the Companions. Sometimes when they use the word Sunnah in some applications, its resource is unknown. The matter that the intention at the beginning of ablution is accepted as Sunnah at the Hanafis can be given as an example. But it is not possible to attribute this act neither to the Prophet nor the Companions. Likewise, starting wudu with auzu-basmala is expressed as sunnah, but this topic is also based on the da'if (weak) hadiths. Although similar circumstances also apply to other sects, for the sake of keeping the study within its confines, the Hanafi sect will be applied in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the expected saviour exists as a phenomenon in various religions and cultures, albeit with some differences. In the Shīʿite sect that emerged in Islamic history after the death of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661), ʿAlī and his descendants were referred to as imams based on the imamate doctrine. Members of the sect, who had difficulty accepting the death of the imams to whom they attributed political and sometimes spiritual leadership, believed that the imam they followed would return to the world and bring justice to the oppressed earth. In the Imāmiyya Shīʿa (Twelvers), one of the main branches of the sect that has survived to the present day, the doctrine of the Imamate is one of the basic tenets of the faith, and the line of the imamate ends with the twelfth imam, Muhammad b. al-Hasan. With the twelfth imam went into occultation in 260/874, the belief that he would one day come and rule the oppressed world with justice under the title of al-mahdī (the guided one) and al-muntaẓar (the expected one) has become an important tenet in Imāmiyya. This study deals chronologically with the claims of mahdism that emerged from within Shiʿism during the so-called occultation period. Especially in Iran and its surroundings, where Imāmiyya Shīʿites live densely, some messianic movements have emerged around people who declared themselves or were declared as the expected saviour. In this article, the movements that emerged around the idea of messiahship such as Ḥurūfism, Musha'sha'a, Ṣafavism, Bābism and Bahā'īsm are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main issue of our research is to reveal the influence of Hanafī-Māturīdism on the determination of the qualifications of the Ahl al-Sunnah wa'l-Jamāʿah in the fourth century of Hijra, with the example of al-Ḥakīm al-Samarqandī's al-Sawād al-Aʿẓam. In Samarqand, in this century, superstitions and bid'ah (innovation), which were created by the claims of the members of sects other than the main mass, spread in the society day by day. This situation created the necessity of determining the qualifications and principles of the "great majority". At the invitation of the Samānids, a large number of Ḥanafī scholars came to the region and started educational activities in Samarqand and the surrounding areas. Thus, Ḥanafiyya became an influential sect in the region. However, the influence of sects and factions such as the Muʿtazila, Shīʿa, Khārijiyya, and Murji ͗a continued. Ismail b. Ahmad (d. 295/907), the Samānid emir of the period commissioned al-Ḥakīm al-Samarqandī (d. 342/953) to determine and write down the qualitications of Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jamāʿa in order to ensure that the people stay away from the superstitions and bidʿahs spread by non-Sunnī sects. Samarqandī was also a contemporary of Imam al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944). The fact that al-Māturīdī and al-Samarqandī grew up in the same time period, in the same region, and belonged to the same school of thought, brought up the influence of Ḥanafī-Māturīdism on al-Sawād al-Aʿẓam. This study aims to understand the relationship between Samarqandī's thoughts and the basic principles of belief of Ahl al-Sunna and to determine the position of Ahl al-Sunna within the diversity of sects in the Samarqand region. Samarqandī's work, which is based on sources from the early period of Hanafī-Māturīdī theology, is the first book to define the main structure in the broadest framework and to list its characteristics in items. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The communication and interactions of the Midyat Yazidis, who are open to the influence of different religions and cultures and are predominantly guided by oral tradition, with other communities in the region with different religions and beliefs, are subjects in need of elucidation. In this context, the "Circumcision Ceremony and Spiritual Brotherhood" practices developed by the Yazidis living in Midyat district and villages, with other Muslim groups, have been examined using observation and interview techniques. The interviews were conducted with Yazidis who had lived in European countries for a period and returned, now residing in the villages they had built. These individuals are permanent residents in their settlements, over a certain age, and members who have not change Yazidi belief. The circumcision considered an important religious practice in Yazidi society, has been transformed into a significant tool for interaction with other groups. So much so that among the Yazidis living in the Midyat region, it has been concluded that circumcision, considered sacred, and the institution of spiritual brotherhood it brings with it, serve not only to establish friendly relations between families but also have two other important functions. The effective factors here have been the effort of Yazidis to prevent marriages with other groups based on the principle that a Yazidi can only marry another Yazidi and the connection of death with religion. Thus, spiritual brotherhood has been used both as a shield for strategic alliances and as an alternative way to fulfill the responsibility of burying the deceased in the land where they were born, which is a religious ritual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ismāʿīlī Fāṭimids, who ruled in North Africa, Egypt and Syria between 909-1171, was the biggest political rivals of the Sunnī ʿAbbāsid caliphate. One of the main pillars of the power they established over the geography they dominate was undoubtedly their claim that they were members of the Ahl al-Bayt. Despite