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Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorist organizations are presumed to specialize in the planning and execution of acts of terrorism, but to what extent do these groups actually employ terrorism? The answer can help inform the debate over whether such groups should be labeled terrorist organizations at all. We explore these questions by examining the relative use of terrorism vis-à-vis guerrilla tactics among 1,013 groups listed in the Global Terrorism Database from 1970 to 2019. We find, first, that "terrorist groups" have historically relied on a combination of terrorist and guerrilla tactics. Second, while terrorism has been the preferred mode of warfare in the first four decades examined, guerrilla tactics have predominated in the 2010s. Our findings imply that the use of the "terrorist group" label had empirical justifications in the first four, although not the most recent decade under review. The data support calls for the adoption of value-neutral labels for contemporary militant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After general Miguel Primo de Rivera's coup d'état in Spain in 1923, Francesc Macià went into French exile. The leader of the Catalan separatist movement and his political-military organization, Estat Català, organized an army. Macià's aim was to penetrate with several columns of men into Catalonia to proclaim the Catalan Republic in Barcelona. This article exposes Macià's difficulties in obtaining weapons and ammunition, describes the armament obtained and uses the conflicts which took place in Ireland between 1916 and 1923 as a frame to analyse the scope and prospects of the Catalan separatist insurrection in 1926. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo muestra, mediante el análisis de un amplio conjunto de materiales provenientes de distintos medios de comunicación impresos y audiovisuales, que los fenómenos de violencia política desarrollados en México durante los años setenta no sólo no permanecían ocultos para la población (como se ha plantado generalmente), sino que ocuparon un importante y complejo espacio como mercancías de consumo para los sectores urbanos. Para mostrar esto, el texto presenta tres apartados. En primer lugar, se realiza una revisión crítica de los estudios dedicados a analizar la presencia de la violencia política en los medios de comunicación y propone que es necesario emprender un replanteamiento de los consensos historiográficos alcanzados. En segundo lugar, se realiza un seguimiento sintético de la trayectoria política y mediática de los dos principales grupos armados surgidos en el estado de Guerrero para mostrar cómo estos grupos participaron activamente en la esfera pública. Finalmente, se hace la revisión de materiales que comúnmente han quedado fuera de los estudios sobre la presencia de la violencia política en los medios, como reportajes de televisión, películas o historietas, para mostrar que la percepción pública del fenómeno guerrillero se jugó en un complejo y cambiante mapa mediático que posibilitó la aparición de la violencia política en la esfera pública en espacios y formas menos esquemáticos de lo que suele pensarse.

En este artículo se siguen los pasos del guerrillero Florencio (a) El Güero Medrano en la sierra chinanteca de Oaxaca. Se perfila el movimiento campesino que se desarrolló entre 1965 y 1983 en el distrito de Tuxtepec, ubicado en los límites de selva chinanteca y los llanos de la Cuenca del Papaloapan. En este levantamiento participaron diversas organizaciones de izquierda a nivel nacional, desde la Unión General de Organizaciones Campesina de México (UGOCM), dirigida en un principio por Jacinto López en Sonora; los movimientos normalistas y estudiantiles de Oaxaca como la Coordinadora de Obreros, Campesinos y Estudiantes de Oaxaca (COCEO), la Coordinadora Obrero Campesina Estudiantil del Istmo (COCEI) y el Centro Regional de Educación Normal de Tuxtepec, Oaxaca (CRENTO) hasta algunos sobrevivientes de la Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre. “El Güero” Medrano, uno de los últimos participantes en la guerrilla de Lucio Cabañas en Guerrero, se involucró en las luchas campesinas de la región hasta su muerte el 26 de marzo de 1979 en el municipio de San Pedro Yolox en la Sierra de Juárez, Oaxaca.

