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Ovaj rad razvija metodološku matricu za merenje ostvarenosti/stepena uspešnog sprovođenja nacionalnog interesa Republike Srbije. Teorijska osnova ovog indeksa je „tanki” konstruktivizam u međunarodnim odnosima, koji se zasniva na ontološkom intersubjektivizmu i epistemološkom pozitivizmu. Metodologija se oslanja na dva glavna stuba: prvi definiše srpske nacionalne interese i njihovu hijerarhiju, dok drugi meri stepen njihove implementacije/ realizacije. Ovi stubovi koriste mešavinu različitih metoda prikupljanja i analize podataka, uključujući kancelarijsko istraživanje, deskriptivnu statistiku, analizu sadržaja, ispitivanja javnog mnjenja i ekspertske ankete. Primarni teorijski cilj ovog rada je da unapredi literaturu o nacionalnom interesu u međunarodnim odnosima pružanjem instrumenta za merenje njegove implementacije. Glavni empirijski i društveni (praktično-politički) cilj jeste procena trenutnog stanja sprovođenja nacionalnih interesa Srbije. Analiza pokazuje da je stopa implementacije nacionalnog interesa Srbije nešto preko 40% (skor indeksa – 2,61 na skali od 1-5). Dokument takođe identifikuje konkretne oblasti u kojima su potrebna poboljšanja politike da bi se ovaj rezultat poboljšao u budućnosti.

The objective is to study the evolution of USA policy towards Ukraine in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war, identify the key priorities and challenges that have shaped the interaction between the two countries from 2014 to 2024, and analyze the strategic importance of Ukraine within the framework of American security policy and its geopolitical interests. The methodology is based on general theoretical principles and concrete-historical research methods aimed at providing an objective analysis of this issue. The use of problem-chronological and comparativehistorical methods enabled the identification of key thematic aspects, the comparison of different USA administrations' approaches to Ukraine, and the recognition of trends and changes in foreign policy priorities. The systematic approach allowed for a comprehensive assessment of the political, economic, and military components of American strategy, their interrelationships, and their impact on the regional situation. Content analysis and analytical methods were also applied, facilitating the study of media and expert discourse, as well as the analysis of official documents, strategic plans, statements, and speeches by USA government representatives. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive analysis of Ukraine's place in USA foreign policy strategy from 2014 to 2024, with an emphasis on systematizing the approaches of various USA administrations, exami ning changes in their policies, and determining the influence of domestic and international factors on the formation of this strategy. The authors conclude that Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine has significantly impacted the international security system, violating the fundamental principles of international law. The United States provided active political, military, and financial assistance to Ukraine. From 2014 to 2024, USA support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity remained a key element of its foreign policy strategy, although approaches to providing assistance evolved over time. The B. Obama administration emphasized the diplomatic resolution of the conflict and support for reforms while limiting military aid. Meanwhile, the United States, along with other Western countries, imposed sanctions against Russia to punish it for its aggression and to prevent further escalation. In contrast, the D. Trump administration focused on security issues and agreed to provide lethal weapons. Despite differences in views between D. Trump and his administration, the overall policy of supporting Ukraine was maintained, including sanctions against Russia, financial and military assistance, and support for reforms. The J. Biden administration's foreign policy strategy regarding Ukraine was multi-faceted and aimed at providing substantial support to Kyiv in resisting Russian aggression, combining military, economic, diplomatic, and humanitarian aid while also emphasizing international coordination and pressure on Russia through sanctions. A crucial factor in strengthening Ukraine's defense capabilities and security was the allocation of regular military aid packages, which led to the gradual increase in the supply of heavy weaponry and advanced systems. Despite this, the J. Biden administration faced criticism for lacking a clear strategy for Ukraine's victory, concerns about Russian escalation, and the resulting slow process of providing weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the issues of Iran’s regional strategy in the South Caucasus and its relationship with Russia in the post-Soviet period. The important role played by these countries in the region, considering their geopolitical position and resources, is revealed. The novelty of the work stems from the upto-date analysis of events in the South Caucasus, including political and economic aspects. In light of the rapidly changing situation in the region, special attention is also given to highlighting new regional strategies and dynamics of interaction between countries. The study is conducted using methods of critical analysis of sources, a systemic approach, and comparative-historical analysis. The main facts and events related to Iran-Russia cooperation in the field of regional security, partnership relations in the energy and trade sectors are examined. When analyzing official documents, the historical context is taken into account, and regional events are considered in a logical sequence. The research results reveal the forms and methods of Iran’s policy implementation in the South Caucasus, as well as its interaction with Russia. These findings also allow for an assessment of the influence of both countries on complex political and economic processes in this region.

