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Straipsnis skirtas Tyagino tvirtovės tyrimų rezultatams apžvelgti. Tvirtovė Bolšoje Gorodišče salos teritorijoje XIV a. pabaigoje – XV a. pradžioje buvo pastatyta Lietuvos kunigaikščio Vytauto Didžiojo įsakymu. Archeologinė medžiaga suteikė vertingos informacijos apie saloje esančio paminklų komplekso sinkretizmą, tvirtovės tipologiją, išplanavimą ir dydį. Tai yra viena ankstyviausių akmeninių pilių-tvirtovių šiaurinėje Juodosios jūros pakrantėje, kuri sudarė dalį Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės pietinės sienos gynybinės linijos. Tvirtovės gynybinę sistemą sudarė architektūrinių elementų sintezė – nuo medinių inžinerinių konstrukcijų, žinomų nuo senosios Rusios laikų, iki Europai naujų fortifikacijos elementų kaip akmeninės sienos ir kontraforsai. Tvirtovės ginkluotę sudarė artilerija ir kovos ginklai, kurių pagrindinė rūšis buvo Lietuvoje plačiai paplitę arbaletai. Tyagino tvirtovė buvo įsikūrusi prekybos kelių kryžkelėje, skiriančioje Rytus ir Vakarus, papročių sankirtoje. Radiniai liudija lietuvių kultūros buvimą, Genujos įtaką, kontaktus su Krymu, taip pat prekybinius ir ekonominius ryšius su Lenkija. Paminklas, be abejonės, yra neatsiejama Lietuvos ir Ukrainos kultūros paveldo dalis. Reikšminiai žodžiai: tvirtovė, kultūrinis paveldas, Lietuva, Ukraina. The article is devoted to the results of the research of the fortress Tyagin, built by the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas on the territory of the island Bolshoye Gorodishche in the late 14th to early 15th century. The archaeological materials provided valuable information about the syncretism of the complex of monuments on the island, the typology, layout and size of the fortress. It was one of the earliest stone castle-type fortresses on the northern Black Sea coast, a part of the defensive line of the southern borders of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The fortress’ defensive system included a synthesis of defensive architectural elements, ranging from timber-engineered structures known from Old Russian times to stone walls and buttresses of a new level of fortification in Europe. The fortress was armed with artillery and edged weapons, the main type being crossbows, which were widespread in Lithuania. The fortress of Tyagin was situated at the crossroads of trade routes between the East and the West, at the crossroads of the custom. The artifacts testify to the presence of Lithuanian cultural objects, Genoese influence, contact with Crimea, and trade and economic relations with Poland. The monument is an integral part of the cultural heritage of Lithuania and Ukraine. Keywords: fortress, cultural heritage, Lithuania, Ukraine.

Straipsnyje aptariami Didžiojo Šiaurės karo (1700–1721) įvykiai, susiję su Kuršo kunigaikštyste. Daugiausia dėmesio skirta karo veiksmams konkrečiame regione – Kuršo kunigaikštystės ir Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės pasienyje, vykusiems nuo švedų įžengimo į Kuršo kunigaikštystę 1701 m. vasarą iki 1703 m. pavasario, kai iš Kuršo išvyko švedų gubernatorius Karolis Magnusas Stiuartas (Karl Magnus Stuart). Rengiant straipsnį daugiausia remtasi Latvijos valstybiniame istorijos archyve saugomais istorijos šaltiniais. Raktiniai žodžiai: Kuršo kunigaikštystė, Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė, Žemaitija, Didysis Šiaurės karas, Karolis XII, Augustas II, Ferdinandas Ketleris. The Great Northern War (1700–1721) was one of the most significant events that impacted the history of the Baltic region and opened the Baltic lands for the strengthened Russian Empire. Due to this war, state dependency of part of the territory of Latvia (Vidzeme) and the whole of Estonia changed in the early eighteenth century. Directly and indirectly, the war had an impact on the whole region of the Baltic countries. The political consequences of the war have constantly attracted interest of historians, but studies on the military actions in this region as such are comparatively scarce. Although the public seems to be well informed about isolated facts and battles, there is a shortage of generalised works. Early in the Great Northern War, the Duchy of Courland became a bridgehead for Saxon offensive and a military base for both Saxony and August II, the ruler of Poland and Lithuania. This article discusses the events of the Great Northern War that are, in one way or another, related with the Duchy of Courland. The main attention is given to the military actions in a particular region, the border area between the Duchy of Courland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Here, warfare continued almost uninterruptedly from the summer of 1701 to the end of 1709. This military theatre of the war, which had been a periphery of a very wide war, has attracted relatively less attention of the historians. The article focuses on the military actions in the region from the entrance of the Swedes into the Duchy of Courland in the summer of 1701 to the departure of the Swedish governor Karl Magnus Stuart from Courland in the spring of 1703. The article is mostly based on the sets of documents kept in the Latvian State Historical Archive. The Swedes occupied Courland in summer 1701. In July and August of that year, the units of the Swedish army entered the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the territory of Courland for the first time in this war. At the time, Lithuania, just like the whole of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, was not yet officially engaged in the war against Sweden: the war was declared by August II, the ruler of Lithuania and Poland, as the prince-elector of his inherited Duchy of Saxony. For the Swedes, the excuse to seize the fortress of Biržai in Lithuania was the artillery and military gear of August II that the king used during the Riga offensive and the blockade of this port. Having confiscated the artillery and military gear, the Swedes returned to Courland. The excuse for the Swedes to enter Žemaitija (Samogitia), the northwestern province of Lithuania, was the appeal of Kazimierz Jan Sapieha, the palatine of Vilnius and the grand hetman of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (the chief of the army), addressed to Charles XII, King of Sweden, in which he asked the Swedes to protect the estates of Sapieha in Žemaitija from devastation by the adversaries of the Sapieha family, the so-called republicans of Lithuania. The feud between the faction of influential nobles of Lithuania, the Sapieha, and their adversaries, the so-called republicans of Lithuania, became a significant factor in the Great Northern War in the border area between Lithuania and Courland. The Sapieha, who had suffered a bitter defeat in their struggle against the republicans in the autumn of 1700, sought an alliance with Sweden. In 1702, this alliance became public. The republicans, who took command in Lithuania late in 1700, were supporting August II and his ally, Russia, in the fight against Sweden, although the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was still formally neutral in this war. In late 1701-early 1702, the main body of Swedish troops, led by Charles XII in person, entered Žemaitija from Courland. Through Lithuania, the king of Sweden marched to Poland, where the main theatre of military action of the Great Northern War moved and stayed for a long time. The border region between Courland and Lithuania became a peripheral albeit very significant theatre of warfare. From time to time, reinforcements were sent to the army of Charles XII from Courland through Lithuania. The republicans of Lithuania constantly attempted to disrupt Swedish communication between Courland and the army of Charles XII and arranged frequent sallies to the territory of Courland. Having established themselves in Courland and close to Riga, relatively sparse Swedish forces tried to maintain control over the Duch (new style). Here the Swedes beat Lithuanian republicans and their allies, Russians. For some time, the Swedish rule in Courland was ensured. Soon after the battle of Saločiai, the leadership of the Swedish administration and the army in the Duchy of Courland changed. In May, Adam Ludwig Lewenhaupt, general major of infantry, took over the leadership here. It was the beginning of a new period of the Swedish occupation in the history of the Duchy of Courland. Unlike other territories occupied by the Swedes during this war, a permanent Swedish occupying administration with its special institutions was established in the Duchy of Courland. Its residents were burdened with exorbitant duties (contributions) to maintain the Swedish army. The Swedes attempted to collect contributions in the northern border regions of Lithuania, which their army used to invade, although for a short time. [...] Keywords: Duchy of Courland, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Žemaitija (Samogitia), Great Northern War, Charles XII, August II, Ferdinand Ketler.

The article presents an analysisof a significant aspect regarding problems with the coronation of Grand Duke Vytautas and his wife Uliana – data from the story behind the rulers’ crowns that has hitherto practically not been noticed is being brought into academic circulation. Several important historical sources are being analysed: inscriptions from the book of expenses of the city of Nuremberg, a description of the Teutonic Order’s legation under the Vogt of Stuhm Klaus von Redwitz to meet with the Roman-German King Sigismund of Luxemburg (in 1429), and a previously unknown document regarding the coronation that has survived in manuscript form at the Bavarian State Library (BSB, Clm 22372), which once belonged to Sigismund’s advocate, the Bishop of Augsburg Peter von Schaumberg. These sources contain records indicating that the crowns were richly adorned with gemstones, and were in the past associated with Emperor Henry VII (Sigismund’s great-grandfather) and Roman-German King, Ruprecht von der Pfalz. This kind of link reveals the symbolic significance of the crowns, while their cost – one was priced at 50 thousand guldens – testifies to the scale of importance of the Kingdom of Lithuania project in Sigismund’s political plans in 1429–1430. The analysis of the above historical sources also allows researchers to speculate that the failure to have Vytautas crowned could have been due to his overly unilateral dependence on Sigismund’s actions. Keywords: Vytautas, Sigismund of Luxemburg, coronation, royal jewels.