this, their thesis that their Imams were descendants of Hazrat Fatimah, which constituted the legitimacy of their imāmate, was not accepted by many historians of the period. The impact of lineage affiliation on shaping the mental world of society and legitimizing authority did not escape the attention of the opposing ʿAbbāsid regime, which claimed that there were fabrications and distortions in the Fāṭimids lineage. In this context, some controversies have arisen in the historical process as historians have also been influenced by their sectarian affiliations. This article deals with al-Maqrīzī's views on these debates. al-Maqrīzī, one of the most important writers in medieval Islamic historiography, and author of many works in different branches of history, also wrote a voluminous work that sheds light on this debate. Al-Maqrīzī, who was able to look at events from different perspectives other than the conventional Sunnī conception of history, analysed the history of Fāṭimids in Sunnī all its aspects in his work called Ittiʿāz al-Ḥunafā. Al-Maqrīzī's attempt to prove the authenticity of the progeny of the Fāṭimids, who were the "other" according to the dominant understanding of the period, in his work, in which he tried to reflect his understanding of objectivity, also caused him to be accused of Shiʿism. At this point, writing the history of the Fāṭimids in a different style during the Mamluk period, which was built on the existence of the ʿAbbāsid caliph, is a striking example to see different aspects of Mamluk historiography. This study was conducted in accordance with the research and publication ethics, focusing on the main works of al-Maqrīzī. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of decency (edep), which denotes discipline and excellent morals, implies that a person conducts in a way that is consistent with social norms and moral standards and keeps a record of his actions. In tariqahs as well as in various units of the social structure, decency is acknowledged as a behavioural pattern that the individual is supposed to adhere to. Members of the Bektashi order, which has a significant influence on Turkish spirituality, were supposed to act in a manner that met specific standards of decency. This expectation has been expressed verbally as well as in manuscripts that offer a variety of details and substance concerning the group. In this study, the part between posture numbers from 2184 to 2187 in the manuscript registered with the archive number B-279-112 in the library of Hac Bektaş - Veli Research and Application Center has been looked at. The section begins with the title "Fütüvetnâme-i Şahı Merdân'dan çıkarılmıştır". As a result, this manuscript was initially introduced and a summary of the erkânnames was provided. On the basis of the aforementioned section, the framework for the notion of manners has been established, and the manners have been listed. The significance of these styles within Bektashism and Turkish culture was then assessed. Comparing previous research on the manuscript with the study we conducted helped to identify the differences. At the end of the article, the original text of the part from the work, and the translation of this material are given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Allah’ın belli bir şekilde vuku bulacağını haber verdiği bir olayın daha sonra başka bir şekilde gerçekleşmesi anlamına gelen bedâ anlayışı itikadi İslam mezhepleri arasında tartışmalı konuların başında gelmektedir. Çalışmamız Şîa’nın ortaya attığı bedâ inancını temellendirmeye çalışırken te’vil ettiği ayetlere, İmam Mâtürîdî’nin yaklaşımını ele almaktadır. Amacımız İmam Mâtürîdî’nin ilgili ayetleri hangi yöntemi kullanarak te’vil ettiğini ve bununla birlikte Şîa’nın bedâ ile ilgili ayetleri te’villerinde kullandığı yöntemi nasıl reddettiğini ortaya koymaktır. Bir Ehl-i Sünnet âlimi olan İmam Mâtürîdî’nin, Şîa’nın ayırıcı özelliklerinden olan bu anlayışa dair telakkileri İslam Mezhepler Tarihi disiplini açısından çok önemlidir. Bedâ anlayışının İmam Mâtürîdî’deki yansımalarını, kaleme aldığı tefsir kitabında tespit edilebilmekteyiz. Bu nedenle çalışmamız İmam Mâtürîdî’nin Teʾvîlâtü’l-Ḳurʾân eseri çerçevesinde şekillenecektir. İmam Mâtürîdî, Teʾvîlâtü’l-Ḳurʾân‘da kendi fikirlerini ön plana çıkarırken zaman zaman diğer mezheplerin telakkilerine de cevap vermektedir. Bu anlamda ele aldığı konulardan biri de bedâ anlayışıdır. O, tefsirinde Şîa’nın bedâ anlayışını açık bir şekilde reddetmektedir. Şîa’nın bedâ inancını desteklemek için ayetleri te’vil ediş şekillerini benimsememiş, ilgili ayetleri çok farklı bir şekilde yorumlamıştır. Böylece Şîa’dan farklı düşündüğünü ortaya koymuştur.

Alawism and Bektashism are one of the most striking groups in Anatolia considering the population density. Alawism that has mostly been on the agenda for the last fifty years, has been heavily discussed with its religious, political, ethnic and economical dimensions.Actually, it is not possible to handleAlawism and Bektashism independently from the change process that dragged the whole World and Turkey consequently. It was not possible for Alawism to stay away from this process which changed rapidly all social structures in the last two centuries. In essence, the change and transformation in the second half of the twentieth century in Alawite community who lives based on the principle of trust and rather in a closed structure in rural areas, can only be explained by the characteristics of the era. Therefore, in addition to many historical, social, political, economic and religious aspects of the subject stemming from the past, there are also problems brought about by the modern era. In this article, the main issues of Anatolian Alawism are discussed. In this context, the question of how the methods should be followed in firework studies has been discussed and the issue of the reliability of the available information has been debated. Also, the boundaries of the Alawism concept, the issue of Alavians’ ethnic origin, approaches to their religious status and the problem of politicization have been addressed. Thus, it has been tried to provide information in a general and objective way to those who want to know about the fundamental problems of Anatolian Alawism today.