This article follows the steps of the guerrilla led by Florencio el "Güero" Medrano in the Chinantec mountains of Oaxaca. This text outlines the peasant movement that developed in the district of Tuxtepec, located on the limits of the Chinanteca Region and the plains of the Papaloapan Basin, between 1965 and 1983. Various left-wing organizations participated at the national level of this movement, for example, the Union General de Organizaciones Campesina de México (UGOCM), initially led by Jacinto López in Sonora, or the normalista and student movements of Oaxaca such as the Coordinadora de Obreros, Campesinos y Estudiantes de Oaxaca (COCEO), the Coordinadora Obrero Campesina Estudiantil del Istmo (COCEI) and the Centro Regional de Educación Normal de Tuxtepec Oaxaca (CRENTO). Some survivors of the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre also became involved. El Güero Medrano, one of the last participants in Lucio Cabañas guerrilla in Guerrero, and was an important participant in peasant struggles in the region until his death on March 26, 1979 in the municipality of San Pedro Yolox in the Sierra de Juárez, Oaxaca. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Si se tiene en cuenta que una de las renovaciones de la “nueva historia” consistió en cuestionar el concepto de fuente, así como incorporar al análisis histórico otros registros (diarios, cartas, memorias, novelas, fotografías) que no expresaran el punto de vista oficial, el escrutinio del testimonio de la exguerrillera Nidia Díaz resulta capital para indagar en la representación discursiva de la guerrilla en El Salvador. Por ello, merece la pena atender cómo es que Díaz contribuye, desde la escritura, a registrar aquellos episodios que protagonizó y cuya relevancia ha sido omitida por las narraciones hegemónicas. En aras de comprender los ideales de la guerrilla y la manera en que estos fueron asumidos por sus miembros, los testimonios ofrecen un campo de estudio prolífico e interesante. Sumado a lo anterior, los testimonios escritos por mujeres ofrecen matices dignos de atención. Acaso el más relevante y atendible es el que se cierne sobre la representación de la “mujer”. En este tenor, este artículo pretende analizar el testimonio de Nidia Díaz como un espacio en conflicto donde los entrecruzamientos de género, lo político y lo discursivo convergen, colisionan o se repelen creando tensiones que son ineludibles al momento de configurar su identidad como mujer revolucionaria.

El propósito de este artículo es abordar el intento de conformar la sección argentina del Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). Para ello, en la primera parte del trabajo analizamos la composición de los diferentes nucleamientos militantes que viajaron, entre 1966-1967, hacia Cuba con el propósito de adiestrarse militarmente para integrar la columna guerrillera argentina proyectada a ser comandada por Ernesto Guevara, antecedente inmediato de aquella experiencia. En la segunda, nos adentramos en el análisis de la fisionomía y lógica de funcionamiento de la sección argentina, conformada secretamente para ligarse en coordinación al intento de relanzar el ELN, bajo el liderazgo de Álvaro Peredo, luego del fracaso de su antecesor. Finalmente, consideramos que la experiencia “elena” en Argentina constituye un momento bisagra en el devenir del movimiento armado argentino por dos razones: 1) Manifiesta un trazo de continuidad con el surgimiento de las organizaciones armadas revolucionarias setentistas; 2) Expresa un deslizamiento hacia una mayor autonomía en relación al impulso brindado por las autoridades cubanas. Para la labor efectuada se ha recurrido a un insumo variado de fuentes historiográficas conformado por entrevistas orales, informes de fuerzas de seguridad, documentos partidarios y prensa comercial.

La violencia en Colombia ha estado, por décadas, amarrada a los problemas del desarrollo de las zonas rurales, y son las mujeres campesinas habitantes de esos territorios quienes más la han sufrido. El artículo evidencia cómo vivenciaron y simbolizaron sus emociones y su cuerpo nueve (9) mujeres de origen campesino, quienes fueron integrantes de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia. La investigación fue no experimental, cualitativa y de tipo exploratorio-descriptivo. Se hicieron entrevistas clínicas individuales y se aplicó el Mapa Fantasmático Corporal. En la investigación se encontró: a) Las mujeres campesinas, que integraron la guerrilla, fueron victimarías y víctimas, por una parte, porque nacieron y se crecieron en contextos rurales en condiciones de vulnerabilidad socioeconómica y política, y, por otra parte, porque su condición de género fue invisibilizada. b) La guerra implicó para ellas que su cuerpo y emociones, así como su sexualidad, maternidad, relaciones familiares y sociales, debían estar inscritas en la lógica de la guerra y ser funcionales a la misma. Se concluye, que su paso por la vida en la guerrilla introdujo secuelas en su salud mental, cuerpo y vínculos sociales, lo que implica que la atención de esta población debe hacerse con enfoque de género.