Reikšminiai žodžiai: Vilnius; Katedra; Šv. Kazimiero koplyčia; Skulptūra; Augustas II; Castrum doloris; Laidotuvių apeigos; Antanas Dominykas Tiškevičius; Mykolas Jonas Zenkevičius. The eight wooden figures in the cathedral Chapel of St Casimir in Vilnius with royal power attributes have been the subject of pretty numerous mentions. Their authors have described the circumstances of their functioning in the chapel in a more or less detailed manner. The publications by Marija Matušakaitė, Katarzyna Mikocka and Mindaugas Paknys should be emphasised, as their observations and analyses form the starting point for this article. On 3 March 1733, in the Roman Catholic passing funeral apparatuses in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as well as Rome and Istanbul. In a short time, the milieu of Bishop Michał Zienkowicz and the members of the Vilnius Chapter realised the ambitious plan of the ceremony. The ideological and artistic keystone was the castrum doloris composed of sculptural representations of six predecessors of the deceased king: Stephen Bathory, Sigismund III Vasa, Władysław IV Vasa, John Casimir, Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki, and John III Sobieski. They were accompanied by sculpted images of at least seven virtues, four skeletons representing attributes of royal power, and two geniuses. A huge wooden crown dominated the entire decoration, complemented by plastic celestial spheres, sophisticated inscriptions, obelisks, and pyramids supporting many candles. The remains of this decoration are the wooden figures still preserved in the Chapel of St Casimir. They were supplemented by two other figures and installed in niches between 1733 and 1737. A closer look at the sculptures reveals that their size contradicts their intended purpose. They do not fit either in height or width, and in some cases, they protrude significantly from the face of the walls. Over time, the original meaning of the group of figures has been lost. Throughout the next 150 years, they were assigned a different identification. In the second half of the nineteenth century, they were identified with inscriptions in Polish indicating the figures of definite seven kings of the Commonwealth and St Casimir. The inscriptions were removed during the restoration in 1989. The sculptures made in Vilnius are cursory made both regarding their countenances and the details of their insignia and attire. They were carved in a hurry, with neglect of the physiognomy and even the mediocre correctness of the details. This proves the extremely short period (about three weeks) for the work to be done by a team of craftsmen of varied experience and talent, among whom there was no outstanding individual. The possible attribution of the sculptures to specific artists is extremely difficult as the figures are almost devoid of individual stylistic features, which could be a starting point for comparative studies. When analysing the iconographic appearance of the figures, it is difficult to formulate any other opinion than that they represent ‘a general imagination of the appearance of a modern European ruler’, which could have arisen before the Enlightenment period. It is worth emphasising that despite the not very high quality of the sculptural artistry, the arrangements of the figures are more than correct. Perhaps, in the course of further archival and iconographic research, it will be possible to find other elements that make part of the funeral decoration of Augustus II the Strong. Keywords: Vilnius; Cathedral; St Casimir Chapel; Scultpure; Augustus II; Castrum doloris; Funeral rites; Antoni Dominik Tyszkiewicz; Michał Jan Zienkowicz.

The article’s objective is to reveal what food products were used in the cuisine of Sigismund II Augustus and in what ways they were supplied when the Ruler resided in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, according to the data of the court account books of 1543–1546. The topis has not been exhaustively studied thus far. Researchers have not given the analysis of these court account books through the prism of cuisine suffi cient attention. The analysis shows that plenty of different kinds of meat – of domestic and wild animals and birds – were delivered to the court kitchen of the Ruler. When the Ruler resided in Vilnius Lower Castle during fasting, pikes from about 20 ponds constructed in Viršupis estate were supplied. Additionally, Elders of the Ruler’s estates sent diff erent types of fish. Also, dairy products were consumed, such as eggs, bread, cereals and sweet baked products, local vegetables and fruit as well as imported lemons, rice and a variety of spices. Beer, mead and wine – the accounts mention Rhine and Hungarian ones – were supplied to the Ruler’s court. The court account books of 1543–1546 are the vital source that reveals the assortment of food products and their supply.

On 27 September 1735 in Warsaw, the Pacification Sejm convened by King Augustus III began its proceedings. The sessions were to last until 8 October 1735. The Sejm’s primary purpose was to end war hostilities and to lead the intervention troops out of the Commonwealth. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania was represented by 48 deputies elected at pre-Sejm sejmiks held in August. Their election was confirmed by the fact that all the sejmiks were held and concluded. It is worth noting that most of the deputies were from the middle nobility, oft en associated with specific magnate factions. While serving them, the noblemen also sought to maximise their own benefits and interests. Ten deputies had already performed parliamentary functions at the Convocation Sejm, and twenty-four took part in the Election Sejm. About fourteen Lithuanian deputies were to speak during the proceedings of the Pacification Sejm, 31 times in total. Therefore, it should be assumed that about thirty deputies were already associated with the Saxon camp with a high degree of probability. This number could have been even greater because the resolutions of the pro-Augustus confederation council convened on 9 November 1735 after the would-be Sejm were to be signed by as many as forty-four deputies. One wonders, however, about the credibility of those signatures, made under threat and fear of reprisals from Saxon supporters. However, it is worth noting that the deputies in favour of a quick election of the Sejm Marshal were usually supporters of the Saxon. The opponents supported King Stanisław Leszczyński, who demanded that Russian troops be withdrawn before the Marshal would be chosen. In this situation, the Sejm was broken, to which the Lithuanian deputies also contributed.

In the middle and second half of the 14th century, significant territorial changes took place in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The old political structures, which by that time had outlived their usefulness, were replaced by new ones: the revived Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and the Moldavian principality. These changes took place in a fierce struggle, with confrontations on the battlefield giving way to confrontations on the diplomatic front. In addition to the above-mentioned political formations, the Hungarian king also had an important place in this struggle. Louis the Great of Anjou at one time united the Hungarian and Polish crown into his own hands, after the death of Casimir the Great Polish king who had no male offspring. The Moldovan rulers took advantage of the international political conjuncture in this space, who skillfully conducted their foreign policy based on the principle of the balance of power. First, the problem of heredity in Poland and then in the Hungarian kingdom itself undoubtedly contributed to the strengthening of a still very young state that appeared in the middle of the 14th century, first as a Hungarian march, and which was tasked with moving eastward, and then as an independent state. However, at that time, every political entity had a suzerain, which gave him the right to exist. Vasal addiction varied from case to case. In turn, when such an opportunity arose, the Moldovan rulers could change their overlords based on political interest. In this, they used the strength and power of the Lithuanian princes. At first, being in allied relations with the Koriatovichs, the Moldovan rulers strengthened their state, and then, by the will of fate, they developed friendly relations with Vitovt / Alexander and tried not to spoil relations with him, participating in those planned through the Grand Duke of Lithuania. A special test for the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was the war with the Teutonic Order, which broke out in 1409. The Moldavian soldiers again took part in the Battle of Grunwald in 1410. However, the problem was that the Teutons were supported by the Hungarian king, Sigismund of Luxembourg, who wanted to return the Hungarian influence in Moldova. Thus, the Moldavian principality was drawn into the tangle of international relations in this area where the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was of great importance.

The subject of this article thesis is Polish-Russian diplomatic relations in the early years of the reign of Wladislaw IV Vasa (1632–1635). The thesis focuses on the diplomatic activities conducted between the two countries during the Smolensk war in the years 1632–1634 and immediately after the end of the war. A particularly important issue is the Polish and Russian envoys exchanged in order to ratify peace of Polyanovka. Tematem artykułu są polsko-rosyjskie stosunki dyplomatyczne w pierwszych latach panowania Władysława IV Wazy (1632–1635). Praca koncentruje się na aktywności dyplomatycznej prowadzonej między obu krajami podczas wojny smoleńskiej w latach 1632–1634 i tuż po jej zakończeniu. Szczególnie ważny wątek stanowią wzajemne poselstwa odbywane w celu ratyfikacji pokoju polanowskiego.

Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama Lietuvos didžiųjų kunigaikščių Gedimino (1316–1341) ir Algirdo (1345–1377) laiškuose reprezentuojama teisingumo samprata. Ji atskleidžiama pasitelkiant vėlyvųjų viduramžių epochos politinių idėjų istorijos tyrimus. Atliekant šį lyginamojo pobūdžio tyrimą, siekiama: pirma, identifikuoti lotyniškosios Europos politinio mąstymo sroves, turinčias sąlyčio taškų su tuo, ką sąlyginai galima vadinti prigimtinio teisingumo lietuviškąja versija; antra, išryškinti tas lotyniškosios Europos politinio mąstymo sroves, kurių tapomas tarptautinių santykių vizijas galėtume laikyti labiausiai nederančiomis su Gedimino ir Algirdo laiškuose reiškiamais principais. Comparative research has disclosed that a dialogue between Lithuania’s pagan rulers Gediminas and Algirdas on one hand, and Christian believers on the other, was made possible thanks to the existence of Natural Law and its derivative natural justice. The most pronounced traits of natural justice, as far as the concept of international relations on the part of Lithuania’s rulers is concerned, were the following: the right to defend oneself against violence, diplomatic immunity, and the duty to abide by treaties. The letters of grand dukes Gediminas and Algirdas underline the right to self-defence in terms that are readily comprehensible in the light of the theory of a just war. The paradox of the grand ducal admonitions addressed to Christians lies in the fact that pagan rulers called on Christians to adhere to treaties and agreements that were corroborated by sacred rituals.