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The vitality and intergenerational continuity of a nation's cultural heritage, encompassing all aspects of culture, values, traditions, norms, and beliefs, representing its historical connection to the past, present, and future, can only be sustained through the presence of written sources. While during the period referred to as the primary oral culture, people passed on their knowledge and experiences orally from generation to generation, only products that appealed to collective consciousness were retained in memory and transmitted. With the transition to written culture, texts containing the codes that bind communities together have not only expanded their spheres of influence but have also been more readily embraced and accepted. This is because preserving cultural memory, ensuring its complete transmission, and meeting the needs of the emerging generation within it without written sources for research is quite challenging. Alevism, which has emerged within Islamic culture and historically maintained its continuity through oral tradition, is one of the formations facing similar challenges today. However, the main problem here is not the lack of written sources for Alevism, but rather the absence of serious research on the subject, or if available, the lack of sensitivity in their publication. With this concern in mind, the " Alevi-Bektāshī Classics" project initiated and continued by the Turkish Religious Foundation represents a significant and well-founded step in bringing written literature related to the Alevi-Bektāshī tradition to light and incorporating it into Islamic culture. However, the written sources published in a simplified form to fit modern Turkish, while of great importance for learning the terminology, imagery, metaphorical teachings, language, and style of Alevism-Bektashism, have been found to have certain issues in terms of authenticity when examined in terms of content. At the forefront of these problems is the gathering of all works under the umbrella of " Alevi-Bektāshī Classics." Such a situation has led to the perception that some works belong to this tradition even though it is known that they do not. In fact, it is known that some of these works are embraced by various Sufi groups. Furthermore, errors in the naming of some works published within the framework of the " Alevi-Bektāshī Classics" project are also noteworthy. The publication of these works without considering their content has resulted in a discrepancy between their titles and content. In addition, the failure to thoroughly research and publish these works with scholarly scrutiny has adversely affected the objectivity of such a comprehensive project. Indeed, what should be done here is to complete the research by gathering and comparing manuscript copies found in various libraries and with individuals, rather than relying solely on transcribed works. Another noticeable issue related to the mentioned study is the translation errors made during the translation process. In fact, it has been identified that there are certain spelling errors related to the usage of the name Ali, which is one of the cornerstones of Alevism. Such uses can potentially lead to the formation of deep rifts between communities rather than contributing to the culture of coexistence in Muslim societies. Our research, conducted in the context of the publications titled " Alevi-Bektāshī Classics," aims to identify potential errors related to this literature. In this regard, we have examined and analyzed the aforementioned issues in our study, providing explanations with examples. Additionally, we have presented solutions to these problems with supporting arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the notes written by a Shīʿī scholar who is an opponent of Sufism in the flyleaf (wikāyya)of the collection numbered 521 in the Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islamī Library will be edited and the intellectual ground on which these notes are based will be analyzed. The notes in the flyleaf consist of two parts. The first part contains a short excerpt from the treatise Kifāyat al-ʿĀqilīn, which we estimate to have been written in the second half of the 11th/17th century, on the list of works written by Shīʿī scholars against sufi thought. The second part provides important information about the attribution of Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa, which is one of the first and most famous Sufi refutations written in the Shīʿīte tradition and whose authorship has been the subject of intense debate until today. There is no information in the text about when and by whom the notes in the flyleaf were written. Kifāyat al-ʿĀqilīn has not survived and there is no information about it in the sources. However, textual evidence suggests that this work was written by an unknown Shīʿī scholar, an opponent of Sufism, towards the end of the 11th/17th century. In the 11th/17th century, Shīʿī scholars opposed to Sufism compiled lists of refutations of Sufism in their works to justify the Shīʿī scholars' absolute opposition to the idea of Sufism in the historical process. Also included in this list of refutations are texts written by pre-Safavid Shi'i scholars in fields such aqāid, ḥadith, and biography, which contain only a few sentences that can be associated with Sufis. By means of these lists, it has been tried to prove that the Shīʿīte scholars were, without exception, opponents of Sufism in the historical process. It seems that the treatise Kifāyat al-ʿĀqilīn was also written for such a purpose. This treatise contains dozens of refutations of Sufism, some of whose fate is unknown to us. The second part of the notes in the flyleaf contains very important information about the Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa attributed to Muqaddas al-Ardabīlī (d. 993/1585), a famous Shiʿi scholar of the 10th/16th century, whose attribution remains unresolved to this day. The author claims that Muḥammad Ṭāhir Qummī (d. 1098/1687) stated in his Tuḥfet al-Aḫyār that the Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa belonged to al-Ardebīlī. He also claimed that in his own time, a person named Aḥmad Beg Yūzbāshī (11th/17th century) had a copy of Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa that had been copied during the time of al-Ardebīlī. In addition, the author argues that Kāshif al-Ḥaqq is a distorted version of Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa, saying, "In a bookshop in the city of Hyderabad in India, a book was seen which was written by selecting parts of Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa and which in many places was thought to have been written in the time of its author." Historically, there have been heated debates about the relationship between Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa and Kāshif al-Ḥaqq. According to the general opinion, Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa came into being when an unknown Shīʿī scholar who produced texts against Sufis removed positive statements about Sufis from Kāshif al-Ḥaqq, added a treatise of refutation against Sufi thought, and named the new book Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa attributing the new book to al-Ardabīlī because of its importance in the Shīʿīte tradition. Except for a few minor details, the author of Ḥadīqat al-Shīʿa left almost no trace of his falsification. However, the fact that al-Ardabīlī did not refer to Ḥadīḳat al-Shīʿa in any of his works and, more importantly, that no Shīʿī scholar, especially the biographical and bibliographical resources, mentioned such a work of his until 1060/1650 are important factors that make the attribution of this work to al-Ardabīlī doubtful. In addition, one of the most important indications that the work does not belong to al-Ardabīlī is the mention of the death of Mīrzā Makhdūm al-Shīrāzī. Reliable sources indicate that Mirzā Mahdūm died in 995/1587 and al-Ardabīlī in 993/1585. Therefore, it is not possible for al-Ardabīlī to have been aware of Mīrzā Makhdūm's death. This is one of the most important indications that the work does not belong to al-Ardebīlī. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of Dr Yılmaz Ari examines Alevi culture and belief in Adıyaman, focusing on the perspectives of the dede (dedes) and talip (followers). The author explores the role and significance of the dede as religious authorities and how they contribute to Alevi culture. The study acknowledges that Alevi culture is still present in six hearths in Adıyaman and that the dede fulfil important roles such as conducting ceremonies and mediating conflicts. However, the institution of grandfatherhood has been affected by secularization, leading to changes in religious and social values. The study also highlights the weakening relationship between the dede and talip due to urbanization and its impact on their interactions and participation in religious rituals. The author suggests that younger generations are distancing themselves from the dede due to modernization and a more educated mindset. However, the study also that the continued importance and functions of the dede in preserving Alevi culture, despite challenges. Overall, this study provides an insightful analysis of Alevism and the dedelik institution, offering valuable perspectives for further research. Alevism is a unique culture and belief living in Anatolia and the Balkans. Alevis have their lifestyle, traditions, values, and beliefs. This culture and belief attract the attention of many local and foreign researchers and is being analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Ülkemizin güney illeri ile Suriye topraklarında ve Lübnan’ın kuzey bölgelerinde yaşayan inanç gruplarından biri olan Nusayrîler ya da Arap Alevîleri, bâtınî fırkalardan ve Şîa’nın gulâtından kabul edilen bir mezheptir. Nusayrîlerin inanç esasları tetkik edildiğinde, yaşadıkları coğrafyada yaygın olan dinlerden ve bu beldelerin kültürlerinden etkilendikleri açıkça müşahede edilmektedir. Nusayrîler için Allah’ın Hz. Ali’nin bedenine hulûl ettiği şeklindeki inançları, tenâsüh, takiyye, bâtın-zâhir, te’vil, Hızır kültü, türbe inançları, İslâm’ın yapılmasını istediği temel ibadetlere dair bâtınî görüşleriyle aşırı fikirlere sahip Şiî kökenli bir fırka nitelemesi yapılabilir. Nusayrîler, ahiret hayatının varlığını kabul ettiklerini ifade etmekle birlikte cennet ve cehennemin sembolik olduğuna inanırlar. Onlara göre cennet ve cehennem insanın derununda yaşadığı bir haldir. Yaşadığımız dünya, kişi için hem cennet hem de cehennem olabilir. Ölen kişinin ruhunun tekrardan dünyaya gelmek suretiyle önceki yaşamında yaptıklarının karşılığı olarak bir hayat süreceği inancına sahiptirler. Asıl olan, kişinin mümin bir Nusayrî olarak yaşamını sürdürmesi ve nihayetinde nurlar âleminde nûrânî bir varlığa dönüşmesidir. Bu mertebeye ulaşan Nusayrî naîm cennetine gidecek ve böylelikle mükâfatlandırılmış olacaktır. Mezhebin temel inanç esaslarından biri olan tenâsüh hakkında Nusayrîler, bu konunun Kur’an-ı Kerim’de geçtiğini, haliyle İslâm’a aykırı olmadığını iddia etmektedirler. Biz de bu çalışmada Nusayrîlerin tenâsüh inancı hakkındaki görüşlerini betimleyici bir bakış açısıyla ele alacağız. Herhangi bir değer yargısında bulunmadan ahiret inancı, cennet ve cehennem konusu ile reenkarnasyon hakkında fikirlerini tarafsız bir bakış açısıyla inceleyeceğiz.

Bâbü’ş-Şeyṭân, İsmâiliyye mezhebine mensup Ebû Temmâm’ın Kitabüş-Şecere adlı eserinin bir bölümüdür. Kitabüş-Şecere’de cinler, şeytanlar, iblisler ve insanlar gibi çeşitli varlık türlerini inceleyen Ebû Temmâm, Bâbü’ş-Şeyṭân’da ise İslam mezheplerine yer vermektedir. Müellifin mezhebî kimliği, eserini diğer makâlât eserlerinden farklı kılmaktadır. Zira İsmâilî müelliflerce kaleme alınmış iki eserden biri olan Bâbü’ş-Şeyṭân’da pek çok bâtınî öge ile karşılaşmak mümkündür. Ayrıca eser kendisine has tasnif sistemiyle de diğer makâlât eserlerinden ayrılmaktadır. Eserde İslam mezhepleri yetmiş üç fırka hadisine göre tasnif edilmiştir. Amelleri imandan sayanlar, amelleri imandan saymayanlar ve imâmetin Hz. Ali’nin hakkı olduğunu düşünenler olmak üzere üç ana başlık altında fırkaları tasnif eden Ebû Temmâm, her başlık altında yirmi dört fırkaya yer vermiştir. Yetmiş üçüncü fırka ise Ebû Temmâm’ın Ehl-i Bâṭın olarak nitelediği kendi fırkasıdır. Bu makalemizde amaç, Bâbü’ş-Şeyṭân’ın başta tasnif sistemi ve bâtınî unsurların kullanımı olmak üzere diğer makâlât eserlerinden ayrılan özelliklerini tespit etmek olacaktır.

