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Research on cultural variation in emotion values and beliefs has usually explained this variation in terms of individualism and collectivism, typically comparing European American against East Asian cultural contexts. This study examined emotion model variability across as well as within cultural contexts in a large sample of young adults of Latino heritage along with people of European and East Asian heritage. Using latent class analysis, we characterized and predicted endorsement of emotion models, distinguishing emotion ideals (the emotions one desires) from beliefs about injunctive norms for emotion (the emotions one believes are appropriate). Students from three universities in different regions of the United States (

The U.S. and Russian cultural contexts are thought to foster different models of emotion, with the former emphasizing positive emotions more and negative emotions less than the latter. Little is known about the ways in which parents transmit these models of emotions to children. Cultural products, such as popular storybooks, may serve to provide important tools of transmission. Two studies examined similarities and differences in the extent to which children's books from these cultural contexts depict emotions. In Study 1, U.S., Russian American, and Russian parents described the extent to which books that they recently read to their children depict positive and negative emotions. Although no differences emerged for depictions of positive emotions, U.S. parents described reading books with lower levels of negative emotions than Russian parents, with Russian American parents in between. These differences were partially due to parental beliefs about sadness. In Study 2, verbal and nonverbal depictions of emotions were compared for sets of popular children's books from the U.S. and Russia. U.S. books verbally referenced anger and sadness and depicted happiness, anger, and fear faces less frequently than Russian books. Taken together, these studies suggest that American and Russian parents value and expose their children to different depictions of emotions, particularly negative emotions. Future studies need to examine the ways in which children in these cultural contexts interpret depictions of emotions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotion values vary within and between individualistic and collectivistic cultural contexts. The form of collectivism prevalent in Latin America emphasizes simpatia, a cultural model that stresses the relational benefits of positivity but also the costs of negativity. This model was predicted to engender a pattern of emotion values distinct from that of the more commonly studied collectivist group, people of Asian heritage (PAH), among whom an emphasis on moderating positive and negative emotions is typically observed, and from people of European heritage (PEH), among whom authenticity in emotions is typically valued. College students of Latino (n = 659), Asian (n = 446), and European (n = 456) heritage living in the United States completed a study examining positive and negative emotion values. Mixed-model analysis of variance that included interactions among culture, emotion valence (positive, negative), value type (desirability, appropriateness), and response type (experience, expression) suggested distinct patterns of emotion values across groups. People of Latino heritage (PLH) rated positive emotions as more desirable and appropriate to experience and express than PAH (ps .05) compared with PAH and as similarly undesirable (ps > .05) but more inappropriate to experience (p < .001) compared with PEH. The emotion-value pattern that emerged was largely consistent with simpatia for PLH and provides new evidence of similarity and variation in emotion values in three distinct contexts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Human emotions are emergent properties of biological, psychological, and cultural factors that influence and constrain each other. Natural selection shaped our emotional tendencies to maximize our ...

De nombreuses familles utilisent aujourd’hui le chat video pour aider leur bebe a developper ou a maintenir des relations avec des membres de la famille eloignes ; cependant, il existe tres peu de recherches qui comparent de facon systematique l’engagement emotionnel du nourrisson lors d’interactions en face a face et par video. Une experience a ete realisee en laboratoire avec 49 nourrissons âges de 6 a 12 mois. Les bebes et les meres ont joue a coucou soit en face a face, soit par chat video, soit par video sans contenu. L’engagement des bebes a ete evalue par le temps passe a sourire et a regarder, et l’activite physiologique a ete simultanement enregistree. Les resultats montrent des niveaux d’engagement similaires dans les trois conditions de presentation. Les bebes sourient tout aussi frequemment et regardent leur mere pendant le meme laps de temps, et leurs reponses physiologiques sont differenciables. Les sourires des bebes apparaissent de facon legerement plus rapide lors d’une interaction en face a face que lors d’un chat video. Enfin, les estimations globales de la sensibilite maternelle pendant les interactions semblent jouer un role plus important dans l’obtention de reponses positives de la part des bebes que le moyen par lequel ils interagissent. Ces resultats et les orientations futures de recherche sont discutes.