This article investigates the case of four Lithuanian-Ruthenian dukes vouching for Duke Żedywid before the Polish King Władysław II Jagiełło. The original Ruthenian document does not include a date nor does it contain any information about the circumstances in which the surety (poręczenie) was issued. There have been attempts to solve this riddle in the historical literature, with reference to information about Żedywid contained in primary sources, biographies and genealogies of the vouching dukes, and the political history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the late fourteenth century. However, the majority of conclusions that have been drawn so far are based on misreadings of the text of the surety. The identification of the scribe who prepared the document has made it possible to determine its chronological framework, and information about the vouching dukes and King Władysław’s itinerary indicates that it was written between August 1392 and October 1393, most likely in Kraków. An attempt to put the surety into a broader political context requires us to take into account its possible connection with the actions undertaken by Vytautas aimed at extending and strengthening his power in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania after the Ostrów Agreement of 1392. This connection, however, remains only in the sphere of hypothesis. The exceptionally short diplomatic form of the document and lack of detailed information about these events and Żedywid himself in contemporary sources indicate that Żedywid’s actions did not pose any serious threat to Jagiełło.

The marriage of Duke Vytautas the Great’s daughter Sophia to the Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily in 1391 was a momentous event that impinged on the course of history. Although the circumstances in which this marriage was concluded address extremely important historical issues, such as relations between Lithuania and Moscow, Vytautas’ biography, and the politics of the Grand Duchy of Moscow towards the end of the fourteenth century, historiography has not recorded many attempts to study them. This is probably due to the rather vague primary sources which are dominated by the accounts contained in the chronicles. The author of the article makes an effort to analyse them, which, combined with other evidence, as well as a review of the political situation at the time, led him to believe that it was the Moscow side that initiated the talks on the marriage of Sophia and Vasily. The Grand Duke of Moscow, Dmitry of the Don, had been looking for the possibility of a dynastic rapprochement with the ruling circles of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania for a long time. The conclusion of the Polish-Lithuanian agreement in Krevo (1385), uncertain situation in the Golden Horde and the desire to strengthen the position of his son were the reasons that could force the Moscow ruler to act more decisively in this field. Therefore, having left Tartar captivity at the end of 1385, Vasily son of Dmitri of the Don, went west, where he took the opportunity of meeting Vytautas to start first talks. The negotiations were interrupted due to a rather weak political position of Vytautas before 1389. They were resumed when it turned out that Władysław Jagiełło, after taking the throne in Kraków, did not intend to forgo his active policy in Eastern Europe. Therefore, when Vytautas fought together with the Teutonic Knights to seize power in Lithuania, Moscow decided to support his efforts. In this way, the duke, with his allies in the Teutonic Order and strong ties with Moscow, became a dangerous rival for Władysław Jagiełło. Such a turn of events could have influenced the Polish king’s decision to reconcile with his cousin yet again.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama mito apie Lietuvos sostinės Vilniaus įkūrimą recepcija dailės kūriniuose, tiksliau – Gedimino sapno siužeto ikonografija ir istorinis jos kontekstas, vertinant šio įvykio vaizdinius kaip siekį istorinėje sąmonėje įtvirtinti Gediminaičių dinastijos pradžią ir klestinčios nepriklausomos LDK su sostine Vilniuje įvaizdį, kartu atkreipiant dėmesį į jo svarbą formuojantis moderniajai lietuviškajai tapatybei. Tekste aptariami politiniai ir kultūriniai aspektai, turėję reikšmės Gedimino sapno motyvo vaizdavimo tradicijai susiformuoti ir kaitai dailės kūriniuose. Reikšminiai žodžiai: Gedimino sapnas, geležinis vilkas, Vilniaus įkūrimo legenda. In the article, the theme of Gediminas’s dream and its reception in 19th–21st century art is analyzed with a focus on the political and cultural aspects that made an impact on the formation of the tradition of representing this motif in artworks, and its change. It was not until the middle of the 19th century that this subject popularized by chroniclers and historians appeared in fine art; until then, it was only found in texts. The Gediminas legend combines real historical events and a mystical vision; thus, it is not surprising that this theme was aligned with the world perception of the 19th and early 20th century. Artists fascinated with the ideas of Symbolism expanded the rather literal iconography of Gediminas’s dream formed in the era of Romanticism, combining a nostalgic view of the past with ethnic motifs. In independent interwar Lithuania, stripped of its historical capital, the narrative of Gediminas’s dream became one of the key topics of propaganda art; its imagery was also successfully disseminated in popular culture. In the Soviet period, when patriotic aspirations were not tolerated in official art, the history of one of the founders of the Lithuanian state, Duke Gediminas, in many cases was reduced to the legend of the founding of the city of Vilnius. Finally, when the country’s independence was restored, the statehood-related connotation of this topic regained prominence, and a monument to Gediminas became probably the state’s most important initiative, and later, in the 1990s, also an object of discussions. The history of the founding of the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania has not lost its relevance today, and its popular symbols (the Iron Wolf, the castle tower and the image of Grand Duke Gediminas) are used in both traditional and somewhat unexpected forms. Analysing how the relevance of the legend of Gediminas’s dream has been changing is one of the mo Iron Wolf, the castle tower and the image of Grand Duke Gediminas) are used in both traditional and somewhat unexpected forms. Analysing how the relevance of the legend of Gediminas’s dream has been changing is one of the most convenient ways to overview and explain the impact of the political situation on the language of art. Keywords: Gediminas’s dream, Iron Wolf, legend of the founding of Vilnius.

Was Stanisław Szafraniec the Polish deputy to the court of Bayezid II? Behind the scenes of the Ottoman-Jagiellonian diplomacy in the first years of Sigismund I the Old’s reign The beginnings of Sigismund I the Old’s reign, despite the lack of sources, have been of interest to researchers for a long time. The achievements of Polish historiography have illuminated the first years of the Jagiellon king’s rule in the Kingdom of Poland relatively well, slightly less comprehensively in Lithuania. Much less space has been devoted to the development of Sigismund I the Old’s foreign policy and its practical implementation, understood as establishing diplomatic relations with foreign royal courts. Thanks to the insightful works of Krzysztof Baczkowski, studies on Polish-Hungarian relations are a positive exception to the general rule. If we want to continue research on the formation of Sigismund I’s diplomacy, it is impossible to ignore the problem of Polish-Turkish relations, also in the international aspect. In studying the subject it is important to pay attention to issues such as the organisation, costs, technical solutions, and personal aspects of parliamentary missions. In my opinion, the figure of Stanisław Szafraniec, Starykoń coat of arms, and his role in the foreign policy of Sigismund I is a good example upon which to base the discussion of the above-mentioned issues.

The article is the edition of two sources supplementing the publication series “Akta zjazdów stanów Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego” [Records of Conventions of the Estates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania] edited by Henryk Lulewicz. Both documents refer to the Lithuanian Convocation of 1615. One of them is “Punkta postanowiene na Convocatiey” [Resolutions Adopted at the Convocation] (Vilnius, 5 VI 1615), prepared for the deputies who were to present the resolutions of the general convocation to Sigismund III Vasa. The other one is the king’s response to the resolutions and the above-mentioned decisions of the Lithuanian Convocation. In the introduction to the published materials I stress the significance of the ruler’s response to the resolutions of the estates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. With few exceptions, the approval of the monarch was necessary to make tax resolutions and legal standards valid law. Therefore, the final process of the legislative procedure of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania needs to be taken into consideration in the context of historical and legal research.

The artistic activity of the Vasa House has long interested researchers of modern art in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, while the artistic investments of Sigismund III and his sons in the most important political centres of the Crown (Kraków, Warsaw) are relatively well known, those undertaken in the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania have not been discussed more broadly, except for the foundation of St Casimir Chapel at the Vilnius cathedral. The main obstacle is undoubtedly the poorly preserved historical fabric, but also the scarcity of written sources. However, Vilnius – the second capital of the state, in a unique way associated with the Jagiellonian dynasty, had a special place in the activities of the Vasa House, as evidenced by St Casimir Chapel mentioned above. The prestige of connections with the Jagiellonians and the propaganda importance of these relationships could not remain indiff erent to both Sigismund III and his successors. The Vasas’ artistic foundations undertaken in Vilnius were therefore meant to expose this affi nity through, among other things, the expansion of the castle or support for the Dominicans. The Vasas were also eager to participate in the works undertaken by their closest associates, an eloquent example of which is St Teresa Church belonging to the Discalced Carmelites, funded by Stefan Pac.

Martynas Počobutas-Odlianickis pasižymėjo profesinių veiklų įvairove. Jis buvo ne tik žinomas astronomas, matematikas, teologas, švietimo reformatorius, redaktorius, leidėjas, rektorius, bet ir poetas. Deja, ši Vilniaus jėzuito kūrybinė veikla nesulaukė tinkamo mokslininkų susidomėjimo, greičiausiai dėl to, kad jo poezija nebuvo aukšto meninio lygio. Tą patį galima pasakyti apie du proginius eilėraščius caro Aleksandro I garbei, parašytus paskutinį jo gyvenimo dešimtmetį, tačiau neabejotina, kad šiandien jie turi unikalią tos epochos dokumento vertę ir atspindi visuomenės nuotaikas, vyravusias Lietuvoje XIX a. pradžioje. Apsišvietęs Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės Vyriausiosios mokyklos rektorius labai tikėjosi iš naujojo Rusijos caro paramos jo vadovaujamos institucijos veiklai. Šiame straipsnyje taip pat bandoma pristatyti Počobuto panegirinius eilėraščius kitų to meto panašių tekstų, parašytų caro Aleksandro I garbei, kontekste. Marcin Poczobut-Odlanicki had a wide range of professional activities. He was not only a renowned astronomer, mathematician, theologian, educational reformer, editor, publisher, and rector, but also a poet. Unfortunately, the latter occupation of the Jesuit from Vilnius has not attracted scholars’ attention, probably because his poetry was not of a high artistic standard. The same can be said of the two occasional poems in honour of Tsar Alexander I. Although Poczobut wrote them in the last decade of his life, there is no doubt that today they have a unique value as a document of that epoch and reflect the public mood in Lithuania at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The educated rector of the Principal School of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania had high hopes for the new Russian tsar’s support for the activities of the institution under his leadership. This article also attempts to place Poczobut’s panegyric poems in the context of other texts of this type written in honour of Alexander I at that time.

