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Publikacja została sfinansowana ze środków Narodowego Programu Rozwoju Humanistyki w ramach projektu nr 12H 11 0004 80

Albert O. Hirschman (1915–2012) is recognized as one of the most well-rounded and interdisciplinary social scientists of the postwar era. After fleeing Germany as a young opponent of the Nazi regime, he moved across countries, languages, and disciplinary boundaries. He was a pioneer of development economics and other social sciences, to which he contributed with exemplary analyses of the processes and mechanisms of political, economic, and social change. Following Hirschman’s own interdisciplinary approach, Nadia Urbinati, Ira Katznelson, Victoria De Grazia, Jeremy Adelman, and Michele Alacevich will explore the milestones of his incredibly rich intellectual journey.

Next to the extinction of communism, nothing has disconcerted labor historians as much as the proliferation of cultural studies about mass consumption. By contrast, the critique of economism begun two decades ago under the influence of E. P. Thompson was a snap, for workers and themakingof the working class remained the main focus, even as emphasis shifted from workplace to community contests over pub life, public parks, and other arenas of popular culture. Cultural studies of mass consumption, however, challenge whether it is still valid, much less possible, to focus uniquely on workers, except perhaps to deal with theirunmakingas a class. Some are influenced by the “linguistic turn” associated with poststructuralism and deconstruction, putting pressure on labor historians to relate complex processes of signification to the changes in strategies and structures that are the meat and potatoes of the labor-history field.

and irrelevant. On the contrary, the presence of the past is the result of acts of compassion, love, and mourning. The categories of space and time that Kantian philosophy identifies as preconditions of human knowledge do not, according to Freud, exist in the realm of the unconscious and the emotional. Trauma is something indelible; rationalization can remove, but not cancel it from the individual's psyche. It lasts forever. There must be something analogous for the lives of collectivities. In premodern societies, catastrophes gave rise to myths, to metahistories which, handed down from generation to generation, told time and again of the eternal confrontation between good and

De Grazia Victoria, Testa Chantal. Fascisme et féminisme latin. Italie, 1922-1945. In: Genèses, 5, 1991. Observer, classer, administrer, sous la direction de Christian Topalov. pp. 107-131.

The sheer intensity and violence of Germany’s twentieth century—through the end of an empire, two world wars, two democracies, and two dictatorships—provide a unique opportunity to assess the power and endurance of commercial imagery in the most extreme circumstances. Selling Modernity places advertising and advertisements in this tumultuous historical setting, exploring such themes as the relationship between advertising and propaganda in Nazi Germany, the influence of the United States on German advertising, the use of advertising to promote mass consumption in West Germany, and the ideological uses and eventual prohibition of advertising in East Germany. While the essays are informed by the burgeoning literature on consumer society, Selling Modernity focuses on the actors who had the greatest stake in successful merchandising: company managers, advertising executives, copywriters, graphic artists, market researchers, and salespeople, all of whom helped shape the depiction of a company’s products, reputation, and visions of modern life. The contributors consider topics ranging from critiques of capitalism triggered by the growth of advertising in the 1890s to the racial politics of Coca-Cola’s marketing strategies during the Nazi era, and from the post-1945 career of an erotica entrepreneur to a federal anti-drug campaign in West Germany. Whether analyzing the growing fascination with racialized discourse reflected in early-twentieth-century professional advertising journals or the postwar efforts of Lufthansa to lure holiday and business travelers back to a country associated with mass murder, the contributors reveal advertising’s central role in debates about German culture, business, politics, and society. Contributors . Shelley Baranowski, Greg Castillo, Victoria de Grazia, Guillaume de Syon, Holm Friebe, Rainer Gries, Elizabeth Heineman, Michael Imort, Anne Kaminsky, Kevin Repp , Corey Ross, Jeff Schutts, Robert P. Stephens, Pamela E. Swett, S. Jonathan Wiesen, Jonathan R. Zatlin

CONTRIBUTORS: Susan Porter Benson Sue Bowden Rachel Bowlby Erica Carter Belinda Davis Victoria de Grazia Ellen Furlough Anna R. Igra Jennifer Jones David Kuchta Avner Offer Kathy Peiss Erika Rappaport Abigail Solomon-Godeau

"Then, one day we saw hanging on the walls great posters as long as serpents. At every street-corner a man, his face covered with a red handkerchief, leveled a revolver at the peaceful passersby. . . . We rushed into the cinemas and realized immediately that everything had changed." While the Great War wasted away Europe's resources, the American cinema occupied the home fronts. For the Parisian futurist Philippe Soupault, the flickering images of Pearl White's "almost ferocious smile" announced "the revolution, the beginning of a new world."1I By the mid-1920s, the sway of America's cultural industries was so powerful that some Europeans questioned whether old-world states still exercised sovereignty over their citizens' leisure. In England, "the bulk of picture goers are Americanized to an extent that makes them regard the British film as a foreign film," commented a London Daily Express writer in 1927; "they talk America, think America, dream America; we have several million people, mostly women, who, to all intents and purposes, are temporary American citizens."2 From the 1920s, this outpouring of cultural artifacts and images presented European societies with a set of challenges at least as complex and confounding as that posed by American manufacturers' intense competition.3 The first challenge came from the free-floating quality of American commercial culture

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.