In this article, we argue that the cultural models approach provides a useful framework for cultural–clinical psychology. We begin with a brief review of this approach before presenting the distinction between cultural models for normalcy and deviancy. As well, we consider how both normalcy and deviancy can be culturally valorised or devalorised. Given that mental disorders do not always neatly fit with available cultural models, we offer evidence-based examples of unscripted as well as scripted distress. We conclude by considering key hypothesis–generating questions and some methodological approaches that could be used to improve and extend the evidence base underpinning the cultural models approach as applied to the study of culture and mental health.

Gratitude is positively associated with health and well-being. Past studies of gratitude have primarily focused on the distinct cultural context of European Americans. The current studies aimed to extend gratitude research to Latino and East Asian Americans, 2 collectivistic contexts known to differently value positive emotions. Two studies explored whether Latino and East Asian Americans varied in gratitude experience and whether the disposition toward gratitude was associated with well-being for both. In Study 1, participants completed measures of the emotional experience and expression of gratitude. Latino Americans rated the desirability, appropriateness, frequency, and intensity of their gratitude experience-expression higher than did East Asian Americans. Moreover, European Americans' gratitude experience and expression was similar to those of Latino Americans and higher than those of East Asian Americans. In Study 2, participants completed measures of gratitude disposition and indicators of well-being. Latino Americans reported a higher disposition toward gratitude than did East Asian Americans. Higher disposition toward gratitude was associated with higher self-esteem and with less loneliness and perceived stress across groups. However, the strength of the association of gratitude with subjective health and depressive symptoms varied by group in theoretically expected ways. The promising possibilities of extending research on gratitude to culturally diverse groups is discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Cultural differences in the emphasis on positive and negative emotions suggest that the impact of these emotions on well-being may differ across cultural contexts. The present study utilised a momentary sampling method to capture average momentary emotional experiences. We found that for participants from cultural contexts that foster positive emotions (European Americans and Hispanic Americans), average momentary positive emotions predicted well-being better than average momentary negative emotions. In contrast, average momentary negative emotions were more strongly associated with well-being measures for Asian Americans, the group from a cultural context that emphasises monitoring of negative emotions. Furthermore, we found that acculturation to American culture moderated the association between average momentary positive emotions and well-being for Asian Americans. These findings suggest the importance of culture in studying the impact of daily emotional experiences on well-being.

Race, gender, and emotionally expressive facial behavior have been associated with trait inferences in past research. However, it is unclear how interactions among these factors influence trait perceptions. In the current research, we test the roles of targets’ race, gender, and facial expression along with participants’ culture in predicting personality ratings. Caucasian and Asian-American participants rated the big-5 personality traits of either smiling or inexpressive photographs of Caucasian and Asian male and female faces. Ratings of extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness differed significantly across inexpressive targets as a function of race and gender categorization and individual characteristics. Smiling was associated with reduced variation in perceptions of targets’ extraversion and agreeableness relative to ratings made of inexpressive targets. In addition, participant culture generally did not significantly impact trait ratings. Results suggest that emotionally expressive facial behavior reduces the use of information based on race or gender in forming impressions of interpersonally relevant traits.

“Chinese somatization” has been frequently discussed over the past three decades of cultural psychiatry, and has more recently been demonstrated in cross-national comparisons. Empirical studies of potential explanations are lacking, however. Ryder and Chentsova-Dutton (2012) proposed that Chinese somatization can be understood as a cultural script for depression, noting that the literature is divided on whether this script primarily involves felt bodily experience or a stigma-avoiding communication strategy. Two samples from Hunan province, China—one of undergraduate students ( n = 213) and one of depressed psychiatric outpatients ( n = 281)—completed the same set of self-report questionnaires, including a somatization questionnaire developed in Chinese. Confirmatory factor analysis demonstrated that Chinese somatization could be understood as two correlated factors: one focusing on the experience and expression of distress, the other on its conceptualization and communication. Structural equation modeling demonstrated that traditional Chinese cultural values are associated with both of these factors, but only bodily experience is associated with somatic depressive symptoms. This study takes a first step towards directly evaluating explanations for Chinese somatization, pointing the way to future multimethod investigations of this cultural script.