The government of Gustavo Petro aims to establish a devel-opment plan called "Colombia World Power for Life", where he expects to realize programs, plans, and projects, and to provide subsidies for the population in condition of poverty and vulnerability, to reform the fiscal, labor, justice legisla-tion and to improve education and health systems. The agen-da of the government includes also dialogue with the aim of establishing the total peace with the different actors of the armed conflict, overcoming historical injustice, ensuring a decent life for the population and social inclusion. In the same way, the change in the way of relating to the environment is sought with a productive transformation based on knowledge and in harmony with nature.

Copyright of Revista Virtual Universidad Católica del Norte is the property of Revista Virtual Universidad Catolica del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The compulsory military service was introduced in Spain in 1837. Resistance to “serving the King” in the countryside adopted sometimes collective forms such as draft riots, but eventually young men tried mostly to evade it through individual acts such as self-mutilation or illegal migration. These strategies contributed to erode the internal solidarity and cohesion of village communities, which had no legal recognition at all in spite of their actual weight in everyday life. The events after the coup of July 1936 and the beginning of the Spanish Civil War must be understood against the background of that tradition. Our case-study is Galicia (NW Spain), a predominant rural region which was controlled by the perpetrators of the coup in a few weeks. Many people, fearing for their lives, fled to the woods, some of them soon creating the first resistance groups against the military Junta and others fleeing into exile. Archival and oral sources allow us to understand their survival strategies. The guerrilla’s action lasted until the mid-1950s and in some individual cases even well into the 1960s. Their survival depended on the local solidarity networks, which were again tested against the State power but at this juncture under the form of a ruthless dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digna de reseñarse dentro de la historia española es el papel de la Generación-1808. Su tarea consiste nada menos que poner en marcha la sustitución del régimen absolutista por el modelo liberal. En terreno político sorprende la capacidad de autogobierno del pueblo español. En menos de un trimestre se llega a la formación de un nuevo gobierno: Junta Suprema Central. La libertad de imprenta y la elaboración de la primera Constitución (1812) es una buena prueba de eficiencia máxime en una situación realmente crítica. En el campo militar se recurre a la “guerra total”: al mundo campesino especialmente, base del voluntariado “guerrillero”; también por el tipo de armas: cada cual combate con lo que tiene más a mano. Las consecuencias económicas, sociales, políticas y hasta psicológicas son elevadísimas; las cuales estarán latentes durante al menos medio siglo de inestabilidad entre gobiernos liberales y absolutistas. El iberismo cobrará fuerza como alternativa, tanto en Portugal como en España, frente a Inglaterra y Francia respectivamente.

Armed collectives have had an important presence during the 21st century in the state of Lara in central-western Venezuela, a region where, since the sixties of the 20th century, the presence of irregular groups insurgent against the governments of the time has been observed with varying intensity. This article analyzes the changes experienced by these groups during the Chavista period and during the government of Nicolas Maduro, in addition to understanding the existing continuities from the sixties of the twentieth century onwards, whether against or in favor of the governments. In-depth interviews with members of these organizations, political leaders, police officers, former combatants, newspaper material were used for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

este artículo examina la experiencia de dos generaciones de estudiantes (1980 y 1990) de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Lima, Perú) durante el conflicto armado interno en Perú para cuestionar la memoria de salvación promovida por el Gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). La metodología utilizada fue la del análisis de entrevistas semiestructuradas a profundidad, a partir de la teoría de la microhistoria propuesta por Ginzburg, en donde se entretejen tres niveles de análisis: a nivel macro el enfrentamiento entre Sendero Luminoso y el Estado, a nivel meso el contexto universitario y a nivel micro los relatos de los estudiantes. Se identificaron dos posturas contrarias en ambos grupos, algunos de los estudiantes de la década de 1980 consideran que Sendero Luminoso surgió como parte del contexto universitario politizado en pequeños círculos de estudio; mientras que, otros consideran que tuvo presencia avasalladora. En la década de 1990, algunos aprueban la intervención militar y administrativa por la estabilidad que trajo consigo; mientras que otros, la cuestionan por ir en contra de la autonomía universitaria y por representar una violencia simbólica constante. Estos hallazgos sugieren que la percepción de los universitarios varía según sus experiencias personales, motivaciones e intereses en el momento. Por lo que es importante considerar estas diferentes perspectivas para una comprensión completa de los eventos históricos.