Contemporary turbulence regarding the issue of global leadership (referred to by some authors as "primacy" or "hegemony") takes place within a specific context, manifested through a single fundamental rift: the one based on key actors' attitudes towards the necessity of structural revision of the world system, contrasted with aspirations to maintain the status quo. In other words, the struggle for global leadership not only has different goals, but also a different logic altogether, if it is observed from the aspect of a declining hegemon, or from the aspects of its challengers. At the same time, the fact that the hegemon is usually a status quo power, seeking to maintain the basic global parameters of power distribution, does not mean that it will not behave in a revisionist manner in various subsystem (regional and sub-regional) frameworks. One of the sub-regions in which the inverse logic of the actions of the global hegemon and those of its challengers on the status quo - revisionism spectrum is apparent, is the Western Balkans. Such behavior, as well as the conditions of increased complexity of foreign policy determinants from the system and regional levels, have consistently incentivized Serbia to opt for the strategy of hedging, in order to compensate the costs incurred in some areas by gains in others. The field of defence and security in the form of joint exercises and arms procurement, has been of particular importance in this regard, as Serbia has been pursuing close and dynamic relations with a wide range of partners, including the US, Russia, China, Israel, France and other European countries, NATO members and non-members alike. In terms of Serbian-American relations, NATO remains a crucial catalyst; however, the US is increasingly engaged in a more straightforward, bilateral manner - e.g. with regard to the Kosovo and Metohija issue, which is yet another motive for Serbia to maintain its hedging strategy. The trends of global primacy competition, dramatically accelerated at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, particularly as the war in Ukraine keeps unfolding, will remain a determinant which strategic options of Serbia largely depend upon. Hedging is most likely to remain the key feature of Serbia's strategic posture, although there is a possibility this might change in light of a potentially renewed transatlantic and intra-European political coherence.

The article analyzes the discrepancy between the declared goals of sanctions against Russia and their practical effects. The author puts forward a hypothesis according to which the real purpose of the anti-Russian sanctions imposed after the start of Russia's special military operation in Ukraine is not to change the foreign policy of the Russian Federation but to weaken the country as much as possible by causing economic damage to it and destabilizing the domestic political situation. Under these conditions, it is reasonable to consider sanctions as an "economic war," which raises the question of the goals of such a war, the choice of optimal methods for its conduct, and ways to minimize damage to the national economy. The author distinguishes between "defensive" and "offensive" methods of economic warfare. The article argues that a country that has become the object of large-scale sanctions is unable to successfully resist them in the long term, relying solely on "defensive" mechanisms (for example, measures to support the economy). It must resort to "offensive" tools as well, for instance to the embargo for the export of goods that are of key importance for the stability of the economic model of the countries that initiated the sanctions.

Introduction. The experience of recent decades shows small countries — though characterized by relatively limited foreign policy capacity — can defend their interests through ‘soft power’. Being obviously inferior to greater powers in military, political and economic aspects, small countries seek to compensate for their vulnerability with softer methods of influence. Nowadays, Mongolia is a classic case of a small country under the influence of such great powers as Russia, China, and the United States to successfully employ soft power tools. Goals. The article aims to identify where and how Mongolia uses soft power in its foreign policy. Materials and methods. The study primarily explores Mongolia’s official documents dealing with its national security and foreign policy, international initiatives of Ulaanbaatar, statements of Mongolian executives on relations with foreign partners, media materials. The employed research methods include the comparative, narrative, and retrospective ones. Results. There are three most promising lines for soft power in contemporary Mongolia’s foreign policy. The first one is that the country presents itself as a successful young democracy in the heart of Asia capable of becoming a model for a number of other small countries in the region. The second one is the policy of de facto neutrality manifested in refusal to deploy nuclear weapons and foreign military bases in Mongolian territory, as well as the active participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Finally, the third soft power line (to be perceived as one) is Ulaanbaatar’s active promotion of its mediation role to resolve urgent problems localized in Northeast Asia. Maintaining friendly relations with virtually all Northeast Asian states, Mongolia seeks to become a platform for international negotiations similar to that of Switzerland. Conclusions. Thus, soft power for Ulaanbaatar is an important two-sided tool supposed, firstly, to accelerate international influence and, secondly, to ensure national security and sovereignty.