This study investigates the relationship among (1) college major, (2) knowledge used in reasoning about common health beliefs, and (3) judgment about the accuracy of those beliefs. Seventy-four college students, advanced biology and non– science majors, indicated their agreement or disagreement with commonly believed, but often inaccurate, statements about health and explained their reasoning. The results indicated that while the direct impact of college-level biology coursework on judgment accuracy was minimal, biology major was associated with increased reliance on advanced biological reasoning, which mediated judgment accuracy. However, the overall association of advanced biological reasoning with judgment accuracy was small. The discussion calls for strengthening the science–daily life connection in biology education for majors and nonmajors.

Although many relatives use video chat to keep in touch with toddlers, key features of adult–toddler interaction like joint visual attention (JVA) may be compromised in this context. In this study, 25 families with a child between 6 and 24 months were observed using video chat at home with geographically separated grandparents. We define two types of screen-mediated JVA (across- and within-screen) and report age-related increases in the babies’ across-screen JVA initiations, and that family JVA usage was positively related to babies’ overall attention during video calls. Babies today are immersed in a digital world where formative relationships are often mediated by a screen. Implications for both infant social development and developmental research are discussed.

847 © 2014 Guilford Publications, Inc. Address correspondence to Andrew Ryder, Department of Psychology, Concordia University, 7141 rue Sherbrooke O. (PY139-3), Montreal (Quebec) H4B1R6, Canada or Yulia Chentsova-Dutton, Department of Psychology, Georgetown University, 306 White-Gravenor Hall, 3700 O St. NW, Washington, DC 20057, USA. E-mail: andrew. ryder@concordia.ca or yec2@georgetown.edu. INTRODUCTION RYDER and CHENTSOVA-DUTTON

Acculturating into a new cultural environment is an increasingly common experience. It is, moreover, a demanding process that is frequently accompanied by stress and adjustment difficulties. However, while acculturation is increasingly studied, there are few data examining how profiles of emotion and emotion regulation change following immigration and/or whether emotionally acculturating is linked to clinical outcomes. In the current report, 915 immigrant women from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, the English-speaking Caribbean and Eastern Europe completed measures of emotion and emotion regulation together with a measure of somatic health. As expected, the proportion of time spent in the United States was associated with greater similarity between immigrants' and the mainstream culture's patterns of emotion and emotion regulation. Further, immigrants who were emotionally more different (i.e., less acculturated) reported greater somatic symptomology, although there was some variation depending on which dir...

The study of culture and mental health is an interdisciplinary endeavor with a long history, but psychology has only been fitfully involved with the ongoing conversation. Cultural psychiatry, by contrast, represents a decades‐long interdisciplinary endeavor primarily involving psychiatrists and anthropologists. One problem is that the anthropological view of culture, not as independent variable but as deep context, has been unfamiliar to psychologists until relatively recently. Although anthropological views have influenced researchers in cultural psychology, at times profoundly, collaborations between cultural and clinical psychologists remain uncommon.

Both transient and stable facial cues have evolved as essential features of social communication in humans. Accumulating research links actual and perceived aggression to a higher ratio between the height and bizygomatic width of a person’s face (facial width-to-height ratio [WHR]) and shows that digitally increasing this ratio can alter apparent aggressiveness. We present evidence that facial behaviors associated with anger—the state most closely associated with aggressive intentions—also increase facial WHR, mimicking the facial morphology of aggressive individuals. In Study 1, individuals induced to appear aggressive naturally increased their facial WHR using anger-related facial behaviors. In Study 2, we found that validated anger expressions increased facial WHR and that this change predicts increased attributions of aggressiveness. We also found statistical suggestions that anger-related facial behaviors may serve as cues that overrepresent the expresser’s aggressiveness. Our findings suggest that facial behaviors associated with anger may have emerged to facilitate aggressive encounters.