Hanefî âlim Muhammed Emîn İbn Âbidîn (1198-1252/1784-1836), yaşadığı dönemde Vehhâbîler’in tarihi için önemli olan gelişmelere şahit olmuştur. Vehhâbîler Hicaz’ı ele geçirmiş ancak Mısır valisi Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa ve oğulları Tosun Paşa ile İbrahim Paşa Hicaz’ı geri almış, Vehhâbîler’in kurdukları ilk Suûdî yönetimini ortadan kaldırmıştır. İbn Âbidîn Reddü’l-Muhtâr adlı kitabında, Vehhâbîleri devlete karşı isyan etmiş olan bağîler olarak değerlendirir. Onları Halife Hz. Ali’ye karşı isyan etmiş Hâricîler gibi görür ve onlardan “zamanı-mızda Hâricîler” diye söz eder. İbn Âbidîn’e göre Vehhâbîler Hanbelî mezhebini kabul eder. Ancak Vehhâbîler sadece kendilerinin Müslüman olduklarına inanırlar, muhaliflerini müşrik sayarlar. Ehl-i Sünnet mensuplarının öldürülmelerini mubah görürler. Hint alt kıtasında yakın tarihte ortaya çıkan Hanefî cemâatler Vehhâbîler’i tenkit etmişlerdir. Birelviler cemaatinin kurucusu olan Ahmed Rızâ Hân Birelvî (1272-1340/1856-1921), Hanefî Mâtürîdî ve sûfî olup Vehhâbî karşıt-lığıyla bilinir. Birelvî, kendisi gibi Hanefî Mâtürîdî ve sûfî olan Diyûbendîler’i Vehhâbî olmakla itham eder. Aynı dönemde yaşayan Diyûbendî alim Halîl b. Ahmed Sehârenpûrî (1269-1346/1852-1927), Vehhâbîler’i İbn Âbidîn’nin ifadelerini naklederek Hâricîler olarak değerlendirir ve kendilerine yapılan Vehhâbî yakıştırmasını reddeder. Sehârenpûrî’nin bu ifadeleri dönemin önde gelen Diyûbendî alimleri tarafından da tasdik edilmiştir. Vehhâbî karşıtlığı Osmanlı taraftarlığı anlamına gelmemektedir. Kureyş neslinden olmadıkları için Osmanlı hilafetini meşru görmeyen Birelvîler’in hilafet görüşü, İngilizler ile anlaşıp hilafet iddiasıyla Osmanlı’ya karşı isyan edecek olan Şerif Hüseyin’in hilafet iddiası ile uyumludur. Şerifler de Vehhâbîlere karşı mücade etmiştir. Diyûbendîler Şerif Hüseyin’in hilafet iddiasını reddetmiş, Osmanlı hilafetine desteğini sürdürmüş-tür. Bu çalışmada bu iki Hanefî ekolün Vehhâbîlik hakkındaki görüşleri bölgede-ki tarihi gelişmeler ile ilişkisi kurularak ele alınmaktadır.

Günümüze kadar süregelen bir mezhep olarak Zeydiliğin Yemen bölgesinde geçirdiği süreçlerden birisi de 16. yy.’da imametini ilan eden Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed ile başlayan ve Cumhuriyetin ilanına kadar iktidarın soyundan gelenlerin devam ettirdiği dönem bulunmaktadır. Ancak Kâsımîler dönemi olarak bilinen bu sürece dair literatürde yeterli bilgi bulunmamaktadır. Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed’in akaid, fıkıh, usul gibi alanlarda kıymetli eserlerinin yanı sıra kaleme aldığı ufak bir risalesi de bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise Kâsımî Hanedanlığının kurucusu olarak bilinen Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed’in oğlu Müeyyed-Billâh Muhammed b. Kâsım için kaleme aldığı vasiyet metninin literatüre kazandırılması amaçlanmaktadır.

Allah'ın belli bir şekilde vuku bulacağını haber verdiği bir olayın daha sonra başka bir şekilde gerçekleşmesi anlamına gelen bedâ anlayışı itikadî İslâm mezhepleri arasında tartışmalı konuların başında gelmektedir. Çalışmamız Şîa'nın ortaya attığı bedâ inancını temellendirmeye çalışırken te'vil ettiği ayetlere, İmam Mâtürîdî'nin yaklaşımını ele almaktadır. Amacımız İmam Mâtürîdî'nin ilgili ayetleri hangi yöntemi kullanarak te'vil ettiğini ve bununla birlikte Şîa'nın bedâ ile ilgili ayetleri te'villerinde kullandığı yöntemi nasıl reddettiğini ortaya koymaktır. Bir Ehl-i Sünnet âlimi olan İmam Mâtürîdî'nin, Şîa'nın ayırıcı özelliklerinden olan bu anlayışa dair telakkileri İslam Mezhepler Tarihi disiplini açısından çok önemlidir. Bedâ anlayışının İmam Mâtürîdî'deki yansımalarını, kaleme aldığı tefsir kitabında tespit edilebilmekteyiz. Bu nedenle çalışmamız İmam Mâtürîdî'nin Te1vîlâtü'l-Kur1ân eseri çerçevesinde şekillenecektir. İmam Mâtürîdî, Te1vîlâtü'l-Kur1ân'da kendi fikirlerini ön plana çıkarırken zaman zaman diğer mezheplerin telakkilerine de cevap vermektedir. Bu anlamda ele aldığı konulardan biri de bedâ anlayışıdır. O, tefsirinde Şîa'nın bedâ anlayışını açık bir şekilde reddetmektedir. Şîa'nın bedâ inancını desteklemek için ayetleri te'vil ediş şekillerini benimsememiş, ilgili ayetleri çok farklı bir şekilde yorumlamıştır. Böylece Şîa'dan farklı düşündüğünü ortaya koymuştur. The concept of Bada, meaning that an event predicted by Allah will occur in a certain way and then occur in another way, is one of the most controversial topics among the religious sects of Islam. Our study focuses on Imam Mâturîdî's approach to the verses he interpreted while attempting to establish the belief in Bada held by the Shiites. Our aim is to bring forth what method Imam Maturidi used to interpret the relevant verses and how he rejected the method used by the Shiites in interpreting the Bada verses. The views of Imam Maturîdî, a scholar of the Ahl al-Sunnah, on this understanding, which is one of the characteristic features of the Shiites, are very important for the History of Islamic Sects discipline. We can see the reflections of Bada concept understanding in Imam Mâtürîdî in the Tafsir book he wrote. For this reason, our study is framed within the framework of Imam Mâtürîdî's work Te1vîlâtü'l-Kur1ân. While Imam Mâtürîdî highlights his own ideas in TeVlatWl-Kur'an, he also addresses the concepts of other sects from time to time. In this sense, one of the topics he deals with is understanding of Bada. In his commentary he clearly rejects the Shiite understanding of Bada. He did not adopt the way of interpreting the verses to support the Shia belief in Bada, but interpreted the relevant verses in a completely different way. In doing so, he showed that he thought differently than the Shiites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alevi nitelemeli gelenek üzerine yapılacak çalışmalarda, geleneğin tarihî, teolojik ve güncel boyutunu bütüncül olarak ele almak oldukça önemlidir. Bu nedenle çalışmalarda gelenek mensuplarının, "boy, soy, aşiret" yapılanmasına dayanan göçebe/yarı göçebe yaşam tarzını göz önünde bulundurmak, geleneğin tarihî sürecinin bilinmesine; keşif ve ilham merkezli epistemolojik kabullerini dikkate almak da tasavvufi anlayışa/tarikat yapılanmasına dayanan dinî/teolojik konumunun anlaşılmasına katkı sunar. Diğer yandan geleneksel dünya görüşünün verileriyle inşa edilen kabullerin, göç, şehirleşme, kitlesel eğitime erişim gibi modern zamanların çıktıları sonucunda tartışmaya açılması, geleneksel kurumların/rollerin işlevini yer yer modern kurumlara/rollere bırakması gibi bazı hususlar da Alevi nitelemeli gelenek mensuplarının güncel durumunu ele almayı zorunlu kılar. Cenksu Üçer tarafından kaleme alınan Anadolu'da Alevî Ocakları ve Grupları isimli eser, konuları bu çerçevede ele almaya özen gösterir. Eserde Alevi nitelemeli geleneğin tarihî, teolojik ve güncel durumu, disiplinler arası kapsayıcı bir yaklaşımla ve mezhepler tarihinin betimleyici üslubu ile ele alınır. Bu bakımdan eser, alana katkı yapma potansiyeline sahip, akademik anlamda veya popüler düzeyde konuya ilgi duyanlara hitap eden bir çalışmadır. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the number of publications on Shiism in Saudi Arabia and on Wahhabism in Iran has increased significantly. Since it would be beyond the scope of this study to deal with all of these publications, in this article, we will only present the publications on Wahhabism in the field of traditional and modern religious sciences in Iran. First of all, it should be noted that the large number of publications on Wahhabism in Iran makes it very difficult to scan the sources in scienti-fic research on this subject. This situation makes it compulsory to carry out biographical studies on the subject. For this reason, in this article, we first mentioned the importance of bibliographical studies in academic researches, and then pointed out that the systematic gathering of sources according to the subjects enables easy access to the works in question, which facilitates the activation of information sharing. In this study, we aimed to bring together the bibliographical works on Wahhabism, which numbered hundreds in Iran, by taking bibliographical studies in the field of History of Islamic Sects as an example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term Halku'l-Qur'an is related to whether the Quran was created or not. This concept does not appear in the Holy Quran. It is not possible to come across this expression in early hadith sources. This issue has been discussed within the framework of divine attributes. As a result of these discussions, it became one of the focal issues in the separation of sects and became a political and religious issue. Due to its religious and political consequences, it has led to the emergence of groups and parties that think differently. The polarizations that occurred in the society therefore also affected the attitudes of the administrators. The issue of Halku'l-Qur'an negatively affected many groups, including scholars, due to the harsh attitudes of the rulers during the Abbasid period. We tried to reveal how this issue, which brought about political and theological debates, was discussed by the Ibādīs, and which topics were focused on, by examining the works of Ebû Ya'kūb al-Vercelânî (d. 570/1175), an important scholar of the Ibādīs. In the work titled ed-Delîl ve'l-burhân li-ehli'l-ḍukūl by Ebû Ya'kūb al-Vercelânî, one of the important scholars of the Ibâdîs, Vercelânî tried to explain the subject of the people of the Qur'an by focusing on divine attributes and He put forward his criticisms against sects that thought differently. In our study, we tried to determine the ideas of the Ibādīs on the issue of Khalq al-Qur'an and Vercelânī's views, claims and criticisms on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firaq writing started very early in Islamic history. Some firaq authors aimed to record the sects that lived in history and transfer them to the next centuries for a purely scientific purpose, and they tried to be as objective as possible in their books. On the other hand, some authors, wrote such works for a religious and lofty purpose, such as fulfilling the duty assigned to them by the sect and belief they belong to. These authors aimed to protect their sects from the intellectual attacks of other sects and to keep them superior to them, and therefore they didn't develop an objective style in their books. This situation has led to the formation of fiction literature over time. The book named al-Rad ʿalā al-Rāfiḍa va al-Yazīdiyye, written by Abu Firās (d. 658/1260) in the middle of the 7/13st century, also appears as a product of this literature. This work was written to strengthen the Ahl al-Sunnah belief against the Rāfidī and Yazīdī movements that emerged in Baghdad and to prevent the harm that these sects could cause to the Ahl al-Sunnah people of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the history of humanity, nearly all known religious traditions incorporate a future savior idea. Throughout the history, it is evident that the belief of a savior has evolved and enriched itself with various symbolic motifs, acquiring mythological dimensions Similarly, mythological accounts from numerous cultures from ancient times have themes similar to savior idea. In the early period of the communities of G_h_ulāt Shī'a within Islamic culture, it is noteworthy that some motifs can be traced in the concept of the Mahdi, woven around the savior idea present in Middle Eastern religious traditions and mythological narratives. In this context, we believe that considering the mythological elements, which are the products of collective imagination of the humanity, is of great importance in order to understand the various aspects of savior belief. Our study aims, in this regard, to draw attention to certain mythological images present in the early Shiite sects' understanding of the Mahdi, through a comparative analysis with the mythic narratives of other religions and societies. In this study, we have employed a methodology rooted in the fundamental principles of general science, including description, explanation, comparison, establishing relationships, and interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bernard Lewis, one of the greatest orientalist of the twenty-first century, is an academic who has devoted his studies to the Middle East and Islam. The general perception in our society towards Lewis, who was a consultant to George Walker Bush for a while, is that he did his research beyond academic curiosity with the aim of providing intelligence to his state in order to shape the US's Middle East policies and reorganize the geography. With the exception of academic circles, the general perception of Lewis and his work in our society is negative. Bernard Lewis, most of whose works have been translated into Turkish and who is widely read in our country, puts Turkey in a separate place from the Middle East countries. It has engaged our attention that Lewis's criticism of Islam, the language he used in his criticisms, and more importantly, the research on his objectivity has been neglected while he has been glorified in some academic circles for praising Turkey's democracy adventure. Studies on Lewis's ideas are important because he is an effective academic. According to Lewis, who thinks that religion is the most fundamental