Turkey a rising middle power in international politics is known for its assertive behaviour. Having gone through a phase of reformation in their foreign policy structure, Turkey under the Justice and Development Party (AKP), being led by Recep Tayyib Erdogan emerged as a Muslim identity nation with a conservative democracy prevailing ideology. Turkey, which was once known for its secularism under Ataturk has displayed significant shifts in the uphold of religious values among the ruling power. By the end of the year 2020, Turkey has been recognized by the UNHCR as the largest host of refugees worldwide. While the country prides its enthusiasm on humanitarian aides, there has been an observation that this is the way Turkey is conducting its humanitarian diplomacy in international relations, as well as a part of its foreign policy strategy. Humanitarian diplomacy emerged as a concept in the early 2000s. In the effort of persuading decision-makers and leaders to act, at all times and in all circumstances, in the interest of vulnerable people and with full respect for fundamental humanitarian principles. Foreign policy and strategic interests increasingly overlap in the contemporary scenario. This transformation of power in Turkey is a result of internal and external developments that have contributed to the shift from being a "hard power" to "soft power" over the last few decades. The mission behind humanitarian diplomacy is to avoid the securitization of issues into security issues, while diplomatic relations should take precedence in tackling global challenges. This article examine the limits and challenges of humanitarian diplomacy to be an alternative approach to smart power strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pattern of strategic confrontation and tactical engagement of the United States towards the Islamic Republic of Iran is usually evaluated in the framework of the macro theories of international relations or from the perspective of foreign policy analysis with emphasis on the domestic and international order. However, the examination of the process of formation of the approach of the Obama and Trump governments towards Iran, and specifically the nuclear case, shows that regardless of the roots and causes of the American confrontational strategy, the type of decision-making and the pattern of Iran's behavior towards Washington It has played an important role in decrease or Increase level of the conflict. Understanding this issue through the lens of cognitive theory and analyzing the place of perception of American politicians in their strategic decision-making can play an effective role in adopting a reciprocal and proportionate approach from Iran. Therefore, the main question is how the American perception of Iran's behavior pattern in foreign policy has affected the formation of Washington's strategy towards Tehran? The findings of this research show that the pattern of engagement and confrontation between America and Iran is frequently counterproductive. In other words, according to experience, Iran's engagement and Détente towards the US has led to the escalation of confrontation on the part of Washington, and the approach of active resistance on the part of Iran has led to retreat of the US and its tactical engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism has emerged as one of the major challenges for the Eurasian regional peace, security, and cooperation. Keeping these challenges in perspective, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established to eliminate the menace of terrorism, fundamentalism, and secessionism. Against this background, the main objectives of this paper are to examine how terrorism emerged as a major determining factor in the Indo-Pak relations and how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), was failed to play its effective role in the Indo-Pak conflict given the Pulwama terror attack. For this research, descriptive and analytical methods were used and the data was collected from secondary sources. The major findings of this article are that terrorism has emerged as one of the major determinants of Indo-Pak relations and the same has become a major challenge for the SCO to resolve the issue. Against the background of terror attacks, it was anticipated that the SCO would play a crucial role to pacify the situation. However, the role played by the SCO in this situation proved marked as a Whack-a-Mole.

