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Cutar ta COVID-19 na yanzu tana shafar duk mutane a duk duniya amma waɗanda ke cikin matsayi na musamman, gami da 'yan gudun hijira da mutanen da suka rasa matsugunai, na iya fuskantar haɗari mafi girma. A cikin wani bincike na baya-bayan nan, mun gano yadda cutar ta COVID-19 ta shafi 'yan gudun hijira da kare 'yan gudun hijira a kasashe shida a yammacin Afirka, Gabashin Afirka da Kudancin Afirka, wato Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Afirka ta Kudu, Uganda, da Zimbabwe, a lokacin farko. shekarar cutar har zuwa Fabrairu 2021. Yin amfani da tambayoyin da ba na wakilci ba, muna neman samun fahimtar ra'ayoyin mutanen da suka fito daga 'yan gudun hijira, malamai, jami'an gwamnati da masu aikin agaji da ke aiki tare da kuma ga 'yan gudun hijira. Jimillar masu amsawa 90 ne suka cika a cikin takardar.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in South Africa.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in Nigeria.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in Ghana.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in Uganda.

Janga la sasa la COVID-19 linaathiri watu wote kote ulimwenguni lakini wale walio katika nafasi za hatari, ikiwemo wakimbizi na watu waliohamishwa, wanaweza kuwa katika hatari zaidi. Katika somo la karibuni, tuliangalia ambavyo janga la COVID-19 liliathiri wakimbizi na ulinzi wa kikimbizi katika nchi sita katika Afrika Magharibi, Afrika Mashariki na Afrika Kusini, kwa majina Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Afrika Kusini, Uganda, na Zimbabwe, katika mwaka wa kwanza wa janga na mpaka pia February 2021. Kwa kutumia dodoso lisilio la uwakilishi, tulitaka kupata yaliomo ndani katika mitazamo ya watu walio na mandhari nyuma ya kikimbizi, wasomi, wafanyakazi wa serekali na watendaji wa misaada wanaofanya na au kwa wakimbizi. Jumla ya 90 waliohojiwa walijaza dodoso.

The current COVID-19 pandemic affects all people worldwide but those in particularly vulnerable positions, including refugees and displaced people, may be exposed to greater risks. In a recent study, we explore how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected refugees and refugee protection in six countries in West Africa, East Africa and Southern Africa, namely Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe, during the first year of the pandemic up to and including February 2021. Using a non-representative questionnaire, we seek to gain insights into the perspectives of persons of refugee background, scholars, government officials and aid actors working with and for refugees. A total of 90 respondents filled in the questionnaire.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in Zimbabwe.

Umkhuhlane wakulezi insuku oweCOVID-19 uhlasela bonke abantu umhlaba wonke jikelele, kodwa kulobungozi kakhulu kulabo abasesimeni esibuthakathaka, okuhlanganisela iziphepheli kanye labantu abangelamakhaya. Kucwayisiso olusanda kuphela, sikhangela ukuthi umkhuhlane weCovid-19 uphambanise kanjani impilo zabantu abayiziphepheli kanye lokuvikeleka kwabo emazweni ayisithupha asentshonalanga, empumalanga kanye lasezansi kwelizwekazi leAfrica. Amazwe lawa ahlanganisela, iGhana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda leZimbabwe. Ucwayisiso lolu lukhangela kusukela emnyakeni wokuqala wobhubhane lweCovid-19 kuze kufike, njalo kuhlanganisela inyanga kaNhlolanja 2021. Sisebenzise uluhlu lwemibuzo ebantwini abambalwa abakhethiweyo, sifuna ukuzwisisa kabanzi imibono yeziphepheli, izifundiswa, izisebenzi zikahulumende labezenhlanganiso ezisebenza leziphepheli. Inani labantu abaphedule imibuzo lingamatshumi ayisitshiyagalolunye.

La pandémie actuelle de COVID-19 affecte toutes les personnes à travers le monde, mais celles qui sont particulièrement vulnérables, y compris les réfugiés et les personnes déplacées, peuvent être exposées à des risques plus importants. Dans une étude récente, nous explorons comment la pandémie de COVID-19 a affecté les réfugiés et la protection des réfugiés dans six pays en Afrique de l'Ouest, Afrique de l'Est et Afrique australe, à savoir le Ghana, le Kenya, le Nigeria, l'Afrique du Sud, l'Ouganda, et le Zimbabwe, pendant la première année de la pandémie jusqu'en février 2021 inclus. À l'aide d'un questionnaire non représentatif, nous cherchons à mieux comprendre les perspectives des réfugiés, des experts, des fonctionnaires du gouvernement et des agents humanitaires travaillant avec et pour les réfugiés. Un total de 90 participants ont rempli le questionnaire.

Faafida Caabuqa-19 ee hadda jirta waxay saamaysay dhammaan dadka dunida oo dhan laakiin kuwa ku sugan goobaha nugul, oo ay ku jiraan qaxootiga iyo dadka barakacayaasha, ayaa laga yaabaa inay la wajahaan khataro waaweyn. Daraasad dhawaan la sameeyay, waxaan sahminay sida halista Caabuqa-19 uu u saameyay qaxootiga iyo ilaalinta qaxootiga lix waddan oo ku yaal Galbeedka Afrika, Bariga Afrika iyo Koonfurta Afrika, kuwaas oo kala ah Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, koonfur Africa, Uganda, iyo Zimbabwe, intii lagu jiray sanadkii ugu horeeyay ee safmarka iyo ilaa iyo Febraayo 2021. Anagoo isticmaaleyno xoguruurinta aanan la matalin, waxaan raadineynay inaan helno afkaar ku aadan aragtida dadka asal ahaan kasoo jeeda qaxootiga, aqoonyahanada, saraakiisha dowladda iyo howl wadeenada gargaarka ee la shaqeeya iyo qaxootiga. Isu geyn 90 jawaab celiyayaal ah ayaa buuxiyey xog-ururinta.