West African cultural contexts foster higher levels of attention to the bodily signals compared with the European American contexts. Interoception, or the processing of signals from the body, is a key component of emotional reactivity. Interoceptive awareness (i.e., the self-reported tendency to attend to physiological changes) and accuracy (i.e., the ability to accurately detect physiological changes) are distinct aspects of interoception. Does the West African cultural emphasis on interoceptive awareness affect individuals' abilities to accurately perceive physiological changes in response to emotional stimuli? West African and European American young adults watched a fear-inducing film clip and continuously rated their perception of heart rate changes in response to the clip. Actual heart rates were also recorded continuously. Cross-correlations were calculated between measures of perceived and actual heart rate. Although average levels of coherence between these measures were low across groups, West Africans showed higher levels of interoceptive awareness, but lower levels of interoceptive accuracy than European Americans. These results suggest that cultural scripts of attending to the body may affect coupling between actual and perceived physiological reactivity in the context of emotions. These results have implications for studying cultural shaping of somatic presentation of mood and anxiety disorders.

Objective Despite large waves of westward migration, little is known about how to adapt services to assist Russian-speaking immigrants. In an attempt to bridge the scientist-practitioner gap, the current review synthesizes diverse literatures regarding what is known about immigrants from the Former Soviet Union. Method Relevant empirical studies and reviews from cross-cultural and cultural psychology, sociology, psychiatric epidemiology, mental health, management, linguistics, history, and anthropology literature were synthesized into three broad topics: culture of origin issues, common psychosocial challenges, and clinical recommendations. Results Russian speakers probably differ in their form of collectivism, gender relations, emotion norms, social support, and parenting styles from what many clinicians are familiar with and exhibit an apparent paradoxical mix of modern and traditional values. While some immigrant groups from the Former Soviet Union are adjusting well, others have shown elevated levels of depression, somatization, and alcoholism, which can inform cultural adaptations. Conclusions Testable assessment and therapy adaptations for Russians were outlined based on integrating clinical and cultural psychology perspectives.

Mood disorders are observed worldwide and represent a major contribution to the global burden of disease. Despite the numerous ways in which these disorders vary across cultural contexts, however, the research literature is dominated by Western concepts. Cultural variations, and the ways in which they can best be understood and studied, comprise the focus of this chapter. We begin with a brief historical overview of disordered mood over different eras. Then, we turn to the contemporary literature on cultural variations in mood disorders, focusing on four domains: (1) etiological beliefs; (2) risk and resilience; (3) incidence and prevalence; and (4) symptom presentation. While many of the studies reviewed highlight intriguing differences across cultural groups, relatively few of them explore empirically the possible explanations for these differences. We thus propose an approach to understanding cultural variations in psychopathology based on a core idea from cultural psychology: the mutual constitution of culture, mind, and brain. Then, we briefly describe some of the ways in which symptoms of disordered mood can be understood as emerging from looping processes in the culture-mind-brain system. From this perspective, we conclude by looking ahead to some future directions for research. First, we emphasize the importance of integrative studies across culture-, mind-, and brain-levels. Second, we consider the possibility that historical changes in descriptions of disordered mood might go beyond shifts in our understanding to include culturally-shaped transformations in normal and abnormal experience.

Previous research has documented that Asians tend to somatize negative experiences to a greater degree than Westerners. It is posited that somatization may be a more functional communication strategy in Korean than American context. We examined the effects of somatization in communications of distress among participants from the US and Korea. We predicted that the communicative benefits of somatic words used in distress narratives would depend on the cultural contexts. In Study 1, we found that Korean participants used more somatic words to communicate distress than US participants. Among Korean participants, but not US participants, use of somatic words predicted perceived effectiveness of the communication and expectations of positive reactions (e.g., empathy) from others. In Study 2, we found that when presented with distress narratives of others, Koreans (but not Americans) showed more sympathy in response to narratives using somatic words than narratives using emotional words. These findings suggest that cultural differences in use of somatization may reflect differential effectiveness of somatization in communicating distress across cultural contexts.

