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Amid nationwide debates in Third Republic France as to whether good Catholics could serve the church but also "rally" to the Republic, a project to set up a municipal/national music school in Moulins, to the financial detriment of the local cathedral choir school, suggests an environment of straightforward musical and confessional antagonism. The close-up view is more complex, however. Long-standing alliances among musicians and clerics turn out to be at odds with separatism at the town council, ministerial inspectors become choir school defenders, and at the national level we find different ministries and the government at loggerheads. Only in 1902, in the wake of the Dreyfus Affair and amid intensifying government anticlericalism, does the traditional narrative of Republican antipathy to Catholic music education win out. The stratified analysis presented here provides a possible model for disentangling action and motivation among musicians, functionaries, ministers, parliamentarians, and clergy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 1867, Giuseppe Garibaldi and his revolutionary forces attacked the city of Rome. As Garibaldi advanced on the city, a small group of Romans organized a simultaneous uprising in Trastevere but were brutally crushed by the Papal Zouaves. One of the most remembered casualties of this day was Giuditta Tavani Arquati (1830–67), who was killed fighting alongside her husband and child. For many left-wing Italians, Tavani Arquati served as a powerful model of female emancipation and anti-Catholic patriotism in the new nation. Following a brief overview of the connections between nationalism, anti-Catholicism, and women’s emancipation in mid-nineteenth-century Italy, this article examines the various novels, histories, memorials, and processions that drew upon Tavani Arquati’s legacy from the moment of her death until the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of the conquest of Rome in 1895. In doing so, it highlights an often-understudied figure and offers a gendered analysis of anti-Catholic rhetoric. In opposition to the widespread belief that women supported the Catholic Church while men fought for a secular public sphere, Tavani Arquati is a notable example of a woman who fiercely combatted the church and its control over Italian society. The celebrations of Tavani Arquati thus challenge this binary of male secularism and female religiosity and demonstrate how many Italians believed that women, and mothers in particular, could be allies in the battle against the Catholic Church. They also illustrate the intersections of the feminist and anti-Catholic movements, revealing how each group wielded an ideology of motherhood to promote political agendas.