reason for East-West polarization, it is not possible for the two civilizations in question to approach each other with tolerance in the short term. The reason for this is that there is no effort to renew the teachings and religious thought of Islam. In this research, the possibility of a philosopher's absolute isolation from his belongings and an impartial view of the other will be discussed in the context of Bernard Lewis by dealing with his ideas on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamic journals are pivotal sources in deciphering the developmental trajectory of Islamic thought. Beyond providing insights into recent events, these journals hold significance as valuable resources for understanding the evolution of religious thought and concepts. Tracing the formative stages of the journey of Islamic journals is crucial for comprehending pivotal junctures in Islamic thought in Turkey and ensuring coherence in Islamic thought research. The transition to multiparty democracy in Turkey ushered in a partial environment of freedom, impacting the realm of Islamic journalism. The conducive conditions for the expression of Islamic thought emerged in the 1960s, marking a distinctive period in Turkey. This era, characterized by translation activities, witnessed the predominant translation of works from the Muslim Brotherhood (Ihvân-ı Müslimîn) in Egypt and Islamic movements in the Pakistan region into Turkish. The contributions of these translated works, notably from figures like Seyyid Kutub, Hasan al-Bannâ, and Mawdudi, played a significant role in establishing them as pioneers of Islamic thought in Turkey. However, limited independent studies focus on how the Ihvân movement is perceived among Islamic journals in Turkey. Consequently, the aim of this article is to determine the perception of the Ihvân movement in Turkey, particularly within the influential Hilâl magazine. Through this lens, it is discerned that Hilâl magazine and its publications served as a primary gateway for the intellectual cadre of the Ihvân movement to enter Turkey. The years between 1960 and 1970 witnessed a concentration of translations in Hilâl magazine, aiming to infuse action into Islamic thought in Turkey and contribute to the Islamic awakening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of Rü'yetullah started to be discussed at the end of the first century of the Hijri, and there was an ongoing debate between the Mu'tazila, who advocated the impossibility of seeing Allah, and the Ahl al-Sunnah, who argued that Allah will be seen in the hereafter. Maturidi, who is one of the important representatives of Ahl al-Sunnah, did not remain indifferent to this issue, which took its place among the current discussion topics in the period when he lived, on the contrary, he gave wide coverage to the subject in his Kitâbü't-Tawhid and Kitâbü't-Te'vilat. He explains the issue through the criticisms of the Mu'tazila towards his contemporary al-Ka'bî; He detailed it through the filter of verses, hadiths and reason and said that it was necessary for Allah to be seen in the afterlife and that it would happen. While analyzing the issue of Rü'yetullah, Maturidi used arguments, presentation of evidence, etc. in both of his works. The method he followed reveals the harmony of meaning and phrase between these works, points out that the views and the owner of the view are the same person, and shows that the owner of both works is Maturidi. This harmony; It removes the suspicion of belonging that some orientalists who do research on Mâturîdî's works have created on the works. In this article, Maturidi's views on rü'yetullah in both of his mentioned works; It is given comparatively without damaging its originality, and minor differences in the phrase are also shown. With this study, both Maturidi's views on the issue are presented together in a tidy manner and it is revealed that Kitâbü't-Tawhid and Kitâbü't-Te'vilat belong to Maturidi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the studies on the birth and formation process of Kharijism, political, social, religious and cultural factors have been sufficiently emphasized, but economic factors have not been given enough attention. Kharijism is a religious and political movement that started in the pre-Islamic period and emerged as a result of the political, social, economic and cultural changes and transformations experienced after Islam. As a result of the political, social, cultural and economic change and transformation that took place during the first four caliphs, a number of conflicts arose among Muslims. The mass revolt movement that emerged during the reign of Uthman resulted in his murder. The election of Ali as caliph did not solve the problems. On the contrary, it brought new problems with it. During this period, the issues of Camel, Siffin and Arbitration Incident caused a political and religious grouping in Ali's army. The idea of arbitrator put forward in Siffin was not the only reason for this divergence. It was the result of the political and economic conflict between the Quraysh and other Arab tribes that started in the pre-Islamic period and continued after the Prophet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the disciplines on the stage of history as independent fields of science depends on the existence of more than one variable. The most important of these variables are concepts, resources and method. It is known that the basic parameters of the method are the concepts and the resources. While the trend area and dynamic structure of the concepts are more limited in terms of the disciplines, the situation changes when it comes to the resources. The main reason for this change is the difference in the number of resources. When the disciplines are compared in terms of conceptual and source, it is seen that the number of classical or modern sources is much higher than the concepts. This is the case for almost all the disciplines. The situation is the same for the History of Islamic Sects, which analyzes the history and current situation of the sects, which are movements of differentiation based on the politics and the belief. While this discipline has a limited number of unique concepts, it also hosts a large number of the sources from past to present. Both groups of these sources, which can be divided into two groups as classical and modern sources, are significant. It is also significant to analyze modern sources, which were shaped under the influence of classical sources to a certain extent but have their own unique characteristics, through different variables. Therefore, in our article, two works titled "History of Islamic