This article provides an overview of financial situation in the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the end of the Middle Ages and beginning of the early modern era when both states entered the period of military revolution. Military conflicts engaging the Kingdom and the Duchy in the 15th and especially in the 16th century were a catalyst for institutional and treasury reforms affecting crown/ducal domains and fiscal systems in both states. The reforms were aimed primarily at increasing the royal and ducal revenues, but in the long run they were conducive to political changes, the most important of which was the parliamentary union in 1569 and establishment of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Although revenues increased and foreign policies of Jagiellonian states proved successful, their treasury systems were never fully modernized. Fixed taxes played a minimal role and allowed the state apparatuses to function relatively efficiently only during periods of peace. The crises, in turn, showed that the Jagiellons’ credit capacity was very limited. Compared to the most developed European countries, the revenue and financial capacity of the Kingdom of Poland, and even more so of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, can be considered very modest.

The birth of parliamentarism in the Kingdom of Poland, its development, and its heyday, referred to in historiography as the ‘golden age’, are associated with the almost two-hundred-year reign of the Jagiellonian dynasty (1386–1572). During the reign of four generations of Jagiellons, the oligarchic monarchy of the fifteenth century was transformed into a parliamentary monarchy of nobles in the next century. One of the institutional foundations and principles of the state was the two-tier parliamentary system, which ensured actual participation in power of the holders of political rights. The year 1468 saw the birth of the Chamber of Deputies, based on the principle of representation, and consequently, the establishment of the bicameral Crown Sejm. The Polish-Lithuanian Union concluded in Lublin in 1569 resulted in legal and political decisions which determined the role and functioning of the Sejm until the collapse of the Commonwealth at the end of the eighteenth century.

The aim of the study is to present the potential of the surviving register of revenue and expenditure of the King of Hungary from 1494–1495 in relation to research on the personal composition of the royal court of Hungary and Bohemia. At the same time, emphasis was placed on the circle of persons from outside the Kingdom of Hungary. Analysis of the account material shows that after 1490, a group of people from the Czech Lands formed a group at the court in Buda that could not be overlooked. If we add to them identified courtiers of Polish – Lithuanian origin or with roots in the German regions of the Holy Roman Empire, they make up more than 60% of the people of noble origin, who gave colour to the court of King Vladislav Jagiello in Buda. A detailed prosopographical analysis of Vladislav’s court in the period 1490–1516 is still lacking. However, the partial analysis of the situation in in the mid 1490s shows that it was not just the Hungarian court with a not very important Bohemian appendix, but an institution fully representing both the Hungarian and Bohemian parts of Vladislav’s realms.

The discussion article provides an analysis of a book recently published by Wojciech Krawczuk entitled Records and Regesta of the German Expedition of the Royal Swedish Chancery of King Sigismund III of the Years 1597–1600. The book contains a source edition of the minutes of the royal chancery of Sigismund III Vasa, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania (1587–1632), and King of Sweden (he retained power in 1592–1599), written around 1600, which has been supplemented by extensive regesta prepared by the editor. This discussion article evaluates this form of providing access to the contents of primary sources against the background of similar source editions consisting of records created by other royal chanceries, namely the chancery of the Kingdom of Poland, the chancery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the chancery of the dukes of Mazovia. It is noteworthy that increasingly more archival materials are made available online through the websites of various archives and other institutions that preserve historical documents. In view of the growing trend to digitalize primary sources and make them available online, the idea of publishing complete source editions including full source texts, which began at the beginning of the twentieth century, seems unjustified nowadays. Currently, the solution proposed by Wojciech Krawczuk, based on the publication of regesta, appears to be the most favourable. Perhaps it would be appropriate to link the published regesta even more closely to the digitized archival materials by providing each one of them with a link or QR code that would refer to the website hosting the relevant digitalized source. The content of the documents included in the reviewed book differs significantly from the content of the records created by the chanceries of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Swedish documents are dominated by current affairs, primarily concerning military and diplomatic issues, and include much fewer normative acts, such as appointments to offices and bestowals of landed property.

Research objectives: The aim of the article is to trace the origins of the Old Russian text of Tokhtamish Khan’s 1393-dated yarliq-letter to King Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland, as well as the place and time of its emergence. Research materials: The Turkic and the Old Russian texts of Tokhtamish Khan’s 1393 yarlıq-letter to King Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland, as well as published and unpublished auxiliary materials. Results and novelty of the research: It is established that the Old Russian text of Tokhtamish Khan’s 1393 yarlıq-letter to Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland was written down in the royal chancery by the king’s Ruthenian scribe, Małochiej. This text was a record of the embassy of the khan’s envoys which explains its additional information when compared to the Turkic original.

The paper presents a missive from the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III declaring war to the Grand Duke of Lithuania Aleksander Jagiellończyk on June the 24th, 1500. The missive, so far unaccounted in scientific publications, survives in a Middle Low German translation kept in the archive of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck. The declaration of war is motivated by alleged injustices done to Ivan III, to his subjects and to his daughter Elena Ivanovna, who was Aleksander’s wife. Judging by the particular dialect of Low German, the translation was made in Lübeck. Its literality allows conclusions about the content of the original missive and the sources on which it was based. Analysis shows that the arguments included complaints formulated by Muscovite diplomats after the conclusion of the ‘eternal peace’ of 1494, beginning with the negotiations in 1495. Compared to indirect and short textual evidence available so far, this document gives a fuller picture of the events, including a more precise date of the beginning of the Muscovite-Lithuanian War of 1500–1503: brought together, all sources show that the declaration was made by Ivan III with considerable delay, months after warfare had begun. The document also demonstrates how the 15th-century Russian state used official documentation in its foreign policy and which role the emerging bureaucratic class played in it. The published document is accompanied by a Russian translation.

Polotia recepta. A Map of the Principality of Polatsk: Texts and Pretexts of thePower Dispute This study discusses an important aspect of a political message conveyed by Stanisław Pachołowiecki’s map, published in 1580 by G.B Cavalieri’s printing house in Rome as part of The Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk – Descriptio Ducatus Polocensis. The message in question is one of the paratexts, presenting a detailed historical note on Polatsk and the Principality. The main goal of the study is to prove a double hypothesis, first that the note on Polatsk was a key argument legitimising the rule of Stephen Báthory – contested by Tsar Ivan the Terrible – not only over the small territory under dispute but over the whole Great Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and second, that the decision to aim the first Polish-Lithuanian military offensive in the 1577–1582 war at Polatsk was motivated by political rather than military or strategic considerations. In section I, preliminary assumptions, theses and research methods are presented. Then, in section II, the context of the propaganda campaign, as Pachołowiecki’s map ideological framework, is introduced. This is followed by a critical analysis of the historical note, based on Polish and Ruthenian-Lithuanian sources (III.1). The next section (III.2) demonstrates that Polatsk held a central place in the Muscovite political discourse. Having proclaimed himself a heir to the throne of the Great Duchy and to the crown of Poland, Ivan the Terrible seized the land of Polatsk, and the efficient Muscovite diplomacy started to assert the tsar’s alleged dynastic claim to Lithuania and Poland. In this way, the manipulated history of the “recovered Polatsk”, Polotia recepta, argued to be a historical part of Lithuania, can be seen as a reply to the Muscovite discourse of power drawing on dynastic claims to a non-existent duchy, and the key matter is the legitimisation of elective monarchy as opposed to hereditary one. Having discussed the theatrical and iconic form of the Polish triumph over Ivan the Terrible (III.3), the author highlights the long life of the political myth of the Polatsk statehood and its sign ificance for today’s Belarusian identity discourse.