Infographic about the effects ofthe COVID-19 pandemic on refugees and their protection in Kenya.

Völkerrechtsblog

The European Commission is currently finalizing its proposed New Pact on Migration and Asylum to re-start the debate on how to reform the common European asylum system and manage immigration from non-EU countries. One prominent concern is the 'external dimension': jointly managing migration to Europe with countries of origin and transit. By cooperating with countries of origin and transit across a wide range of policy areas, the EU and its member states may reduce irregular migration to Europe without undermining their humanitarian principles and impairing bilateral relations, which the present emphasis on securitizing the external EU border risks doing. In this 2020 MEDAM Assessment Report, we explore how European and African governments can reach common ground on jointly managing migration from Africa to Europe. Die Europäische Kommission finalisiert derzeit ihren Vorschlag für einen neuen Pakt zu Migration und Asyl, um die Debatte über die Reform des gemeinsamen europäischen Asylsystems und die Steuerung der Einwanderung aus Nicht-EU-Ländern wieder in Gang zu bringen. Ein wichtiges Anliegen ist dabei die "externe Dimension": die gemeinsame Steuerung der Migration nach Europa mit den Herkunfts- und Transitländern. Durch die Zusammenarbeit mit den Herkunfts- und Transitländern in einer Vielzahl von Politikbereichen können die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten die irreguläre Migration nach Europa verringern, ohne ihre humanitären Grundsätze zu untergraben und die bilateralen Beziehungen zu beeinträchtigen, was durch die gegenwärtige Betonung der Sicherung der EU-Außengrenze gefährdet wird. In diesem 2020 MEDAM Assessment Report untersuchen die MEDAM-Forscher, wie europäische und afrikanische Regierungen eine gemeinsame Grundlage für die gemeinsame Steuerung der Migration von Afrika nach Europa finden können.

Aunque normalmente no pensemos en Gambia como un refugio para proteger a los refugiados, lo cierto es que este país acoge a una población bastante extensa y cuenta con sofisticados marcos jurídicos y mecanismos de protección. No obstante, no debemos subestimar el contexto político de esta protección para los refugiados.

Entgegen der weitverbreiteten Annahme eines "Exodus" aus Afrika bleibt die Mehrheit der afrikanischen Flüchtlinge und Migranten bislang auf ihrem Heimatkontinent. Doch in Zukunft wird der Migrationsdruck aufgrund des großen Bevölkerungswachstums steigen. Um die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen zu bewältigen und Potenziale zu nutzen, bedarf es eines Richtungswechsels der europäischen Migrationspolitik in Afrika.

Questioning a theoretical jump made in current literature from civil society participation in ne-gotiations to legitimacy in order to explain the impact on peace sustainability, the thesis seeks to unpack the very concept of legitimacy. The work considers the question of how peace nego-tiations are made more legitimate through the inclusion of civil society in an empirically and methodologically abductive manner. This entails both the answering of what the constitutive components of a legitimisation process are and why they may be occurring. On the basis of a heuristic model for legitimate peace negotiations, drawn from contemporary theories on legiti-macy, two case studies are considered: the Liberian peace negotiations in 2003 and the Kenyan National Dialogue and Reconciliation in 2008. Using rich empirical data from over 100 interviews and 12 focus groups with market women, teachers and youth, collected during extensive fieldwork in Liberia and Kenya, an especially adapted form of comprehensive process-tracing is applied to the case studies. Applying the method of comprehensive process-tracing, permitting both a constitutive and a causal analysis, the components that together constitute the legitimisation process are singled out. In addition, the reasons why these come to be are traced causally. The biggest finding is that civil society is not exclusively responsible for ensuring the legitimisation of peace negotiations. Other so-called guarantors of legitimacy also play a role – including international mediators - in addition to in-dividualised form of participation for the conflict-affected population. On the basis of the empir-ical analysis, a theory of legitimate peace negotiations is developed. According to this, a legitimisation process is made up of outcome and participation-based characteristics, where civil society actors play a crucial but not exclusive role. Moreover, the legitimisation takes place simultaneously at the negotiations and in a public arena. The research has repercussions for the debates on civil society, representation, local ownership and emancipatory peacebuilding.

West Africa has been fighting its first epidemic of the Ebola virus disease for more than a year now. Despite a decline of infections, especially in urban centres, new cases still emerge and call for continued vigilance. According to the WHO, there have been 26,044 cases with 10,808 mortalities as of April 22, 2015. Though Sierra Leone has by now experienced the highest number of cases, overall mortality rates are higher in Liberia, where almost half of those infected died (4,573 of 10,212). No case has been recorded in Côte d'Ivoire. Why has there not been a single official case in Côte d’Ivoire despite the fact that it shares large parts of its border with Liberia and Guinea? Apart from the slow reactions from international organizations, with some notable exceptions, there are a number of domestic reasons why measures against the spread of Ebola took a long time to take effect. This includes weak state institutions and a lack of trust. In those countries in which Ebola spread most rapidly, public infrastructure is in much worse condition than in countries where the disease could be contained, or where there have been no cases so far like in Côte d'Ivoire. The high number of international organizations present in Liberia has contributed to uncoordinated and partial reconstruction efforts. Emphasis has been on the Security Sector Reform - at the expense of the health system and other public services. A long history of negative experiences with the Liberian state, coupled with two civil wars has deepened citizens' mistrust towards state actors and institutions. Côte d'Ivoire has a comparatively good infrastructure with a better-equipped health care sector. A solid communications infrastructure in Côte d'Ivoire, which was extended during the peace process, has allowed the state to mobilize and alert large parts of the population early on.