Terrorism has emerged as one of the major challenges for the Eurasian regional peace, security, and cooperation. Keeping these challenges in perspective, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established to eliminate the menace of terrorism, fundamentalism, and secessionism. Against this background, the main objectives of this paper are to examine how terrorism emerged as a major determining factor in the Indo-Pak relations and how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), was failed to play its effective role in the Indo-Pak conflict given the Pulwama terror attack. For this research, descriptive and analytical methods were used and the data was collected from secondary sources. The major findings of this article are that terrorism has emerged as one of the major determinants of Indo-Pak relations and the same has become a major challenge for the SCO to resolve the issue. Against the background of terror attacks, it was anticipated that the SCO would play a crucial role to pacify the situation. However, the role played by the SCO in this situation proved marked as a Whack-a-Mole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital diplomacy has become a major topic of international interdisciplinary analysis. Aimed at making an African contribution to knowledge, this article charts the emergence of digital diplomacy and presents evidence of unfolding practices and discussions in the African digital diplomacy sphere. The empirical segment of the article draws on data from 21 virtual sessions on African digital diplomacy, convened between July and August 2020 and involving over 50 African diplomats. Based on open-source software as well as qualitative analysis, the study results show that the risks of digital diplomacy, particularly disinformation and misinformation, are main concerns for modern diplomats. The study offers suggestions for the enhancement of digital diplomacy practices and scholarship, particularly for African governments and civil society, including additional primary research on approaches and uses of digital tools, increased collaboration between academics and practitioners, and the embedding of digital diplomacy in the foreign policy strategies of African states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore and test the motivation behind the evolution of China’s vast network of partnerships around the globe since the end of the Cold War. Design/methodology/approach – After combing through 24 types of partnerships with 78 countries, the authors empirically tested four hypotheses using data from Correlates of War and World Bank. Findings – The analysis indicates that China’s choice to build such an elaborate network is not random. On the contrary, it is largely determined by three factors: the need to counter the US pressure; the necessity of maintaining peace and stability along its borders and achieving the long-term goal of modernization. Originality/value – The research is among the first attempts to comprehensively test the possible motivations behind China’s partnership building efforts and provides a stepping stone for analyzing this important aspect of China’s foreign policy.

The article is devoted to the foreign policy strategy of Georgia after the change of government in 2013. The author explores, what are the goals of a young Georgian government? Have the foreign policy priorities of the Georgian state changed? Will the policy of Georgia become more balanced and predictable? And whether it is possible to build a dialogue with Russia, whilst remaining faithful to the idea of European integration? In conclusion the author expresses his confidence that there is hope for a fruitful, mutually beneficial and successful cooperation between Georgia and Russia in relation to the economy and culture, which will contribute to the political dialogue in the future. In this vein, it is important to promote a fair and balanced opinion of citizens of the two states in relation to each other.

The article attempts to analyze the American strategy for maintaining the status quo in the global energy supply system, as well as to reveal the main causes of the destruction of this system. At this stage, there is a sharp increase in the interdependence of politics and energetics as well as their merger. Therefore, one of the main messages of the article is the thesis that oil and related issues were at the center of the US Middle East foreign policy. It was determined that the main components of the US strategy were maintaining access to oil resources in the Middle East and strengthening their positions in the region, which was stipulated by the factor of intersystem confrontation. The doctrinal foundations of the American oil strategy in the region were determined. The evolution of political processes in the Middle East, which led to the destruction of the foundations of the global energy supply system, was examined. It is shown how dynamic changes in international politics and the world economy influenced the transformation of American politics in the Middle East with elements of balancing between the countries of the region, for which oil and energetics, in general, have become the main factor in foreign policy. It was the study of political and economic processes in their dynamics that allowed the author to highlight critical moments in international politics and economics. Important place in the article is devoted to the activities of American oil companies, their economic relations with the governments of the Middle East countries, which became the subject of political confrontation between these countries and the U.S. Based on the given facts, it was established that the US policy to maintain the status quo in the Middle East had been actually stopped in the early 1970s. Instead, it was not formed the clear long term course of foreign policy, which could provide the interests of the USA and its allies in the field of economics and energetics.