For over a century, French nuns followed the lead of a pioneer, Emilie de Vialar (1797–1856), who with a handful of nuns and against all odds established the first missionary congregation of women in Algeria, the Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Apparition, in August 1835. This article retraces the work and political, social, and linguistic roles of these women in the colonial geopolitics of the nineteenth century during the French Third and Fourth Republics as well as their part in the decolonization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current discourse on Matteo Ricci often focuses on his remarkable contributions to sinology and his role as a bridge between Chinese and Italian cultures. However, it is important to note that this perspective has not been constant throughout history. Over the years, Ricci's image has undergone significant changes, and only recently has he been recognized as someone who embodies values that go beyond the strictly Catholic dimension. This article examines a crucial moment in this transformation, which occurred towards the end of the nineteenth century within the academic circles of post-unification Italy. During that period, the discussion around Ricci expanded to encompass his identity as a sinologist, that overlapped or ran alongside his identity as a missionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the nineteenth century, anticlerical and secularist sectors gained ground. Upon reaching the twentieth century, among the strategies that the Catholics worldwide used to try to stop this advance, it stands out that they usually presented themselves as persecuted by the governments promoting secularizing measures, freedom of religion, or laws to separate the State from the Church. For many Catholics of the time, these measures were practically synonymous with religious persecution, a term they used to refer to very different phenomena, as is proven by the cases of Mexico, Czechoslovakia, and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Church historians have already studied the Protestant Reformation from many different perspectives considering both the years leading up to the publication of Luther's ninety-five theses and following. Although many different textual genres have been scoured for relevant information, literary and didactic narratives have attracted rather little attention. Studying Johannes Pauli's Schimpf und Ernst (1522), which was an enormous bestseller for the next centuries, in light of Reformation history, his moralizing and entertaining exempla reflect the contemporary discourse also on the status of the Church and especially the clergy, seen through the lens of a Franciscan preacher, addressing thereby primarily his clerical colleagues high and low in the religious hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Litterae Vasconicae is the property of Labayru Foundation / Labayru Fundazioa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to show how Spanish painting of the nineteenth century helped to construct the narrative of a female religiosity based on sentiment, which was specific to women. This narrative was not free from misogyny because women's piety was often diluted, converted into something superficial. It was brimming with exaggerated sentimentalism, the product of superstition and lacking in careful reflection, without an intellectual religious discourse – which women, by their nature, could never reach. Women's involvement in religion and catholic movements was not as insubstantial, sentimental or naïve as it has been presented or made out to be; but this reality was not reflected in painting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The establishment of the Republic of Brazil in 1889 intensified discussions of anticlerical content that were fostered, among others, by freethinkers, freemasons, socialists, and anarchists, mainly due to the arrival of religious congregations in the country, identified with ultramontane catholicism. Therefore, in this article, we will deal with the propaganda to combat the Church promoted by the anarchist press with the labor movement, which, through the newspaper A Lanterna (1901-1904; 1909-1916), also brought anti-religious propositions in its framework. So, the anarchists played an essential role in the press and in the creation of fighting entities that instigated the social debate about the interference of the catholic clergy in civil society (clericalism), followed by solid criticism of religious institutions (and religion itself) that, according to the libertarian perspective, freedom of thought and social transformation were seen as obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social democratic labour movement appeared in Eger a few years before the First World War. The population of the city was largely Roman Catholic, and the clergy had a great influence on the social and economic life and cultural relations of the Catholic church centre. As a result, the conflict between the progressive socialist movement and the conservative clerics intensified. The influential clerics supported separate Christian socialist movements to weaken the social democrats, and in the age of dualism, ideological conflicts can be found throughout the local press, including in the paper Egri Munkás published between 1910 and 1911. This newspaper shows the anti-church criticism of the socialist movement but also informs about specific local events and shows the complex character of the labour movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article focuses on the cult of the Cairolis, a well-known family of Italian patriots from Pavia that became an icon of radical democracy, in order to shed light on patriotic martyrdom during the Risorgimento. Combining political history with cultural and gender history, I will use a wide and varied range of sources (letters, funeral brochures, prayer cards, reliquaries and so on) that will allow me to reconstruct the origins, dissemination, and evolution of the cult of the Cairolis: not only that of the four brothers but also that of the mother, Adelaide Bono – one of the very few female 'martyrs' of the Risorgimento. In this way, it is possible to examine in depth the 'Garibaldian religion' and, especially, the creation of a 'pantheon' of red shirts, namely those volunteers/apostles who, in the radicals' eyes, followed the General/Christ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extension of the Religious Conflict to the north of Mexico had different times and ways compared to the center-west of the country. The northern region has generally been considered not very Catholic, due to Protestant influence and liberal political tradition, which is why it has been taken for granted that the north did not participate in the Catholic mobilization in response to the anticlerical policies of postrevolutionary governments. This vision began to change since Jean Meyer, in the 1990s, pointed out that in Chihuahua, during the Religious Conflict, took place a notable Catholic social and political activity. Although an armed conflict did not break out in 1927, a vigorous social Catholicism had taken root in Chihuahua and all the major Catholic organizations of the time were present and active. New research confirms that, at least Chihuahua was the scene of intense Catholic activity in the 1920s and 1930s that managed to attenuate and delay the onslaught of official anticlericalism. This paper will address in particular the recovery of regional Catholicism after the armed conflict, evidencing the notable impulse and presence of Catholic social and political organizations in the regional scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brocar: Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brocar: Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper follows a track proposed but not developed by Michel Foucault. In his lectures on the Abnormal (1975), the author linked the character of the criminal religious with the figure of the "political monster" but focused only on the type of tyrant. Following this suggestion, our work explores the genealogy of the ecclesiastical man abusing minors. On the one hand, the profile of the "pederast priest" is traced as a biological enemy of the nation and of the class, in the context of the Spanish culture at the end of the colonial Empire, in the transition from the 19th to the 20th century. On the other hand, this form of subjectivity is contrasted with that of the "pedophile clergyman", as it currently appears in the testimonies of the victims, in the media and in the social sciences. The intention is to show the belonging of both classes of person to very different biopolitical scenarios, despite the continuity of the teratological motive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that the violent anticlericalism of Galdós's Electra (1901) stems from the Church's usurpation of the title character's labor in the home. Electra's domestic duties enable the hero, an electrical scientist, to perform his work – that is, until a priest coerces her into joining a convent. In this conflict, the authority priests and husbands share over women crumbles. Refracted in this story is the real-life polemic surrounding Adelaida Ubao, a woman whom the courts removed from a convent against her will, setting a legal precedent for the exception to familial authority as only available to husbands rather than the Church. My reading of Electra reveals that at stake in the debate over who has authority over women is the capture of their energies for the purposes of producing labor itself. The play stages this process through the lovers' experiment with electrical conductivity and in the priest's violent interruption of the electrical circuit they develop. His attempt to prevent their marriage effectively disrupts the circuit of labor production made possible by life-making work. This reading challenges analyses of anticlerical misogyny as unrelated to political economy and instead proposes an understanding of it as a struggle over social reproduction labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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During the 19th century, the Catholic Church strived to reconquer the souls and the public space. For that, it increased the different external ceremonies. This reconquest, based on an restrictive interpretation of the Concordat, was more and more contested by the anticlericalists. Strong of their electoral successes and of the recovery of the powers of the State in 1879, the Republicans Mayors multiplied the procession banning laws, and forced the Government to change its reading of the Concordat. Those historical events, which highlight the loss of power of the churches, are actively involved in the secularization of the French society and to the implementation of the 1905 law.