Sects", written in the last hundred years with the same title but with a time difference of approximately fifty years between them, were analyzed. While analyzing the relevant works, a comparative method was followed based on variables such as concept, source, content and method. Thus, the change that the recent literature of the History of Islamic Sects has experienced, was tried to be determined through these two works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Hz. Peygamber’in vefatından sonra Müslümanlar arasında yaşanan olaylar, toplu olarak ya da bu olaylarda başı çeken şahıslar özelinde tartışmaların yaşanmasını beraberinde getirmiştir. Mezheplerin; savaşlara katılanların tamamının kâfir olduğu, bu konularda konuşulmaması gerektiği, her iki tarafın da içtihat ederek bir karara vardığı gibi farklı değerlendirmeler yaptığı bilinmektedir. Ali ile girdiği iktidar mücadelesi, halifeliği ve bu dönemdeki faaliyetleriyle Muâviye, hakkında farklı değerlendirmelerin yapıldığı isimlerin başında gelmektedir. İslâm düşüncesinde zuhur etmiş mezhepler ve müntesipleri, Muâviye hakkında farklı kanaatlere sahip olmuş ve bu konuda bir tarafa meyletmiştir. İtikadî boyutuyla erken dönem İslâm düşüncesinin mezheplerinden biri olan Hanbelîlik, Muâviye hakkındaki yaklaşımıyla üzerinde durulmayı hak etmektedir. Bu çalışmada Hanbelî mezhebinin Muâviye hakkındaki fikirlerinin tespiti ve bunların benimsenmesindeki nedenlerin belirlenmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Sünnîlik ile Şiî düşünce arasındaki gerilimin ve Bağdat’ta yaşayan Şiîlerin, Hanbelî mezhebinin Muâviye’ye yaklaşımını etkilediği görülmektedir. Erken dönemlerden itibaren Muâviye hakkında eserler kaleme alan mezhep müntesipleri bu konuya önem vermişlerdir. Ebû Ya‘lâ el-Ferrâ, Tenzîhü hâli’l-mü’minîne Mu‘âviyeti’bni Ebî Süfyân mine’z-zulmi ve’l-fıski fî mütâlebetihi bi demi emîri’l-mü’minîne ‘Osmân adlı eseriyle bu konunun en önemli klasiklerinden birini meydana getirmiştir. Ebû Ya‘lâ el-Ferrâ’nın Tenzîhü Mu‘âviye isimli çalışması merkeze alınarak Hanbelî mezhebinin bu konudaki düşüncelerinin panoramik sunumu; İslâm dünyasının içerisinde bulunduğu durum, iktidardaki devletlerin politikaları ve Hanbelîlerin ilişki içerisinde olduğu mezhepler (Şîa-Eş‘arîlik-Yezîdîlik) bağlamında yapılmıştır. Özellikle Ebû Ya‘lâ el-Ferrâ’nın eserinin yer aldığı el yazması mecmua, içerisindeki diğer eserlerle birlikte Hanbelîlik ile Yezîdîlik ilişkisi bağlamında önemli değerlendirmeler yapma imkânı sunmaktadır. Hanbelîlerin Muâviye hakkındaki fikirleri, Ali ve yaşanan savaşlar hakkındaki kanaatler ve sahabe arasındaki fazilet sıralaması gibi konuları da dikkate almayı gerekli kılmaktadır.

Islamophobia, which can most clearly be defined as anti-Islamism and hatred, is a current problem that has been studied in detail in many fields from sociology to politics, psychology to international relations, but its theological dimension has mostly been ignored. Therefore, the idea that Islamophobia has a theological dimension at its origin and then transformed into a socio-cultural and industrial form in the historical process is a subject worth examining. The Islamic civilization, which emerged from a relatively ineffective region and tribe in the era in which it emerged, soon challenged Christian Rome. The rapid spread of Islam in the areas dominated by Christianity and its determination to shake the foundations of the Christian faith led Christianity to see Islam as an important rival, and this rivalry continued throughout history. The Christian Western world, which for many years was in conflict with pagan culture, with the Jews, then with itself, and eventually with Islam, brought the religious wars it waged in the Middle Ages to the scientific world with orientalism, and updated and institutionalized anti-Islamism with the concept of Islamophobia. John of Damascus, who formed the first theological foundations of the concept of Islamophobia, created an important line of tension and rupture between Christians and Muslims with his works. John of Damascus, who was active in the 8th century when important debates took place, was the first important figure who caused the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and Islam to be perceived negatively during the Middle Ages. The Christian-Islamic debates, which started with John and took shape on polemics, served as a source for many theologians in the following centuries. Islam and Christianity have largely spread in the same geography. Muslims conquered Jerusalem, Spain and Istanbul, which are important for the Christian world, and reached the gates of Vienna to reach Rome, the spiritual centre of the Christian world. The challenges that the Christian era ended with the coming of Islam and that divine salvation is only in Islam constituted the theo-political origin of Islamophobia. That is why, for most of the Middle Ages, Islam was seen as a symbol of mortal danger, and this approach has been maintained until today. One of the main reasons why Christianity has targeted Islam since the early times is their belief that both Christianity and Islam will take over the world from each other. Especially the rapid spread of Islam through conquests and its reach to very distant geographies increased these fears of Christians in the Middle Ages over time. Today, this situation has not changed; on the contrary, Islam has continued to spread despite all the negative propaganda. The historical fears of the Western World that the nearly two billion Muslim community will wake up from a deep sleep of several hundred years, become stronger again, erode European values, destroy Western civilization and establish an Islamic order, reveals the hostility to Islam in their subconscious. For, according to the Christian West, the main source of motivation behind the conquering understanding of Muslims since their early times is the relationship they established between Islam's very strong belief in a single god and the vision of political domination. Muslims' establishment of a new civilization focused on science, philosophy, art and thought, together with their political power, was perceived as a socio-cultural threat, and theological prejudices played a decisive role in the formation of this situation. Therefore, we think that comprehensive studies should be conducted on the theological roots of Islamophobia, and that such studies will contribute to social awareness that the main problem when dealing with Islamophobia is not the East-West conflict, but anti- Islamism (the reality/phenomenon), which is a reflection of the historical subconscious of the Christian world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]