En este artículo se abordará el fenómeno de la guerrilla antifranquista desde dos perspectivas. Por un lado, la de género, centrándonos en las mujeres que colaboraron de una forma u otra con la guerrilla antifranquista y, por otro, desde el punto de vista de la represión, mostrando la violencia que el régimen ejerció sobre las mujeres a las que procesó a través de los tribunales militares por delitos relacionados con la resistencia armada. Para ello, se utilizará la provincia de Albacete como marco para el análisis y la agrupación guerrillera que actuó en ella. Como fuentes, principalmente se utilizará la documentación militar que encausó a diferentes mujeres. Pero, dentro de todas las procesadas por colaborar con la guerrilla, nos centraremos en un fenómeno específico: aquellas que fueron encarceladas por motivos que se encontraban dentro de la esfera privada y por actuar como el régimen esperaba de ellas: ser buenas madres, esposas e hijas.

A resistencia antifranquista é un dos temas recorrentes na novela galega da memoria do s. XXI. Estre artigo pretende realizar unha aproximación a dúas das obras máis representativas que conforman este corpus: Expediente Artieda (2000) de Luís Rei Núñez e A vitoria do perdedor (2013) de Carlos G. Reigosa. A lectura dos textos parte das propostas teórico-metodolóxicas dos estudos de memoria cultural co obxectivo de analizar as representacións que ambos ofrecen da oposición ao franquismo, marcadas pola idea da derrota. Alén diso, o traballo detense nalgúns aspectos particulares, como a construción dos personaxes, para mostrar cal é o modo ético-político de memoria polo que cada un dos autores avoga na súa ficcionalización do pasado traumático colectivo.

The article analyzes the evolution of the international insertion of the Venezuelan Communist Left in the period that covers the times from the end of the Second World War till almost the moment of the collapse of the Soviet Union. The authors focus, above all, on the relations between Venezuelan communism, the PCUS, the Communist Parties of Cuba and China, however, they also emphasize the meaning of contacts between the PCV, the PCEU and "Eurocommunism". Based on the documents of the International Department of the CC of the CPSU kept in Moscow and the international communist hemerography, the authors recover a little-known story of the Venezuelan Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the figurations of the forest, as a social space, in the Brazilian Military Dictatorship. To do so, it starts with a brief discussion about how the hegemonic Brazilian intellectual tradition dealt with the theme of the forest and tropical nature. Afterwards, the perceptions of the military and guerrillas about the forest are compared, in three different situations, the Vietnam War, Che Guevara's guerrilla in Bolivia and the Araguaia Guerrilla, through the use of conceptual instruments from the philosophy of Henri Lefebvre. Indigenous peoples also appear as another voice, bringing the dimension of another cosmology to the forests. The purpose of this article is not to look for a common denominator to these different figurations of the forest, but to show them in their conflicts and complexity, thinking of the forest as a space of multiple and conflicting conceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ibero-Americana - Nordic Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies is the property of Ubiquity Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Anti-Francoist resistance is one of the most common topics in the Galician novels of the 21st century. This article aims to examine two of the most representative books of this corpus: Expediente Artieda (2000) by Luís Rei Núñez and A vitoria do perdedor (2013) by Carlos G. Reigosa. The interpretation of the texts is based on the theoretical and methodological proposals of Cultural Memory Studies with the aim of analysing the representations that both offer of the opposition to Franco’s regime, which are marked by the idea of defeat. In addition, the work focuses on some particular aspects, such as the construction of the characters, in order to show what is the ethical-political form of memory that each of the authors chooses in the fictionalisation of the collective traumatic past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have shed much light on the positive correlation between foreign military interventions and blowback in the form of transnational violence, such as terrorist and guerrilla attacks. While the strategies of transnational terrorism have been widely addressed in the literature, the strategies of transborder guerrilla warfare have received little attention. Since Kenya deployed troops to Somalia in 2011, Al-Shabaab has carried out reprisal attacks in Kenya in an attempt to wear down their opponents. Using new primary evidence from Somalia and Kenya, I demonstrate that Al-Shabaab frequently stages transborder guerrilla operations at the margins of Kenya with the intention of provoking a violent overreaction from the Kenyan state against ethnic Somalis who dominate the Kenya-Somalia borderlands. The resulting repressive governmental response has strengthened perceived divisions and mistrust among Kenyan Somalis, sparked virulent public anger in Somalia, and reinforced the public image of Kenya as an unfriendly foreign occupying force. Despite the costly militant casualties, the findings reveal that militant groups prioritize transborder guerrilla attacks over transnational terrorist violence primarily due to the resultant state repression against their presumed constituency. These findings contribute to the broader analytical literature on militant organizations' strategic goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archeologia Postmedievale is the property of Edizioni all'Insegna del Giglio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Republican authorities made extensive use of irregular warfare techniques during the Spanish Civil War, training thousands of anti-fascist guerrillas (both Spanish and foreign volunteers). Building on the biographical histories of these men, the aim of this article is to understand whether it is correct to assume that the Spanish conflict acted as a matrix with respect to the spread of irregular warfare practices first in the years of the Second World War and then in those of the first Cold War, generating global ramifications of which the veterans of Spain would be the driving force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this study was to inform two warrior figures from Gayo, Colonel Muhammadin and Aman Nyerang who had not been recorded in the previously published historiography of the Aceh war. It was important regarding the dimension of the Aceh War which did not cover the coastal area, but also penetrated into Gayo and Alas Land. Method The researchers conducted several colonial data searches to find the war activities of Colonel Muhammadin and Aman Nyerang. Several annual reports of the colonial government, namely the Koloniaal Verslag and Dutch-language newspapers, were two important sources. The collected sources were then verified through external and internal criticism, until a selected source was found. The available data were then critically read and analyzed to obtain information to answer problems being investigated. Results/Findings The study found out that both figures used different war strategies against the colonials. Aman Nyerang was a fighter who liked guerrilla tactics and used close range attacks armed with a dagger or machete. Muhammadin was a warrior figure who adopted modern war strategies, because he had received Japanese military education. He used such strategies in ambushing the enemy, including by placing snipers in his troops. Conclusion Colonel Muhammad and Aman Nyerang in the Gayo war had an important role in defending the Aceh region from Dutch rule. Therefore, the roles of both figures need to be recorded in the historiography using social history perspective to provide more comprehensive information for the next generation.