The article analyses achievements of contemporary historiography in the study of the role and significance of the Gorodel Union of 1413 in the formation of the gentry class of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The key subjects of scientific research of Polish, Lithuanian, Belarusian, Ukrainian and Russian historians are identified. It is emphasised that these subjects, as a rule, are not an independent historiographical problem and act as part of a broader research discussion about the causes and results of the Union of 1413 in the system of relations between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland. In conclusion, it is noted that despite the differences in the interpretation of a number of specific issues, researchers generally agree in the statement that the acts of the Gorodel Union and the heraldic adoption, both in their content and in their consequences, are one of the key stages in the process of forming the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the historical ideas of Russians and Belarusians about the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The author comes to the conclusion that the historical views of the neighboring peoples were of a dual nature. In Russian historical culture, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania acted as one of the centers of gathering Russian lands, and, at the same time, was steadily associated with a foreign invasion from the West. The Belarusians began to form Belarusian identity within the principality, however, a spiritual split took place, and the border of civilizational confrontation did not pass between peoples, but between the nobility and the lower classes. Therefore, folk versions of history, not burdened with the accuracy of the chronicles and the imagery of Sarmatian ideology, largely reflected an alternative view, in which social sympathies and antipathies were refracted in a peculiar way. The article presents a mosaic of images and stable epithets associated with the historical conditions of the coexistence of Russians and Belarusians within the border states. The medieval worldview of the two peoples, who had a common ancient Russian and Orthodox heritage, and opposition to paganism, and subsequently to the Catholicism of Lithuania, brought them closer together. In Russian texts, the author revealed the reflection of dynastic and military-political ties between the Lithuanian and Russian states, the events of the Russian-Lithuanian wars, sympathy for individual allied Lithuanian princes, the consequences of the «Lithuanian ruin» and some characteristics of «cultural heroes» attributed to «Lithuania». In the Belarusian historical culture, the expanded image of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is found only in the written culture of the nobility, who found themselves in the orbit of another civilization and gradually lost their spiritual connection with their people, as well as among the urban population, who defended their status rights. The analysis of the texts made it possible to establish that the glorification of wars and princes is not characteristic of the folk ideas of the Belarusian peasants, historical details are not required, but the experiences of ordinary people, who were exposed to devastating invasions, captivity, and forced separation from their families, are important. Therefore, the content of the Belarusian ballads is largely identical to the Russian songs about the Tatar area. Attempts to «reconstruct» the Belarusian heroic epic in the spirit of fantasy chivalry, based on national mythological falsifications, have little in common with genuine works of folk art. Some Belarusian legends about Prince Vitovt either «ground» his origin, fit him into the expectations of the people’s ruler, or endow him with the role of a «cultural hero» transforming the local landscape. The latter finds analogies in Russian toponymic legends, however, on the other side of the border, the image of Vitovt the enemy, who personified the «Lithuanian ruin», was more important. Key words: folk historical representations, Russians, Belarusians, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, ethnic consciousness, folk memory, epos, traditions, legends, toponymy, historical culture, medieval consciousness.

Bet koks daiktas, pažymėtas epigrafiniu raštu, tampa išskirtinis tokių pačių daiktų visumoje, įgyja paminklo statusą. O XVI a. įrašais (tekstais ir vaizdais) buvo ženklinamos ir patrankos: vienos kurtos karybai, kitos – tam tikram įvykiui įamžinti. Žygimanto Augusto valdymo laikais Lietuvos Didžiojoje Kunigaikštystėje (LDK) buvo sukurta patrankoms lieti reikalinga infrastruktūra, kuri leido gausiai gaminti pabūklus ir ruoštis karui su Maskvos Didžiąja Kunigaikštyste. Straipsnyje pasitelkus originalius bei publikuotus archyvinius šaltinius, saugomus užsienio šalių (Lenkijos, Švedijos) atminties institucijose, bandyta rekonstruoti patrankų įrašus. Sudarytas 67 tiriamojo laikotarpio patrankų įrašus apimantis priedas leido struktūruoti ant pabūklų buvusius epigrafinius įrašus. Pasitelkus paskutiniojo Jogailaičio egodokumentinį palikimą straipsnyje ištirtas patrankų įrašų funkcionalumas epigrafinės kultūros kontekste, atkreipiant ypatingą dėmesį į įrašo atsiradimo aplinkybes. Tai iki šiol istoriografijoje buvo menkai tyrinėta. Sukaupti ir išanalizuoti duomenys leido prieiti išvadą, kad būtent pats LDK valdovas tiesiogiai darė įtaką patrankų formai, pavadinimams bei įrašų turiniui. Any object marked with epigraphic writing becomes unique in the totality of the same objects and acquires the status of a monument. In the 16th century, cannons were also marked with inscriptions (texts and images): some were created for warfare, others – to commemorate a certain event. During the reign of Sigismund Augustus, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania created the necessary infrastructure for cannon casting, which allowed it to produce large numbers of cannons to prepare for its war with the Grand Duchy of Moscow. The article attempts to reconstruct inscriptions on cannons using original and published archival sources stored in memory institutions in foreign countries (Poland, Sweden). An appendix covering 67 cannon records made it possible to perceive the structure of such inscriptions. Meanwhile, with the help of the ego-documentary legacy of the last Jagiellonian ruler, it was possible to study the functionality of cannon recordings in the context of epigraphic culture, paying special attention to the stages of the record’s emergence. This has so far been little studied at all. The collected data allowed to reach the conclusion that it was the ruler of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania who directly influenced the form, names, and content of the inscriptions on cannons.

Artykuł opisuje karierę oraz pozycję polityczną Kacpra Bekiesza i Ferenca Wesseliniego w Rzeczypospolitej za panowania Stefana Batorego. Wyjaśnia w jaki sposób obaj osiągnęli zajmowane stanowiska i dlaczego byli ważni dla monarchy. Warto podkreślić, że są dobrymi przykładami na to jak król elekcyjny mógł pomóc cudzoziemcom w ich karierze w szesnastowiecznej Polsce. Z jednej strony, Kacper Bekiesz osiągnął pozycję służąc w armii w trakcie wypraw Batorego, z drugiej strony Ferenc Wesselini odgrywał istotną rolę jako jeden z wysokich urzędników na polskim dworze. This article is about the career and political positions of Gáspár Bekes and Ferenc Wesselényi in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during Stephen Báthory’s reign. It explains how they both achieved their positions and why they were important for the monarch. It should be emphasised that both of them are a good example of how the elected Polish king could help foreigners in their career in 16th century Poland. On the one hand, Gáspár Bekes achieved his position by serving in the army before and during Báthory’s wars, on the other hand Ferenc Wesselényi played an important role as a holder of a high office at the Polish royal court.

John III Sobieski had a signifi cant part in the development of the Hungarian uprising which led to the Ottoman attack on Vienna, and which, in this way, posed a threat to Poland and Europe. The involvement in defending Vienna and establishing the “Holy League” forced a change of policy towards the Hungarians and directed expansion towards Moldova and Wallachia. The King of Poland, after taking over Podolia, which took place at the beginning of the war, and after failing to capture Kamianets-Podilskyi, could fi ght with the Turks only on the Moldovan (and possibly Wallachian) territory. Expansion in this direction, however, was not welcome by Emperor Leopold I, who considered these territories to be the rightful countries of the Hungarian domain. It was not possible to maintain the Moldovan throne under Stefan Petru, imposed in early 1684 by Poland. The next Moldovan rulers, Dumitru Cantacuzino and Constantin Cantemir, were strongly opposed to conducting anti-Turkish military activities in their country. The hopes of the Polish king for Constantin Cantemir’s cooperation, despite some agreements, were not based on real grounds, and the political intentions towards the Romanian principalities were a factor here. Sobieski falsely assessed the mood prevailing in Moldovan society; while expecting general support, he met with resistance. Throughout the war, however, Imré Thököly tried to maintain the best possible relations with the King of Poland, persistently and yet unsuccessfully trying to lead to a separatist peace between the Ottoman state and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

On 3 December 1522, the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Sigismund the Old issued a charter whereby he confirmed all donations and emoluments granted by his predecessors, by magnates, boyars, and townspeople to the Franciscans of Vilnius established 'there in, about 1387. The documents were brought to the royal attention by prior George of Cracow who asserted that he managed to collect only 54 ones, while the rest must have perished due to the lack of care on the part of his own predecessors. Fortunately, the prior was not right as no less than 27 additional documents did survive to this day. The analysis of all of them (81) allowed us to break down the patrons into such groups as grand dukes 4 (4.9%), magnates 15 (18.5%), boyars 55 (67.9%), and townspeople 7 (8.6%). It was then possible to establish what kind of relations and by what families were maintained between lay people and friars. It has turned out that grand dukes and magnates provided only grants and did this up to the mid-15th century, while townspeople and boyars displayed a more variegated pattem of relations ranging from grants to sales for real price to sales below the real value. The most intense relations between the friars and the boyars started sometime in the mid-15th century, and this correlates well with the advancement of boyars as founders and patrons of churches and undertakers of other charitable activities. The charter of 1522 contains information relevant to the establishment of the mother-house of the Lithuanian Franciscans and its subsequent rise to prominence. It also displays data valuable in terms of historical geography and persons involved. The reason for the making of this charter is to be viewed in the attempts of the Franciscans to safeguard their holdings around the manor of Kena and inside Vilnius by having them declared to be exempt from secular authorities and placed under the regime of ecclesiastical immunity. This concern was timely enough as the movement of Protestant Reformation was gathering pace in German lands and was already felt in this part of Europe as well. Appendix 1 contains a critical edition of this hitherto unpublished charter. Its original is kept in Cracow, at Biblioteka Naukowa PAU i PAN - Ms. 481.

Ilgi Žygimanto Augusto valdymo metai pasižymėjo ilgu vidaus ir išorės taikos laikotarpiu (išskyrus nelemtąjį Livonijos karą su Maskva). Santarvę pavyko išlaikyti net ir su Suleimano Puikiojo Turkija. Tai tik padėjo kultūriniam ir ekonominiam Lenkijos ir Lietuvos pakilimui. Ne tik iš Vakarų Europos plaukęs auksas tempė į šį Europos pakraštį valdovui (kartu ir didikams) dirbti menininkus, tačiau. Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės atveju, jau dygo ir savi žmonės. Ne tik humanistiškai išsilavinę dvasininkai, bet ir pasauliečiai. Svarbios vidaus reformos kūrė ir įgalino savivaldą ir savotišką laisvą (kad ir kilmingųjų) visuomenę. Kartu su unija tai ir yra paskutinio Jogailaičio palikimas.