The author analyses the European Union’s foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region. Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages. The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability. The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001. The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021. These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

The article analyses the possible ways of transformation in US foreign policy during D. Trump’s presidency. For now, the foreign policy doctrine of the new republican administration has not been yet established. Given the operational actions of administration, one can underline the following surveys and limits of their implementation in foreign policy strategy: 1. Confrontation with Islamic terrorism, in particular with the Islamic State and international terrorism in all its forms and actions. 2. Relations with People’s Republic of China. The actions taken by the official Beijing in the sphere of economy have been criticized by the newly elected president even during his election campaign. One of the key determinants in Sino-American relations is position of the USA towards China in the regulation of the North Korean issue. 3. The informative fulfillment of relations with the European allies. In his speech during Brussels Summit of NATO (25-26 May 2017), Donald Trump declared that NATO members shall increase their defense costs to 2 % GDP, while now only five of 28 Alliance members accomplish that requirement. However, the USA repeatedly speak out against planned agreement about free trade between the USA and the EU – the Transatlantic trade and investment partnership. 4. The evolution of relations between Moscow and Washington. «Hot spots» of American-Russian relations are problems of Syria, Ukrainian issue, Russian position towards sanctions towards North Korea.

Geographical and geopolitical proximity of the exclave Kaliningrad region and the Republic of Poland can be an essential basis for the formation of “Kaliningrad vector” of Warsaw’s foreign policy (which might be a course separate from the general Poland’s foreign policy towards Russian Federation). In this regard, the welltimed assessment of the features of the Poland’s conceptual vision of neighborhood with exclave territory of Russia, as well as the nature and level of official Warsaw’s interest in development of cooperation with the Kaliningrad region is extremely important. The evaluation of the impact of implementation of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Rules of Local Border Traffic on significance of “Kaliningrad’s focus” in the foreign policy strategy of the official Warsaw is also extremely important. In this context, it should be understood that thanks to this agreement, the Kaliningrad region has acquired an additional specificity in the context of Russian-Polish relations. This article is the attempt to determine the today’s place and role of the Kaliningrad region in Poland’s foreign policy strategy after joining the EU. The author reveals the period of updating theme of Poland’s cooperation with the Kaliningrad region, as well as shows its nature and origins by analyzing the annual keynote addresses of the foreign ministers of Poland, which are concentrated on the basic provisions of the official foreign policy strategy of Warsaw.

This article deals with the foreign policy strategy of the USA during the presidency of Barack Obama. The basic determinants of US foreign policy and its impact on structuring of American foreign policy strategic vectors are analyzed. Attention is focused on the strategic documents of B. Obama’s administration in the sphere of foreign policy and its practical implementation. Analysis of strategic documents for the US presidency Barack Obama’s foreign policy certifies the next. Firstly, the implementation of the US external course strategic guidelines is aimed at bringing Washington’s strategy in line with political realities of modern world and financial economic capabilities of the state. Secondly, military force remains an indispensable tool of US foreign policy and a key means of achieving US foreign policy objectives in terms of active combat with terrorist threats. Thirdly, the need for confrontation with the latest undemocratic political regimes transformed the policy of containment, which limit in a variety of ways (military operations, sanctions mechanisms, etc.) is a violation of democratic norms and values by the power of the State or the annexation of the territory of independent states. Fourthly, the implementation of the military doctrines of Obama’s administration shows that modern Armed Forces and the Navy are the foundation of US policy outside the continent and the cornerstone of the practical implementation of the US global aspirations on the world stage.

In this article, the author analyses the key determinants of global, regional and domestic levels that have a significant impact on the formulation and implementation of China's foreign policy strategy. Most determinants are directly or indirectly related to US foreign policy. China is seeking a new balance in relations with the United States and to hedge against the risks arising from China's integration into the existing global economic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to analyze and consider implementation of foreign policy strategy of America on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations; highlights the geopolitical relations of the USA and ASEAN. Also examines the main trends of political and economic relations and international security in that region. In the article the expression policy, diplomacy, the second administration of President Barack Obama’s ASEAN countries. Showing realities relations of Southeast Asia and the United States identified the prospects for further cooperation. The interaction processes of regional and global interstate agreement cooperation are studied. It’s proved a significant role of the USA in the relations and regional security of Southeast Asian countries. The analysis highlighted a number of issues which remain as the subject of forecasting and researching of experts in history and international relations. It’s scientific reasoned that the hedging strategy of the United States are relative. For the states of Southeast Asia the US role was crucial and only on these countries depend whether they can’t or not bring to life their strategies. Strategies are a significant pragmatic alternative way to include a number of activities aimed to preventing and contrasting the destabilizing power. If Washington wants to support them, it will help to focus on the most effective diplomatic and economic aspects in the expansion of its influence on these regions.