With the aim to free Assam from the ‘colonial occupation of India’ and reclaim its sovereignty, the guerrillas of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had led a self-determination movement in Assam since 1979. Their struggle is grounded upon the extractive nature of the Indian Government to turn Assam into what scholars have called to be a ‘colonial hinterland’ for oil, tea, coal, and forest products. This article is about the farming initiatives of the ULFA guerrillas under ceasefire, to see how their continued engagement with the land expands the everyday notions of sovereignty. For this, we navigate through the pothar (agricultural field), bari (garden), and habi (jungle) which once were symbols of food sovereignty in rural Assam. In this article, we examine how these spaces have transformed under militarization or the market economy, and the activities of the guerrillas towards reclaiming these spaces under ceasefire. Their demand for sovereignty continues to generate questions of self-reliance, sustainability, and growing food for self and the community. This is in contrast to the security concerns of the state that solely frame the self-determination movements in Northeast India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Assesses the effects of illegal armed groups on municipal capital investments and current social spending in Colombia between 2000 and 2023. • Empirical results suggest an apparently differentiated impact on capital investments and current social spending, with an apparently negative impact on investments and apparently positive impact on social spending. • Exploration of causal mechanisms reveals that the apparent impact of illegally armed groups works through these channels: population displacement, physical structure damage, economic activity disruption, and revenue disruption. This study assesses the effects of illegal armed groups on expenditures made by municipal governments in Colombia between 2000 and 2013. Specifically, the study examines how the presence of illegal armed groups seems to affect the level of municipal expenditures, while distinguishing between capital investments and current social spending. Limits on political participation and institutional weaknesses helped to propagate the violence that disrupted Colombia in the 1970s and 1980s. Searching for solutions, Colombia transferred important decision-making responsibilities from the central government to regional and local governments. Paradoxically this decentralization opened an opportunity for illegal armed groups to play meaningful roles in local political and economic life, eventually taking control over local resources in several municipalities. To assess the role of these non-state armed groups in municipal resource allocation, our empirical analysis exploits annual data on municipal expenditures and local armed conflict. Empirical results suggest a differentiated impact on capital investments and social spending. These results are robust to multiple treatment framings and definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Los hechos de violencia registrados en el norte paraguayo desde el año 2008, atribuidos a una supuesta organización guerrillera conocida como “Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo”, a la que se identifica con la sigla “EPP”, han sido relatados de manera hegemónica desde la perspectiva de la versión oficial amplificada por los grandes medios de comunicación. En un más de una década de violencia armada se han registrado algunos episodios que han configurado la aparición de crisis que posibilitaron la irrupción en el debate público de voces que fueron marginadas en todos estos años del relato oficial y de las reflexiones de analistas conservadores y progresistas, incluso de ciertos referentes de organizaciones de Derechos Humanos. Esas voces disidentes, de pobladores campesinos e indígenas del norte paraguayo, se desmarcan de la violencia del “EPP”. Lo hacen sin esconderse en el anonimato, a cara descubierta. Todo esto coloca en entredicho las afirmaciones que aseguran la existencia del involucramiento de la población con el “grupo insurgente” y el supuesto silencio al que se llama para evitar represalias de una “guerrilla” a la que en realidad rechaza, lo que además hace inviable el apoyo político que toda insurgencia requiere para alcanzar sus objetivos.