With a starting point in John Abela's groundbreaking developmental psychopathology research on adolescent depression in China, we aimed to review the state of the literature on Chinese depression across the lifespan. We began with Dr. Abela's published studies relevant to depression in China and our own research with adults before turning to the reference lists of these articles to find additional sources. Then we conducted literature searches using PsycINFO and PubMed to find other relevant studies published between April 2001 and April 2011 . There are two distinct literatures on depression in China. Developmental psychopathology research has emphasized adolescent samples and cognitive models of causation; cultural-clinical psychology and cultural psychiatry research have emphasized adult samples and the meanings associated with emotions, symptoms, and syndromes. Both approaches to the study of depression in China have yielded important findings but have also highlighted issues that could be better addressed by incorporating the other approach. Beyond depression in China, the psychological study of culture and mental health more generally would benefit from greater exchange between developmental psychopathology and cultural-clinical psychology.

Background Cultural variations in the relative emphasis on somatic versus psychological symptoms of distress are a common topic in cultural psychopathology. The most well-known example involves people of Chinese heritage, who are found to emphasize somatic symptoms in presenting depression as compared with people of Western European heritage. It remains unknown whether a similar cultural difference is found for anxiety disorders. Methods Euro-Canadian ( n = 79) and Han Chinese ( n = 154) psychiatric outpatients with clinically significant concerns about both depression and anxiety were selected from a larger dataset based on their responses to a structured interview. They also completed two self-report questionnaires assessing somatization of depression and anxiety. Results As expected, Chinese participants reported a greater tendency to emphasize somatic symptoms of depression, as compared to the Euro-Canadians. Contrary to expectations, the tendency to emphasize somatic symptoms of anxiety was higher among the Euro-Canadians as compared to the Chinese participants. Limitations Characteristics of our participants limit the generalizability of our findings. The current study is preliminary and requires replication. Conclusions Despite the exploratory nature of this study, the results suggest that the popular notion of ‘Chinese somatization’ should not be over-generalized. Our findings also imply that there may be important differences in the cultural understanding of depression and anxiety in both Chinese and ‘Western’ contexts. Future studies should seek to unpack potential cultural explanations for why Euro-Canadian outpatients may emphasize somatic symptoms in the presentation of anxiety to a greater degree than Chinese outpatients.

For decades, clinical psychologists have catalogued cultural group differences in symptom presentation, assessment, and treatment outcomes. We know that ‘culture matters’ in mental health – but do we know how it matters, or why? Answers may be found in an integration of cultural and clinical psychology. Cultural psychology demands a move beyond description to explanation of group variation. For its part, clinical psychology insists on the importance of individual people, while also extending the range of human variation. Cultural–clinical psychology integrates these approaches, opening up new lines of inquiry. The central assumption of this interdisciplinary field is that culture, mind, and brain constitute one another as a multi-level dynamic system in which no level is primary, and that psychopathology is an emergent property of that system. We illustrate cultural–clinical psychology research using our work on depression in Chinese populations and conclude with a call for greater collaboration among researchers in this field.

Although few decisions are made without seeking advice, advice can challenge the autonomy of its recipient. As a result, it is viewed as potentially intrusive and is enacted cautiously. In part, these findings may reflect European American culture, which fosters respect for personal autonomy. Cultural models of social relationships can affect advice-giving. In contrast to European American cultural context, Russian cultural context fosters an emphasis on practical interdependence. Because advice can promote the exchange of practical information, it is viewed as helpful and is enacted freely. In three studies, we have compared advice-giving across groups from European American and Russian cultural contexts (European Americans, Russians living in Russia, and Russian Americans). Russians living in Russia were more likely than European Americans to give advice, particularly practical advice; less likely to modulate their advice-giving based on whether or not it was solicited; and more likely to describe advice as characteristic of supportive relationships. Together, these studies suggest that advice-giving is a culturally embedded behavior. Cultural models of social relationships can promote unsolicited advice, a seemingly intrusive form of social support, as a way to share information and connect with others.

Anhedonia is one of the key symptoms of major depression. The present study examined whether depressive symptoms and trait anhedonia are associated with deficits in anticipated, experienced, or recalled pleasure and satisfaction (hedonic responses, HR). Sixty-one college students tasted chocolate samples in the lab. Participants' anticipated, experienced, and recalled HR were obtained prior to the task, during the task, and 1 day later, respectively. Anticipatory anhedonia, but not consummatory anhedonia or depression, predicted anticipated HR. In contrast, participants' levels of anticipatory and consummatory anhedonia and depression were not predictive of their experienced and recalled HRs. Depressed individuals showed lower tendency to overpredict their HRs to the task relative to nondepressed individuals. We conclude that clinical reports of anhedonia and depression in a college student population primarily reflect low levels of anticipation of reward, and tendency to accurately estimate their enjoyment of future rewards. If replicated, these results may have important implications for assessing and managing anhedonia associated with depression in clinical settings.