In the article the influence of «think tanks» in the process of making foreign policy decisions 43rd US President George. W. Bush is analysed. The feature constructed by the US liberal democratic system is that the American foreign policy process consists of a number of well-known components. In fact, chosen foreign policy is always a «compromise» between the viewpoints and positions of the various elements of the system of decision-making, ethnic and economic lobby groups, party leaders installations, fundamental foreign policy reasons. Such kinde of the main «repeaters» influencing American foreign policy process are research centers. The article proves that feature acceptance of foreign policy decisions the administration of George. W. Bush was that the president and his entourage were given a monopoly on brain activity only one analytical center – «Project New American Century». Representatives of the organization lobbied the concept of preventive strikes for over 10 years. In particular, in preparation for the presidential elections in 2000, the organization published a report «Rebuilding American Defense» (Rebuilding America’s Defenses), which became the basis of the national military strategy John. D. Bush and Rumsfeld. From their official submission to the doctrinal documents included the phrase «regime change». «Project New American century» the concept produced by Bush, which was to prevent the emergence of a global competitor US unipolarity is the preservation of the situation in the world. It is this «think tank» Bush told to recommendations of the report «Restructuring of American Defense». Based on the postulates of this report, unilateral policies of Washington led eventually to the war in Iraq, Afghanistan, and invading Iran’s nuclear programme. But, leaders of «Project New American Century» claimed that their institution did not influence the decision to start the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. In general, the project was removed from the decision-making process even during the election campaign.

The article studies different approaches towards sovereignty and transformation of the institute of a “nation-state” in the context of globalization and formation of the new international order. In this context, it is proved that the state can no longer fully self-control and determine its domestic and international policies because it has to interact with a number of international actors, from international organizations to multinational corporations. Complex global systems, from financial to environmental ones, combine local communities in a single structural and functional network. The global infrastructure of communication and transport supports new forms of economic and social organization that go beyond national borders. The author concludes that now the present-day phase of global changes is transforming the very foundations of world order through the reconstruction of traditional forms of established sovereign state, the political community and international governance. Nevertheless, it is possible to avoid these processes, which are not completely safe. After all, the globalization causes movement from independent policy of a country to the new and more complex forms of multilayer global, world policy. This is a reason why the mechanisms of political regulation should be introduced, and the international community is now trying to do. So as a result, the current world order is easier to understand as a complicated system, interconnected order, where the state is tightly integrated into the developed system of multiregional, global governance.

The subject of the article is dedicated to the evolution of the visible accent on the role of history and historico-civilizational heritage in formulation of Russia's foreign policy strategy in conceptual speeches of the President of Russia Vladimir Putin in 2013-2015. His thesis on Russia as a country-civilization, proclaimed in Summer-Autumn 2013, became the basis for serious practical steps for activization of the foreign policy of Russia starting from 2014. It became clear mainly during the Ukrainian crisis, but also other key international events of the last two years. Another significant element of such a strategy was the thesis on the sacrality of history for Russia, exceeding far beyond a traditional focus on using the historical memory in current politics, that one can see in other states' examples. The consequence of that thesis is the feeling of specific historical responsibility in front of Russia for state politicians, also formulated by President Putin. All this could be considered as a new dimension of the moral basis of politics. One more focus of the article is on the role of new public political panels for proclaiming such a historically motivated politics, like the Valdai Discussion Club, etc.