The article analyzes the titulature used in the documents of the "Book of Inscriptions No. 8" of the Lithuanian Metrica. The study of documents clearly indicates 1713 ruler's titles of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which are classified into 47 different variants. The author characterized the system of presentation of the supreme power through the title of a ruler and its reception by the subjects. The article provides specific features of the modern and previous rulers systems of titulature. It reveals the use of titles "king", "grand duke" and "hospodar". The obtained results demonstrate that the title of the ruler is used in both extended and abridged versions. Most often, the abridged version contains the title of "king", which is a consequence of its greater prestige compared to the title of "grand duke". The author examines the system of using titles of rulers within one document. It is established that the first use of the title is often the most complete. In the case of documents drawn up on behalf of the ruler, the first title denotes the prerogatives of the ruler. "King by the grace of God", "King and Grand Duke by the grace of God", "King of Poland by the grace of God", "By the grace of God" with the addition of a name in all cases are most often used as the first titles in the documents created during the reign of the ruler Sigismund I the Old. The supreme power emphasizes the sacred origin of their prerogatives by adding "by the grace of God" to the title of a modern ruler. In the same case, there is no deliberate emphasis on the sacralization of power of previous rulers. The article provides an analysis of combinations of titles of rulers. In documents drawn up on behalf of the ruler, the title of "king" is often combined with the title of "grand duke", which is characteristic of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. On the other hand, it is typical to frequently use the title of "hospodar" for documents originating from subjects of rulers. The study has confirmed that the remoteness of the reign of the Grand Duke from the time of the creation of the document reduces the variability of the titulature. Vytautas and Sigismund Kęstutaitis are titled exclusively as "grand duke". The titulature of Casimir IV Jagiellon and Alexander Jagiellon has more variations. In documents originating from the subjects, the ruler is often referred to as "his mercy", "hospodar", "his mercy king" and "his mercy hospodar".

Jan III Sobieski was active in the domestic policy. He tried to influence pre-parliament dietines so they would elect the King’s sympathetic parliamentarians and to take into account instructions advantageous to the Court. There was lot of assembly in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the King needed many supporters – senators and local noble elites. However, he had a wide range of possibilities on how to win them. People trusted by the Court attended the dietines personally or through their family and political friends. They reported to the King on the results of deliberations, made sure people elected as deputies were recommended by the Monarch and there weren’t disadvantages for the Court in an instruction. Of course, the Court didn’t win the political fight everywhere. Sometimes a compromise with the opposition was necessary. Occasionally Court’s supporters interrupted a dietine to not allow the opposition to win. The King convened often a second dietine, which was sometimes held in secret, with a small circle of trusted people. The methods used by the King weren’t different from methods of opposition and Sobieski took advantage of the cracks in the parliamentary system of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

The actualization of the epoch and personality of the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Stefan Batory took place in modern Belarus on the wave of growing scientific and public interest in the political history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, neglected in Soviet times. The historical memory of him is most firmly established in the Grodno region and has a 100-year tradition. The article substantiates the reason for this phenomenon - first of all, the city of Grodno owes its worthy status of being a royal city as well as its high historical image to Batory. The ‘places of memory’ left by Batory in Grodno and their European significance are shown: the Old Castle is the only remaining royal castle in Belarus (except the New Castle), in the 1930s it was supposed to be transformed into the ‘Wawel over the Neman’, an analogue of Krakow Wawel; ‘Batoryevka’, known in the history of European medicine (the resting site of the body of Batory); the Vytautas Fara, the most famous Belarusian church destroyed by the communist authorities, which became a symbol of Grodno. Three stages of the evolution of the memory of Grodno and Grodno residents about Batory in the 20th - early 21st centuries are described: from the strong presence in the Grodno tradition from 1919 to 1939 through the transformation into a ‘white spot’ of history in Soviet times (the king who made campaigns to the East, could not be a symbol of the city) to ‘rehabilitation’ in the 1990s and an increasing presence in memory in recent years. The contribution of Grodno historians (Yu. Yadkovsky; scientific events organized by D. Karav) to the historical memory of the inhabitants of the region is emphasized. The forms and ways of manifestation of memory are identified: the nationwide character of celebrations of 1933 in honour of the 400 anniversary of the birth of Batory (apogee of his honour); the inclusion into the modern calendar of memorable dates of the day of remembrance of Batory (December 12), the installation of the monument to the lost churches on the site of Vytautas Fara (2014) and the discovery of new circumstances of its tragedy in 1961, ‘Stefan Batory Festival’ and others. There are three approaches to Batory of modern Grodno: from his recognition as a strong political figure among the figures of Eastern and Central Europe in the second half of the 16th century and his contribution to the development of Grodno through a neutral attitude to its exclusion from urban history (because he favoured the Jesuits, ‘suppressed’ the locals). Recently, public opinion of the city is concerned about the reconstruction of the ‘Vytautas Fara’ church, the reconstruction of the Old Castle, and the installation of a monument to Batory. These issues acquire a new practical meaning in the context of the development of Grodno as a tourist centre. Their solution can give a strong impetus to the tourism business in Belarus.

The political significance of the Trifolium is questioned by some historians. The Trifolium - a three-leaf clover - was an informal political agreement between chancellor Jakub Zadzik, Bishop of Chełmno, hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski and Stanisław Lubomirski, voivode of Ruthenia. In the years 1631-1632, the Trifolium successfully supported the issue of emoluments for the members of the king’s family in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but failed to reform the elections, opposed by representatives of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. During the interregnum of 1632, the Trifolium did not allow to restrain the authority of the king and the Senate for the benefit of the chamber of deputies. The Trifolium also supported the election of Prince Władysław Vasa for the Polish king in exchange for concessions regarding the elect’s titles of the tsar and Swedish king. This allowed the conclusion of peace with Russia in 1634 and a truce with Sweden in 1635. The king, dissatisfied with the Trifolium “guardianship”, enforced Zadzik’s resignation from the Chancellery in 1635 and the Trifolium began to lose its political significance.

Established under the Henrician Articles of 1573, the institution of Council of the Senate was supposed to be a standing advisory body to the rulers of the Polish- -Lithuanian Commonwealth. Over the fi rst few decades of its existence, the monarchs did not respect the obligation to appoint resident senators as the Council’s members. This changed only in 1607, as a result of a confl ict between the king and the estates and the Rebellion of Sandomierz – the events that mobilised the nobility to enforce the monarch to observe the law in this respect. Since the beginning of his reign, Ladislaus IV Vasa fairly readily convened meetings of the Council, at which its members expressed their opinions on the current problems. The deliberations were usually about the state’s foreign policy, the functioning and internal security of the state, the affairs of war and peace, the military and the treasury, the king’s or the royal family’s private affairs, the Commonwealth’s feoffs, and matters related to private affairs of members of the power elite. Resulting from the monarch’s actions that did not win popularity in the nobility-dominated society, the Chamber of Deputies started with time perceive the Council as an institution detrimental to the state’s interest. The Chamber consequently extort from the king and the senators the duty to read out the reports on the senatus consilia at the diet (sejm) forum. Consequently, the upper chamber’s position was weakened and the Council of the Senate politicised – a process that directly affected Poland-Lithuania’s political system, vastly contributing to its degeneration.

The primary purpose of the authors is to draw attention to the need for continued comparative research into the Polish-Lithuanian unions and the Kalmar Union. The study presents mainly thoughts on the origins of the both unions and the early stages of the formation of those state entities. A comparative analysis has been carried out for, among others, the time of their creation together with their causes and circumstances put in the context of the stages of social, legal-political, and institutional development of the member states. The article also outlines the later history and transformations of these unions: both their factual and legal character, as well as the regulations of their functioning and consequences. These questions are presented mainly in a comparative way, with consideration for differences and similarities between the two unions. The authors bring out the problems of political, social, and economic nature, together with the dynastic policy of the united states; next, they describe similarities between the regulations of the unions regarding the order of succession to the throne. The subject of a synthetic comparison is also the later history of the two unions after they formally ended and their impact on the historical development of both Poland and Lithuania and the northern states. Still, one of the most important issues seems to be the answer to the question why both of the unions wasted their considerable political and military potential for joint action and new opportunities to achieve common political aims in northern and Eastern Europe? It would be worthwhile to compare their durability and influence on the future of their member states. One of the leading research postulates based on the attempts made so far is to compare subsequent stages, transformations and results, both direct and long-lasting, of the analysed unions of the states. The adoption of such a broad research perspective which is only outlined here, and then an attempt at a more comprehensive synthesis requires in the authors opinion collective efforts of many scholars, and especially international cooperation of historians specializing in Polish-Lithuanian and Swedish-Danish-Norwegian relations as well as the history of the Teutonic Order and the Hanseatic League.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas klausimas, kaip didžiojo kunigaikščio kanceliarijos tarnautojai XVI a. pradžioje kaupė galią bei naudojo ją kopdami socialinės ir politinės hierarchijos laiptais. Į šj klausimą bandom a atsakyti analizuojant siaurosios valdovo tarybos (arba kitaip vadinamos vyriausiosios valdovo tarybos) raštininko Jono Bogdanaičio Sapiegos (Иван Богданович Сапега) karjeros atvejį. Korespondencijos analizė atskleidė, kad šios pareigos suteikė galimybę J. B. Sapiegai ne tik būti artimiausioje valdovo aplinkoje, bet ir daryti įtaką valdovo sprendimams, susijusiems su valstybės arba privačiais Lietuvos kilmingųjų reikalais. Tai leido J. B. Sapiegai plėtoti artimus ir draugiškus (horizontalius) santykius su aukščiausio socialinio statuso Lietuvos kilmingaisiais, naudotis jų globa ir užtarimu. The article raises the question about the way the officials o f the Grand D uke’s Office accumulated pow er and used it to ascend the social and political ladder at the beginning o f the 16th century. This question is answered based on the case study o f the career o f Jonas Bogdanaitis Sapiega (Иван Богданович Сапега), the Scribe o f the Supreme Council o f the Grand Duke. The analysis o f the correspondence revealed that this position not only granted J. B. Sapiega the opportunity to be in the closest environment o f the Grand Duke but also to influence his decisions related to the matters o f the state or private affairs o f the Lithuanian nobility. This enabled J. B. Sapiega to develop close and friendly (horizontal) relations with Lithuanian noblemen o f the highest social ranking as well as to benefit from their protection and patronage.