Research conducted with European Americans suggests that attention to the individual self intensifies emotional reactivity. We propose, however, that cultural models of the self determine which aspect of the self (individual vs. relational), when attended to, intensifies emotional reactivity. In 3 studies, we predicted and observed that attention to individual aspects of the self was associated with levels of emotional reactivity that were greater in individuals from European American contexts (which promote an independent model of the self) than in individuals from Asian American contexts (which promote an interdependent model of the self). In contrast, attention to relational aspects of the self was associated with levels of emotional reactivity that were similar or greater in individuals from Asian American than in individuals from European American contexts. These findings highlight the importance of considering cultural and situational factors when examining links between the self and emotion.

There is no doubt that our emotions reflect our evolutionary heritage. Most humans around the world experience and express broadly similar emotional responses to significant events, such as bonding with others, prevailing over challenges, losing something or someone, or coping with threats to self or others. A rapidly expanding body of work illustrates that our emotions also reflect our cultural contexts. For example, a minor insult is more likely to trigger physiological and behavioral signs of rage among people from cultural contexts that emphasize honor concerns (eg, American South). Much of what we currently knowabout emotions is based on emotions of college students in North America and Western Europe, two sets of cultural contexts that are not representative of the world’s diversity. Recently, researchers have been extending the study of emotions to people in cultural contexts with different models of emotions that are important, appropriate, desirable, and functional. There is much to gain from pursuing this work. In doing so, we may learn more about emotions, about culture, and about the interactions between the two, as well as examine practical questions that involve both constructs (eg, comparing people’s responses to a political campaign). This chapter will review extant work in the field, with special attention given to methodological challenges posed by assessing emotions across cultural contexts and best practices for doing so.

The present study examined the effects of gender on the emotional responses (physiology, self-reports of emotion, and emotional facial behaviour) of European Americans (EA) and Hmong Americans (HA) while they relived past emotional events. Women were more emotionally reactive than men: They demonstrated greater changes in electrodermal reactivity overall, reported experiencing more intense emotion while reliving anger and love, and smiled more while reliving happiness and love. The pattern and magnitude of these differences were similar for EA and HA, suggesting that to some degree, the effects of gender on emotional response may hold across ethnic groups.

© 2015 American Psychological Association. Pursuing happiness can paradoxically impair well-being. Here, the authors propose the potential downsides to pursuing happiness may be specific to individualistic cultures. In collectivistic (vs. individualistic)cultures, pursuing happiness may be more successful because happiness is viewed-and thus pursued-in relatively socially engaged ways. In 4 geographical regions that vary in level of collectivism (United States, Germany, Russia, East Asia), we assessed participants' well-being, motivation to pursue happiness, and to what extent they pursued happiness in socially engaged ways. Motivation to pursue happiness predicted lower well-being in the United States, did not predict well-being in Germany, and predicted higher well-being in Russia and in East Asia. These cultural differences in the link between motivation to pursue happiness and well-being were explained by cultural differences in the socially engaged pursuit of happiness. These findings suggest that culture shapes whether the pursuit of happiness is linked with better or worse well-being, perhaps via how people pursue happiness.