The defeat in the Second World War made Germany very carefully select the foreign policy concepts, which is still actual for the country. Until now, any political idea, even an indirect indication to the desire to establish German hegemony, could cause the deterioration of relations with partners in the EU and other neighboring countries. In these circumstances, Germany has chosen as the most appropriate foreign policy strategy for the promotion of the national interests the use of so-called "soft power" - the ability to encourage others to do what you want with the help of appeal, rather than through the manipulation of material needs. Germany has a large number of resources to implement the policy of "soft power." The German non-governmental organizations, political foundations are making a great contribution to make foreign policy attractive and spread political values. Organizations involved in exchange programs, scientific cooperation contribute to the expansion of German language and culture. A distinctive feature of German "soft power" organizations is that, despite the financing from the state, they retain the civilian nature of their activities, which is a necessary condition for the successful application of the concept. Another feature of German "soft power" is that its resources are directed not only at foreign audiences, but also German citizens. The key tasks of German soft power concept are to build a positive image of the country, to change its international legal status and to play the leading role in the EU.

The subject of the article is dedicated to the evolution of the visible accent on the role of history and historico-civilizational heritage in formulation of Russia's foreign policy strategy in conceptual speeches of the President of Russia Vladimir Putin in 2013-2015. His thesis on Russia as a country-civilization, proclaimed in Summer-Autumn 2013, became the basis for serious practical steps for activization of the foreign policy of Russia starting from 2014. It became clear mainly during the Ukrainian crisis, but also other key international events of the last two years. Another significant element of such a strategy was the thesis on the sacrality of history for Russia, exceeding far beyond a traditional focus on using the historical memory in current politics, that one can see in other states' examples. The consequence of that thesis is the feeling of specific historical responsibility in front of Russia for state politicians, also formulated by President Putin. All this could be considered as a new dimension of the moral basis of politics. One more focus of the article is on the role of new public political panels for proclaiming such a historically motivated politics, like the Valdai Discussion Club, etc.

The defeat in the Second World War made Germany very carefully select the foreign policy concepts, which is still actual for the country. Until now, any political idea, even an indirect indication to the desire to establish German hegemony, could cause the deterioration of relations with partners in the EU and other neighboring countries. In these circumstances, Germany has chosen as the most appropriate foreign policy strategy for the promotion of the national interests the use of so-called "soft power" - the ability to encourage others to do what you want with the help of appeal, rather than through the manipulation of material needs. Germany has a large number of resources to implement the policy of "soft power." The German non-governmental organizations, political foundations are making a great contribution to make foreign policy attractive and spread political values. Organizations involved in exchange programs, scientific cooperation contribute to the expansion of German language and culture. A distinctive feature of German "soft power" organizations is that, despite the financing from the state, they retain the civilian nature of their activities, which is a necessary condition for the successful application of the concept. Another feature of German "soft power" is that its resources are directed not only at foreign audiences, but also German citizens. The key tasks of German soft power concept are to build a positive image of the country, to change its international legal status and to play the leading role in the EU.

After the Second World War 70 years have passed. Essentially already gone a generation of people for whom it was not a story, and the nationwide disaster and personal experience. And let time more and more we move away from the victory of 1945, the value and results of the war are enormous for the future of the modern world. Memory of the Great Victory presents to all of us now living, special requirements, the main of which consists in the fact that based on the analysis draw the necessary lessons from the past, draw the right conclusions for the safety of modern Russia. Over the years, the world has changed considerably. On the stage of world politics, a host of new independent states. There are new centers of economic development, and hence the new poles of power. Meanwhile, the events of recent months show that the main results of the Victory have not lost their importance today. This is best spoken of their incessant attempts to challenge by distorting the main points of the war and its lessons. And, obviously, it is no accident the day before and during the celebration of 70th anniversary of Victory wishing her to steal the peoples of Russia have been particularly active, as they claim - stiff and awkward. For domestic historiography it is not something unexpected. On the socio-political, military and economic results of the Second World War written many works, but probably in the light of the development of military-political processes in the world of individual instructive lesson it is important not to forget.

The article claims that despite growing cooperation between Russian and China on the one hand and increasing interdependence between China and the U.S. on the other, Russian-American dialogue on China is absent not only in official discussions, but also in expert debates. Although Russian partnership with China is not free of disagreements on certain issues, Moscow believes that it is crucial for its international strategy and retains deep trust in Beijing benevolent behavior. The U.S., however, are much less confident in their strategy towards China.