Research objectives: This article offers an edition and a source study of the letters of the Crimean Khan Mengli Giray I to Jerzy Mikołajewicz Radziwiłł (Jurgis Radvila), the voivode of Kiev, written in 1512–1513. Research materials: The originals of the letters preserved in the Princes Czartoryski Library in Cracow and the collection of Ignacy Onacewicz at the Institute of Russian Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Pushkin House) in St. Petersburg, subsidiary materials, edited and unedited, from the archival and library collections of Moscow, St. Petersburg, and Warsaw. Results and novelty of the research: It is established that two original letters of the Crimean Khan Mengli Giray I to Jerzy Mikołajewicz Radziwiłł (Jurgis Radvila), the voivode of Kiev (1511–1514), are preserved in the Czartoryski Library in Cracow (Ms. 2893) and Ignacy Onacewicz’s collection in the Institute of Russian Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences (the Pushkin House) in St. Petersburg. It is demonstrated that they were written on March 14th, 1512, and September 21st, 1513, and their contents are connected with the international relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Both of them were kept in the Radziwiłł family archive until the nineteenth century. The texts of both letters are published for the first time, accompanied with detailed descriptions of the originals, a contextualization of them as sources, and provided with commentary.

Apie Latvijos nacionaliniame archyve rastą „Aleksandro, kitaip Vytauto“ 1415 m. sausio 13 d. patvirtintos „prekybinės taikos“ originalą su prikabintu nepažeistu Valdovo-Raitelio (Vyčio) regaliniu raudono vaško antspaudu. Archyve rasti ir Stepono Batoro ir Sigizmundo III Vazos antspaudai, Lietuvos princo Gerdenio1263 m. sutartis, kiti dokumentai, kurie galėtų reikšmingai praturtinti Lietuvos karalystės ir Lietuvos Didžiosios kunigaikštystės istoriją. Autorei pavyko išsiaiškinti, kad Zimburgės (Insbruko Hofkirchėje aplankyta Zimburgės skulptūra) motina – Lietuvos princesė iš Gediminaičių dinastijos, Ldk Kęstučio anūkė. Autorė jau 30 metų renka tvirtus pirminius dokumentuotus įrodymus, ikonografinius liudijimus, išbarstytus po visą pasaulį. Vis aiškesnė darosi didinga Lietuvos Karalystės ir Gediminaičių dinastijos istorija, nepaprastai svarbi jos įtaka Europos monarchijoms nuo pat Bizantijos laikų. The newest findings – a letter of Vytautas Magnus of 1415, the agreement of Gerdenis signed in 1263 and Lithuanian origins of Cymburgis. The author started to look for documented and iconographic sources as early as 1992 and concludes that the history of Gediminas‘ dynasty becomes more and more clear as well as its impact on European monarchies and empires.

The correspondence between the king Sigismund II Augustus and the Radziwiłł family is one of the main sources of research on the political history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Polish-Lithuanian relationships in the second half of 16th century. Five Russian letters of the last member of the Jagiellonian Dynasty to Mikołaj “the Red” Radziwiłł from the period of 1568–1571 are the subject of this article. The original documents were destroyed in 1944 but the information about their content is available owing to the abridged versions printed in 1876 by W. Chomętowski. The abridgements didn’t come into scientific circulation. There is also Stanisław Bodniak’s translation of one of the letters (24th March 1571, Warsaw). The abridgements and the translation are published in the article, which also contains an attempt to explain in what way the letters from the Nesvizh Archive came to the collection of the Krasiński Library (Konstanty Świdziński Museum). The question of the bilingual correspondence between the king and the Radziwiłł family is also partially discussed.

Kotryna Hochstadė iš Telnicų (Moravija) žinoma kaip Žygimanto Senojo meilužė, jo nesantuokinių vaikų — Vilniaus vyskupo Jono iš Lietuvos kunigaikščių, Reginos Šafraniecienės, Kotrynos Montfortienės - motina ir Voiničiaus kašteliono, Lenkijos karalystės paiždininkio Andriejaus Koščeleckio žmona. Apie jos asmenybę žinoma labai mažai - akcentuojama, kad buvo labai graži ir gražuolių motina bei močiutė. Pasak legendų - vyrų kerėtoja, ragana, moteris, kišusis ten, kur nereikia. Tačiau iš menkai išlikusių šaltinių galima susidaryti subtilesnį vaizdinį apie šią nežinomos kilmės moterį svetimos visuomenės aukštuomenėje iš tiesų nuolat priklausiusią nuo vyrų - meilužio, sutuoktinio, sūnaus - globos. Vis dėlto ji taip pat sugebėjo naudotis savo įtaka - sukaupė nemažai turto, savo klientų ratą. Katarzyna Hochstadt of Telnicz (Moravia) is known as the mistress of Sigismund the Old, mother of his illegitimate children: bishop of Vilnius John of the Lithuanian Dukes, Regina Szafraniec, and Katarzyna Montfort, and wife of Andrzej Kościelecki, castellan of Wojnicz and sub-treasurer of the Crown of Poland. Little is known about her true personality, with the exception of the universally emphasized fact of her being a genuine beauty and the mother and grandmother of beauties. As the legend has it, Katarzyna was an enchantress, a witch, a woman who intruded where she was not supposed to. The few preserved sources suggest of a more subtle picture: a woman of an unknown descent in the higher society that was strange to her was in fact dependent on the grace of men - her lover, her spouse or her son. Katarzyna, however, managed to exercise her influence as she accumulated certain wealth and formed a circle of her clients.

Šis straipsnis – trečioji straipsnių ciklo, skirto XIV a. pabaigos – XVI a. pirmos pusės Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės (LDK) ir Lenkijos Karalystės valdovių ir jų korespondentų lotyniškai epistolikai aptarti, dalis. Daugiausia dėmesio šioje dalyje bus skiriama pirmosios Žygimanto Senojo (1467–1548) žmonos Barboros Zapolijos (1495–1515) publikuotai korespondencijai. Pastarosios valdovės laiškų išlikę labai nedaug – tik 3. Bet gerokai gausesnis yra jos vyro rašytų jai laiškų palikimas (24 laiškai). Todėl bus analizuojamas ir Žygimanto Senojo korespondavimas su Barbora, iš tyrimo akiračio neišleidžiant ir informacijos apie šių valdovų sekretorius, ypač apie Andriejų Kricijų (Andrzej Krzycki, 1482–1537) bei galimus jų naudotus šaltinius, konstruojant ir rašant valdovų poros epistoliką. Šie laiškai atskleidžia artimą ryšį tarp sutuoktinių, aptariamo laiko politinius ir kasdienius dvaro įvykius. Straipsnyje analizuojamas jų korespondencijos kiekis, dažnumas, rašymo tikslai ir temos, laiškų stilius, raiška, žodynas. Taip pat glaustai pateikiama Viduramžių meilės laiškų teorija, daugiausia dėmesio skiriant garsiam italų diktaministui Bonkompanjui iš Sinjos (Boncompagnus de Signa, 1165–1240). Teorinės taisyklės, patarimai ir pavyzdžiai lyginami su mūsų aptariamos karališkos poros korespondencija: kreipiniais, žodynu, stiliumi, raiška. In this article, the author analyses the Latin correspondence between Barbara Zápolya (1495–1515) and her husband, Sigismund the Old (1467–1548), published in the collection Acta Tomiciana (Vol. 3, 1853). Although only three of Barbara Zápolya’s letters survived, the analysis suggests the hypothesis that there might have been more of them, at least seven; as for the king’s letters, 24 of them are extant. The correspondence of the royal couple offers a broader picture of the nature of their communication through letters and expression of their feelings, which point to their close and good relationship. Besides, the letters reflect political events of the time, everyday matters of the royal court, and relevant aspects in the life of the royal couple. The analysis focuses on the amount of the correspondence, its frequency, the aims and themes of the letters, their style, expression, and vocabulary. Conventional addresses, epithets, salutations, and the structure of the letters show the tradition and themes characteristic of the correspondence of the ruling class of the period. On the other hand, abundant emotions, the characteristic style of love letters, phrases revealing the warm relationship between them, and the intimate nature of their vocabulary make it possible to attribute these letters to personal or even romantic correspondence. These texts can, therefore, be labelled as one of the first instances of private and love letters of the ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Poland. The narrative of the correspondence follows the long-standing European tradition of ars dictandi et amandi found in medieval manuals and collections of love letters; it is made more intense by personal experiences of the corresponding royal couple where emotions are frequently hypertrophied and intensified through the choice of respective vocabulary and the topoi of the love narrative. The author gives a brief introduction to the medieval peculiarities of love-letter writing that were set out in the manuals of love letters and collections of this kind of letters, paying most attention to the well-known Italian dictator Boncompagnus de Signa (1165–1240), who absorbed much of Ovid’s Ars amatoria in his works. The rules contained in these works, advice and examples are compared with the correspondence of the royal couple, which is discussed in the article: addresses, vocabulary, and self-positioning in relation to the addressee. The analysis also involves information on the secretaries of these rulers, in particular on Andrzej Krzycki (1482–1537), and on the sources they might have used in structuring and writing the letters of the royal couple.