The meanings of “anhedonia” and “depressed mood,” the cardinal emotional symptoms of major depression, may be shaped by cultural norms regarding pleasure and sadness. Thirty-two European Americans, 26 Hispanic Americans, 33 Asian Americans, and 20 Russian Americans provided reports of (a) depressive symptoms, (b) momentary emotions and pleasure, and (c) global subjective well-being. Momentary reports were collected over 10 days using handheld personal digital assistants. Reports of anhedonia were associated with heightened levels of momentary low arousal negative emotions (e.g., sadness), whereas reports of depressed mood were associated with dampened levels of momentary positive emotions (e.g., happiness). Symptoms of anhedonia and depressed mood interacted in their associations with momentary pleasure. In addition, the associations of anhedonia and depressed mood with positive emotions and life satisfaction differed across cultural groups. Specifically, these symptoms were associated with dampened positive emotions in the Asian American group only. Additionally, anhedonia was associated with dampened global life satisfaction in the European American group only. These results suggest that reports of anhedonia and depressed mood cannot be interpreted at face value as specific and culture-free indicators of emotional deficits. Instead, they appear to signal changes in the balance of positive and negative emotions, with the exact nature of these signals shaped at least in part by cultural context. This conclusion has important consequences for the clinical interpretation of depressive symptoms in multicultural societies.

Ethnographic and clinical observations suggest that Asians are less expressive than European Americans. To examine whether this difference emerged in online emotional responding, 50 Hmong Americans (HAs) and 48 European Americans (EAs) were asked to relive past episodes of intense happiness, pride, love, anger, disgust, and sadness. Facial behavior and physiological reactivity were measured. For most emotions, more cultural similarities than differences were found. There were some exceptions: During happiness, fewer HAs than EAs showed non-Duchenne smiles (i.e., "social" smiles), despite similarities in reported emotional experience and physiological reactivity. Within-group differences between "less Hmong" and "more Hmong" HAs were also found. Implications of these findings for our understanding of culture-emotion relations are discussed.

Background: Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a highly prevalent and often chronic disorder among combat veterans, persisting in as many as 15% of Vietnam veterans for at least 20 years. Treatment response in veterans with combat-related PTSD has been disappointing. Although anxiolytics, anticonvulsants, antipsychotics, and antidepressants have been tried, none has been consistently associated with improvement in all primary symptom domains (i.e., intrusive recollections, avoidance/numbing, and hyperarousal). This open-label study evaluated the use of nefazodone in a group of Vietnam veterans with chronic, treatment-refractory symptoms of PTSD. Method: Male outpatients with DSM-IV PTSD who had failed a minimum of 3 previous medication trials were eligible for the study. Nineteen Vietnam combat veterans entered the study and were treated with nefazodone, 100-600 mg/day, for 12 weeks. PTSD symptoms, anxiety, depression, sleep, sexual functioning, and adverse events were assessed weekly. Results: Severity of depression lessened, as did PTSD symptoms of intrusive recollections, avoidance, and hyperarousal. Depressive symptom severity as measured by the Beck Depression Inventory decreased by a mean of 30%. Similarly, there was an overall drop in the intensity of PTSD symptoms as measured by the Clinician Administered PTSD Scale of 32% with a 26% improvement for symptoms of intrusion, 33% for avoidance, and 28% for arousal. In addition, improvements in sleep and sexual functioning were reported. The mean daily dose of nefazodone after 12 weeks was 430 mg (range, 200-600 mg/day). The most frequently reported side effects were headaches (53%), dry mouth (42%), and diarrhea (42%), but side effects tended to be mild and transient. Conclusion: In this group of Vietnam veterans with chronic treatment-refractory PTSD and multiple comorbid Axis I psychiatric disorders, nefazodone was well tolerated and effective. Larger, controlled studies are warranted.

Despite large waves of westward migration, little is known about how to adapt services to assist Russian-speaking immigrants. In an attempt to bridge the scientist-practitioner gap, the current review synthesizes diverse literatures regarding what is known about immigrants from the Former Soviet Union.Relevant empirical studies and reviews from cross-cultural and cultural psychology, sociology, psychiatric epidemiology, mental health, management, linguistics, history, and anthropology literature were synthesized into three broad topics: culture of origin issues, common psychosocial challenges, and clinical recommendations.Russian speakers probably differ in their form of collectivism, gender relations, emotion norms, social support, and parenting styles from what many clinicians are familiar with and exhibit an apparent paradoxical mix of modern and traditional values. While some immigrant groups from the Former Soviet Union are adjusting well, others have shown elevated levels of depression, somatization, and alcoholism, which can inform cultural adaptations.Testable assessment and therapy adaptations for Russians were outlined based on integrating clinical and cultural psychology perspectives.