The article examines the use of military instruments by the People’s Republic of China in the framework of the implementation of the foreign policy strategy in the regional dimension. Two groups of military instruments are covered: military diplomacy and the use of force in territorial disputes in the South China and East China Seas. The determinants and peculiarities of the use of force by China are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social and historical, geopolitical and economical preconditions of creating the Carpathian Euroregion are analyzed in the article, as an institutional form which enhances the international cooperation of participating countries. It was clarified that this form of cooperation between the countries, nowadays, is one of the most effective forms of dialogue between European countries. This approach is particularly relevant in the area of the new European integrational concept development of Ukraine foreign policy. The following cooperation is proved to provide system regulating characteristics not only in the sphere of economy, culture, ecology etc. but also in the security part in particular. It is emphasized that the most productive in the development of the relations in the Carpathian Euroregion sphere is the cooperation between Ukraine and Poland. The most important integrational aspects of the Carpathian Euroregion are highlighted not only in the regional level but also in the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second World War 70 years have passed. Essentially already gone a generation of people for whom it was not a story, and the nationwide disaster and personal experience. And let time more and more we move away from the victory of 1945, the value and results of the war are enormous for the future of the modern world. Memory of the Great Victory presents to all of us now living, special requirements, the main of which consists in the fact that based on the analysis draw the necessary lessons from the past, draw the right conclusions for the safety of modern Russia. Over the years, the world has changed considerably. On the stage of world politics, a host of new independent states. There are new centers of economic development, and hence the new poles of power. Meanwhile, the events of recent months show that the main results of the Victory have not lost their importance today. This is best spoken of their incessant attempts to challenge by distorting the main points of the war and its lessons. And, obviously, it is no accident the day before and during the celebration of 70th anniversary of Victory wishing her to steal the peoples of Russia have been particularly active, as they claim - stiff and awkward. For domestic historiography it is not something unexpected. On the socio-political, military and economic results of the Second World War written many works, but probably in the light of the development of military-political processes in the world of individual instructive lesson it is important not to forget.

After the reunification of Germany and the transition of some countries of central and Eastern Europe under the control of the West, radical changes in the European political system have occurred. Germany turned into a powerful state and began to provide the strategy for independent foreign policy, in which the regional policy in the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East took the significant place. Germany tried to expand its influence to the countries of Balkan Peninsula, in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia, as well as in the beginning of 21st century. However, in the end of 20th century, after several failures in the foreign policy, Germany turned to Russia. Despite its expansionist policy, Germany had to coordinate every step with international organizations or even transfer them issues of conflict resolution in the region. Constantly competing with its allies (mainly the U.S. and UK), Germany was trying to build its foreign policy strategy in the way of increasing its influence in the strategically important region.

After the reunification of Germany and the transition of some countries of central and Eastern Europe under the control of the West, radical changes in the European political system have occurred. Germany turned into a powerful state and began to provide the strategy for independent foreign policy, in which the regional policy in the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East took the significant place. Germany tried to expand its influence to the countries of Balkan Peninsula, in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia, as well as in the beginning of 21st century. However, in the end of 20th century, after several failures in the foreign policy, Germany turned to Russia. Despite its expansionist policy, Germany had to coordinate every step with international organizations or even transfer them issues of conflict resolution in the region. Constantly competing with its allies (mainly the U.S. and UK), Germany was trying to build its foreign policy strategy in the way of increasing its influence in the strategically important region.

In this article, the authors point to the basic priorities the future foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia should include. They point out that a basic social and political consensus on the most important foreign policy objectives should be primarily achieved. Afterwards, the way of tactical and operational implementation of the set objectives should be defined within the strategy specifying the constitutional and legal institutional frameworks for its implementation. Considerable attention is devoted to the positioning of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union and NATO, the United States of America and the Russian Federation as well as to the participation of Serbia in the work of universal and regional organizations. The paper also analyses the bilateral and multilateral relations in the Western Balkans region.