This paper aims to study how the armed movement known as the Cristiada (1926-1929), that opposed the State with the Catholic Church in Mexico, was a symbolic event for the development and transmission of anticlerical thought through Latin America. From discourses circulated at journals such as Amauta (Peru), Claridad (in Argentina and Chile), and Repertorio Americano (Costa Rica) we will study reasons, circumstances and ideologies that took the Mexican case as an intellectual guide for Latin American modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article's starting point is the consideration of selected works of Anatole France's, André Gide's and Guillaume Apolinaire's, which over a hundred years ago would constitute a separate trend in the French pre-Vatican church. What differentiates the criticism of what is known as ultramontanism from the traditional anticlerical satire is the tone of persiflage, irony and theological erudition of almost grotesque proportions. In the 1950s, Roger Peyrefitte, a diplomat and a satirist of the Vatican, was an outstanding heir to this stylistic and thematic tradition. When translating his The Keys of St. Peter in 1959, Hanna Szumańska-Grossowa had to refer to the aforementioned author, who had lived half a century earlier, and work out a narrative of her own based on the achievements of J. Sten (Anatole France), Tadeusz Żeleński-Boy (André Gide) and Adam Ważyk (Guillaume Apollinaire). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context of renewed conflict between the secular political, on the one hand, and the ecclesiastical institutions and the Catholic world as a whole, on the other, in the summer of 1907 the «Collegio Civico» of Varazze is at the centre of a major scandal: the Salesian fathers entrusted with its management are accused of sexually abusing their students as part of broader satanic and unpatriotic rituals. This article aims to investigate the reaction of the Salesians to this shocking affair, which consists not only of a strenuous defense of their reputation, but also of a courageous and pragmatic investigation of the moral situation and internal workings of their houses and institutes, guided by a firm will to know and eradicate abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political-religious conflict of the 1930s cannot be understood only from Church-State relations, parliamentary discourses, violent demonstrations or anticlerical legislation. When we look at the pressure of anticlerical bases, the struggle for identities and symbolic practices, the secularization of public space or a more territorialized view appears to us in all its complexity. If we focus on the analysis of anticlerical violence in the republican quinquennium we find, basically, a response to power when we observe its peak moments, but not a “religious persecution”. It had nothing to do with what had happened since July 18, 1936, when there was a turning point. The religious factor then acquired a central role in the design of the rebel propaganda strategy (“crusade”) and “sacred anger” constituted the beginning of revolutionary violence. These pages attempt to corroborate, starting from a micro-historical framework, this turn in anticlerical violence, and to see how, in the summer of 1936, its iconoclastic and clerophobic repertoire was improvised in those areas of the Republican rearguard that lacked violent precedents to facilitate the start of the revolutionary process.