We have presented a view of culture and mental health that builds on work in cultural psychiatry, anthropology, and cultural psychology, and applied it to research on culture and depression. In particular, we have returned to the well-known topic of Chinese somatization. A culture–mind–brain approach to these questions helps us think about them in a way that points toward new research. We have applied this approach to thinking about a single set of questions, relevant to a single (DSM-based) diagnosis, in a single cultural group. The potential, however, is to rethink how we conceptualize mental health in ways consistent with cultural psychiatry’s general perspective over the past several decades, while incorporating rather than rejecting the many recent advances in brain and behavior sciences. In so doing, we gain a more expanded and nuanced view of the global landscape of mental health, accompanied by a more expanded and nuanced view of individual patients.

How does culture shape the experience and expression of depression? Previously we observed that depression dampened negative emotional responses in European Americans, but increased negative emotional responses in Asian Americans (Chentsova-Dutton et al., 2007). We interpreted these findings as support for the cultural norm hypothesis, which predicts that depression reduces individuals’ abilities to react in culturally normative or ideal ways (i.e., disrupting European Americans’ abilities to express their emotions openly and Asian Americans’ abilities to moderate and control their emotions). In the present study, we examined the generalizability of the cultural norm hypothesis to positive emotion. We measured the emotional reactivity of 35 European Americans (17 depressed, 18 controls) and 31 Asian Americans (15 depressed, 16 controls) to an amusing film clip. Consistent with the cultural norm hypothesis, depressed European Americans showed dampened positive emotional reactivity (i.e., fewer enjoyment and non-enjoyment smiles, less intense reports of positive emotion, lower cardiac activation) compared to control European Americans, whereas depressed Asian Americans showed similar (i.e., smiles, reports of positive emotion), and even greater (i.e., higher cardiac activation) positive emotional reactivity compared to control Asian Americans. These findings suggest that the cultural norm hypothesis generalizes to the experience and expression of positive emotion.

This study presents analyses of 7 common psychopathological syndromes in the World Health Organization (WHO) Collaborative Study of Psychological Problems in General Health Care (T. B. Ustun & N. Sartorius, 1995). Data on depression, somatization, hypochondriasis, neurasthenia, anxious worry, anxious arousal, and hazardous use of alcohol were analyzed for 14 countries (Ns for each country ranged from 196 to 800). Four models were evaluated: a 1-factor model; a 2-factor model in which all syndromes except hazardous use of alcohol represented internalizing problems; and two 3-factor models. The 2-factor model fit best. These results extend previous, research on the 2-factor model to the current complaints of attendees of general health care clinics, to a new set of syndromes, and to a variety of both Western and non-Western countries.

Background: As the US population ages, more and more individuals will find themselves facing the demanding task of caring for terminally ill family members. Yet strikingly little is known about the emotional toll such caregiving exacts from caregivers, or how the stresses and strains of caregiving affect later grief reactions. This study examines the emotional adjustment and grief intensity of bereaved caregivers from their prebereavement (caregiving) baseline through the first year after the death and compares the effects of caregiving and subsequent bereavement on spouses and adult children. Methods: Forty-eight adult children and spousal caregivers of hospice patients and 36 controls were evaluated shortly before the deaths of their loved ones and again at 2, 7, and 13 months after their deaths. All subjects were administered the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression, Brief Symptom Inventory, and the Texas Revised Instrument of Grief. Results: Depression and other indices of psychological distress are highest during the caregiving period and during the first few months after the death, before decreasing over the duration of the first year. Many symptoms of grief remain prominent as long as 13 months after the death of a parent or a spouse. There were no differences in intensity of grief, depression or other indices of distress between bereaved children and bereaved spouses. Conclusions: The magnitude of the stress of caregiving may be underestimated. Depression is at least as likely to emerge in the context of caregiving as it is in the postbereavement period. Therapeutic interventions may need to take into consideration the expected distress associated with caregiving and the chronicity of grief reactions. Limitations: The large dropout rate, reliance on self-report ratings and demographically homogeneous sample may limit generalizability of findings.