Catalan Carlism was one of the most prominent versions of European anti-liberalism and counter-revolution. This article delves into a debate on the traditional and/or modern nature of the social movements; the relationship between religion, politics and identity; the impact of the civil wars on the construction of nation-states; and the exercise of power and violence. In a context of factories and workers, Carlism built the longest insurrectional guerrilla culture in all of Europe and became the theatre of operations of the “international white”

This paper seeks to demonstrate that, in Mexico, the policy of eradication of poppy crops has not only been motivated by its official reason, the anti-drug fight, but also been instrumentalized for the militarization of certain regions for counterinsurgent purposes, that is, to deal with guerrilla activity. Of an empirical nature, this demonstration is based on a mixed methodology, both quantitative and qualitative, as well as on two case studies: the municipalities of Atoyac and Ayutla in the southern state of Guerrero. The main finding of the investigation lies in an anomalous concentration of eradication tasks by the army in both municipalities in the late 1990s and early 2000s, despite relatively marginal drug production. This contradiction finds an explanation beyond the poppy, in the emergence there of two new guerrillas, around the massacres of Aguas Blancas (1995) and El Charco (1998), respectively.

En el presente artículo se estudia la historia de vida de una mujer que perteneció a la llamada guerrilla urbana de los “Lacandones” que operó principalmente en la Ciudad de México. Como problema-eje propongo la pregunta ¿cuáles fueron las subjetividades sociales y mandatos de género implicados en la decisión de revelarse y levantarse en armas? Se explorará el proceso de empoderamiento y el significado que para ella tuvo su participación política en la Liga Comunista Espartaco (LCE) y su paso por el movimiento estudiantil de 1968, situando como eje de mi problematización las dificultades que enfrentó como hija, hermana, madre-esposa y cómo las relaciones de parentesco pesaron en su práctica política como militante revolucionaria. Se hará un análisis de la masacre ocurrida el 2 de octubre de 1968 en la plaza de las Tres Culturas de Tlatelolco articulando la violencia política con la masculinidad hegemónica.

Latin American guerrilla movements. Origins, evolution, outcomes, by Dirk Kruijt, Eduardo Rey Tristán, Alberto Martín Álvarez. Routledge, 2020

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Objective/Context: This article arises from a study of the history of the FARC–EP’s Bloque Caribe. It seeks to broaden current explanations of the guerilla’s territorial expansion by using elements that come from cultural analysis. We discuss some habits of thought about this expansion by examining its chronology and the political and artistic contributions of the Unión Patriótica movement’s cohort that joined the insurgent group. Methodology: We carried out a systematic review of the historical and documentary sources of the FARC–EP. We interviewed former guerrillas and local politicians between 2018 and 2020. Conclusions: The history of the FARC–EP´s territorial expansion process must incorporate the guerrilla’s II Conference decisions. Furthermore, the strong relationship between the “political center” and the “decentralized” groups of the insurgency allowed the “cohort” of UP activists who joined the organization to strengthen the guerrilla with musical and radio projects. These projects were given a national diffusion by the FARC–EP’s Secretariat that transformed them into central elements of the guerrilla’s cultural policy. Originality: We offer a new reflection on the territorial expansion of the guerrillas in Colombia, including new questions about their time frame, motivations, and practices. We also suggest an interpretation of the encounters between the guerillas and regional societies that explores sociocultural elements. We focus on the complex interdependencies between the national and regional level of the guerrilla and how the organization appropriated elements of the regional culture —like vallenato— to accumulate symbolic power, cultural legitimacy and gain national relevance.

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)