Copyright of Ciencia Jurídica is the property of Universidad de Guanajuato and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objetivo: analizar la experiencia sonorense en el marco del conflicto entre la Iglesia y el Estado que ocurrió en México entre 1926 y 1929. Metodología: análisis de documentación contenida en acervos históricos locales, nacionales e internacionales con el fin de reconstruir el proceso sonorense a través de la identificación de actores, estrategias y circunstancias sociopolíticas en el periodo de estudio. Resultados: la investigación permitió caracterizar de pasiva la resistencia de la comunidad católica, expresada a través de cartas a las autoridades, contrabando de propaganda religiosa, distribución de volantes en defensa de la libertad religiosa y apoyo al boicot económico promovido por la Liga Nacional de la Defensa Religiosa. También se aborda el exilio del obispo Juan Navarrete y Guerrero en Estados Unidos y su participación en los arreglos firmados entre el Estado mexicano y la Santa Sede. Valor: el artículo reconstruye la expresión local de un conflicto heterogéneo que se manifestó de forma desigual en el país y presenta al laicado como actor central en el proceso. Así mismo aborda diferentes estrategias de resistencia por parte de la comunidad católica, definidas por la dinámica nacional y las especificidades de la región. Conclusiones: el conflicto religioso en Sonora entre 1926 y 1929 se caracterizó por la centralidad del activismo femenino en la movilización del laicado y por la elección de vías pacíficas para expresar inconformidades, lo cual estuvo enmarcado por la notable influencia del obispo y por el aprovechamiento de la frontera con Estados Unidos como espacio estratégico para la resistencia católica.

Associated with the communist movement from the beginning of the 1920s, the French proletarian freethinkers (Libre pensée d'action sociale 1921-1924, libre pensée révolutionnaire 1926-1932, Association des travailleurs sans dieu 1933-1936) anchored their anti-religious critique in the class struggle. They also regularly emphasized sexual issues from different angles, ranging from vigorous denunciation of clerical pedophilia to defense of neo-Malthusianism, feminism, and the Soviet achievements on divorce and abortion legislation. This article, focusing on the printed sources of the proletarian freethinkers, illustrates a little-known aspect of these cultural organizations linked to the communist movement, thus opening perspectives on communist sexual morality and its relationship to the then dominant bourgeois and Christian model.

TThe increasing political and religious conflicts had certainly highlighted the end of the XIX century, as well as the development of a public opinion aware of queries and changes of its time. As an “intellectual activist”, Heliodoro Salgado has not ignore all the disturbances, from the “religious aspect” to republicanism, always taking into account the socialist component. Through published articles in the socialist journal O Protesto Operário, we sought to clarify his role as an anticlerical and progressive militant, defined by unwavering beliefs, and his ideological and political attitude, at times dubious and uncertain, between the republic movement and socialism.

Anticlericalism appears as an ideology in Llucmajor, a town 25 km from Palma, in the last third of the 19th century linked initially to a minority of the well-to-do classes between 1868 and 1875. In the first third of the 20th century, this ideology was linked to the socialist movement that had emerged in Llucmajor with the development of the leather footwear industry. At the beginning of the second decade of the twentieth century there was a strong tension between the conservative and the anticlerical sector because of the first civil marriages in Llucmajor.

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Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In London in 1741, a translation of Cicero's De natura deorum was published, equipped with "critical, philosophical, and explanatory notes" and an "Enquiry into the Astronomy and Anatomy of the Antients," through which the translator hoped "to guard the Mind against Superstition, and to prepare it for a fair Enquiry into Truth." Throughout the translation, there is a notable emphasis on the principles associated with the Freethinking philosophy, a subject of debate among English intellectuals in the early eighteenth century. This Freethinking tone was sufficiently prominent to prompt David Berman to suggest Anthony Collins as a possible candidate for the translator of the piece. This essay focuses on how the tools for transmitting the classical text—editing, commenting, translating—were exploited to make the text better serve this Freethinking philosophy, providing a powerful example of the transformative influence scholarship could have over the classical text in the early modern period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last year of his life, Kierkegaard launched a fierce attack on the Danish State Church and the ecclesiastical figures representing it. He accuses bishops and pastors of corruption and hypocrisy and of distorting the Christian message. The need to expose the true situation of the State Church leads Kierkegaard to resort to incendiary language. He intends to undermine the authority of the church and force the reader to question obedience to the clergy, so that the reader may be able to recognize and appropriate the true Christianity of the New Testament. The question is whether his radical criticism is an incidental aberration or the logical conclusion and culmination of his thought. The interpretations of Kierkegaard's attack on the church vary widely. Although there are undeniable connections between his earlier and later writings, Kierkegaard's criticism of the church cannot be considered a mere restatement of positions previously defended. The issues addressed in the earlier and later writings reveal a multiplicity of evolving viewpoints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historias is the property of Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)