The article analyses the impact of maps and plans for military operations in the Netherlands in the 1620s on the modernisation and reform of the art of war in the Republic of Poland. The analysis showed that the source of tactical, operational and strategic knowledge were cartographic sources that reached the lands of the Republic. They were most often brought by people who left the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the West for education and work and then returned to their homeland. It was established that a typical magnate returning from the journey brought between a dozen and a few dozen or so engravings and his own drawings of the sieges and fortification plans. A common form was to provide maps for correspondence. Cartographic sources were supposed to help evaluate the military actions taken and allow the recipients to “keep an eye on” European conflicts. Thanks to the journey of Prince Wladyslaw Vasa around Europe in the years 1624–1625, a pattern of taking “military science” was formed not only in universities but also in military camps in the Netherlands.

Straipsnyje analizuojamas Nicollò Machiavelli’o veikale „Valdovas“ išsakytas daugiaprasmis požiūris į dorybes ir jų reikšmę politikoje. Žymusis Renesanso mąstytojas dorybių reikšmę aptaria pateikdamas skirtingas samprotavimo pakopas. Kiekvienoje iš jų jis formuluoja vis radikalesnes tarpines išvadas, nuosekliai vesdamas prie galutinės išvados apie tai, kad valdovui dorybės yra kenksmingos, o naudingiausia yra jų regimybė. Pasitelkiant klasikinės politinės filosofijos atstovus siekiama įrodyti, jog Machiavelli’o pasiūlytas labiausiai naujam valdovui priderantis dorybių regimybės kūrimo kelias prilygsta tobulam neteisingumui. Todėl galima daryti išvadą, kad Machiavelli savo veikale „Valdovas“ išreiškia radikalų atsiribojimą nuo visos platoniškosios politinės filosofijos tradicijos ir pradeda kurti naują tradiciją ant senųjų sofistinių idėjų apie žmogaus ir politikos prigimtį pagrindų. The article deals with the attitude of Nicollò Machiavelli towards virtues and its political meaning explained in his famous work "The Prince". Philosopher discusses the meaning of virtues in different stages of his reasoning. He makes partial conclusions at each stage and leads to the final conclusion, which states that virtues are harmfull for the prince, while the deceptive appearance of virtues is most useful. The context of classical political philosophy allows to demonstrate that Machiavelli’s proposal to use deception of virtues equates to a perfect injustice. It can be concluded that Machiavelli breaks radically with the Platonic tradition of political philosophy and starts creating a new tradition on the grounds of ideas of ancient sophists about human nature and politics.

The document from the Book of Inscriptions 270 of Lithuanian Metrica is published for the first time. This is King’s Sigismund II August instruction to the elected in the districts envoys to the Grand Sejm of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1572. The instruction contains the Kings’ «precept» to the envoys and also detailed description of the Grand Duchy of Lithuanian current international politics.

In 1648, an uprising broke out in Ukraine that belonged to Poland at the time. The war was not successful for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Cossacks and Tartars, who were helping them during the war, surrounded Zbaraż, about whose defense everyone knew in the country. King Jan Kazimierz decided to set out to rescue the besieged fortress. It was decided that not only Polish troops, but also soldiers of Lithuania would set out for Ukraine. Not only state armies, but also private regiments set out to fight. The article discusses the problem of the reasons for the participation of Lithuanians in the war, which was not only due to the provisions of the union, but also to be in the king’s party. Therefore, only the branches of magnates who belong to the Jan Kazimierz party joined the Polish army. The king’s army reached Zborów, where the battle ended with treaties. The Polish nobility was not happy with them, but they caused a temporary suspension of the war. Important will also be the international echoes of the battle of Zborow with the greater strength of the Cossacks and Tartars.

The paper deals with the question of authenticity of the judicial charter that was allegedly issued by Vytautas, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, on the legal case between Švitrigaila and Andrey Vasilo, at the end of the 14th century. Analysis of the pseudo-original found in the Department of Written Sources of the State Historical Museum in Moscow allows to draw the conclusion that it is, indeed, a forgery, copied from a reproduction of an original Vytautas' charter published in the 1820s. The same is true of another recently published Vytautas' charter known from a 19th-century copy.

The aim of the article is to present the attempts undertaken by King John II Casimir Vasa to make equal the powers of Lithuanian hetmans and thus to limit the authority of the Lithuanian grand hetman. Despite the fact that the Lithuanian offi ces of hetman were modelled on the Crown ones, they were characterised by certain diff erences. The first and most important was the fact that the filed hetman was not subordinated to the grand hetman, but the latter had much greater powers over the army than his "younger" colleague. This resulted in practical gradation of the offices, although an informal one. King John Casimir sought to change this state of aff airs with a reform of the offi ce of hetman. First, he wanted to limit the scope of grand hetman's authority through an appropriate oath, but the attempt failed at the 1654 Sejm session. At the same time, he took steps to weaken the power of the grand hetman in Lithuania, initially by his objection to the appointment of Field Hetman Janusz Radziwiłł to the office, and after a failure of this measure, by appointing to the office of field hetman a man who was totally devoted to him in the person of Grand Treasurer Wincenty Korwin Gosiewski. Holding two extremely important offi ces, both with the authority over military matters, Gosiewski was able to control and frustrate Radziwiłł's actions considered unfavourable for the court. With it, the king formed a separate division for Gosiewski in the Lithuanian army, exempted from the authority of the grand hetman. In practice, this step brough a series of misfortunes for Lithuania in her struggles with the aggressions of Moscow and Sweden in 1654-1655. The king, however, did not draw appropriate conclusions, and in 1656, after Gosiewski escaped from Swedish captivity, handed him over the command over a part of the army (the so-called "left wing") and decided to totally free him from the authority of the unfriendly to him, powerful and moody Grand Hetman Paweł Jan Sapieha. Initially, Gosiewski only ignored or changed Sapieha's orders related to the authority of the grand hetman (a winter allowance for the army, called hiberna ["winter bread"], judicature, soldier's pay), yet finally, he wanted the king to fulfil his promise and make him the grand hetman. Since Sapieha had not the least intention to resign his office, John Casimir decided to equalise the scope of authority of the two hetman offi ces, and to abolish in their titles the "grand" and "field" terms, making them both "hetmans of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania". Despite the threat of confederation of Sapieha troops, the king pushed his project through to completion at the Częstochowa convocation of 1657. This met with a fierce response from the grand hetman of Lithuania, who with his division of the Lithuanian army (the so-called "right wing") and his faction forced the king to abandon his plans. Finally, however, both hetmans had to reconcile themselves with the status quo, which meant a considerable Gosiewski's independence and some superior prerogatives of Sapieha. King John Casimir, however, did not allow to consolidate the army, and aft er Gosiewski was taken captive in the battle of Werki fought in 1658 against Russia, he appointed commander of the left wing division first Samuel Komorowski and then Michał Kazimierz Pac. It was Pac who, as the grand hetman aft er Sapieha's death, abolished the split of the Lithuanian army into two divisions. The last attempt to "describe" the offices King John Casimir undertook not long before his abdication only to fail onc

Remiantis naujausiais istorijos tyrimais ir šaltiniais straipsnyje siekiama apibūdinti ir įvertinti istorines aplinkybes, socialinius ir kultūrinius procesus, lėmusius rankraštinės knygos raidą, sklaidą ir repertuaro plėtrą Lietuvos Didžiojoje Kunigaikštystėje, patikslinti jos rankraštinės knygos istorijos pradžios datavimą; nustatyti reiškinius, kurių veikiami susiformavo visuomenės kultūriniai, informaciniai ir konfesiniai poreikiai, sudarę sąlygas funkcionuoti rankraštinei knygai, kurtis naujiems raštijos centrams; išaiškinti, kokie asmenys siejami su šiuo ankstyviausiu LDK knygos istorijos laikotarpiu. [...] On the basis of the latest historical research and sources, the article aims to describe and assess the historical conditions, social and cultural processes that led to the manuscript book development, spread and functioning. The article bases its conclusions on the information from surviving manuscript books and archival sources. The paper analyses the phenomena that had a direct impact on the development of the book: the Christianization of the land, aspiration for the reunion of churches, the establishment and development of the sovereign estate and chancellery, the beginning of education. Thus, the history of GDL manuscript books is closely related to the first half of the 14th c. The establishment and development of the sovereign estate and the institutions of the Catholic Church contributed to the dissemination and functioning of Latin books. Due to teaching, writing culture was mastered throughout the country; the group of literate people, who wrote and read not only in Latin but also in Ruthenian grew rapidly. After the incorporation of Ruthenian lands, the GDL sought for a reunion of the churches. Creation of the Kiev metropolis with the center in Naugardukas, as well as the political, religious and cultural activities of the Orthodox metropolitan bishop led to the formation of the original manuscript book in the GDL. There appeared a group of persons (both Lithuanians and Ruthenians) who did intellectual work and had cultural needs. They not only became the main users of manuscript books, but also were their creators; they initiated and patronized writing books. In the GDL, New Latin and Ruthenian writing centers were established, and the repertoire of books expanded.