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The article explores how health of the United Nations (UN) should be measured in terms of its capacity to master change and define a common agenda for the world that works for the people and that people can believe in. It mentions that considerable efforts are needed if the UN is to fulfill its claim to speak for the peoples of this world through their respective governments as suggested in the preamble of the UN Charter.

After the end of the Cold War, states and international organizations increasingly adopted a new "anti-coup norm." However, this norm has evolved unevenly and has never been universally embraced or consistently enforced. In this article, I examine the uneven evolution of the anti-coup norm by tracing its fate within the United Nations system. I show how member states have sought to retain discretion in how they respond to individual coup cases and how, in response, UN officials within the Secretariat sought to pursue norm institutionalization by changing the UN's internal rules and procedures for dealing with coup countries. In doing so, they pursued "lowest common denominator" norm institutionalizsation, which involves seeking to achieve the highest level of institutionalization possible even if it means aiming for a lower level of progress than norm promoters would ideally like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In parallel with its efforts to become a full member of the United Nations (UN) and its specialized agencies, Palestine needs to take the implications of joining such organizations in earnest. Admission to the UN, in addition to encompassing rights for states, simultaneously entails duties on the part of the state. One duty is to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights for those living under Palestine's jurisdiction. This paper assesses the ability of the applicable legislation in Palestine to secure adequate standards of living by focusing on three rights: food, housing, and health. Many of the laws relating to these rights date back to the Turkish, British, Jordanian, and Egyptian eras. With a few exceptions, Palestine has so far enacted executive orders to activate these rights based on older laws. Nothing prevents Palestine from modernizing its nutrition, habitation, and medical care systems and joining the community of welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The United Nations General Assembly is the International Organization (10) with the broadest worldwide membership. While regional organizations are not members themselves, they can and often do become active through their own member states. This article addresses two questions: Do regional organizations differ in their ability to speak with one voice in IOs and, if so, why? Are some regional organizations more successful than others and, if so, why? Based on liberal theory and a mixed-methods approach, the research suggests, firstly, that regional organizations are in a better position to engage in collective action in IOs if they can develop group positions for a broad range of items. This is easier the greater the capacities and the stronger the incentives of the member states, the smaller the number of actors participating in regional organizations' coordination meetings, and the more homogenous groups are. Secondly, regional organizations are especially successful in IOs if they have common positions that their experienced and knowledgeable member states can push via argumentative strategies and if regional organizations can rely on the larger membership when it comes to playing two-level games in UNGA negotiations (tied-hands strategy) and when it comes to voting in IOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides reports from United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions in Georgia and Somalia. The United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia is being led by UN Special Representative Jean Arnault and Chief Military Observer, Major General Niaz Muhammad Khan Khattak. The article notes that during the reporting period the political and security situations in the region deteriorated. In Somalia UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon reported that the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia released their strategy for reconciliation. The strategy involves promoting community peacebuilding and advocating reconciliation between the Government and opposition groups.

The article reports on the slow progress of the U.S. compared to other countries in women's access to political office. It states that the U.S. is reluctant to embrace fully international efforts to secure women's rights and the most striking example of this is its failure to become a party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). It notes that the U.S. is not part of the one hundred and eighty-five members of the United Nations (UN) which are part to the convention. Moreover , the U.S. has been claiming to be the forefront of the women's rights movement but failed to ratify CEDAW which its credibility when it criticizes other countries' records on women's rights.

The article discusses the proposals put forward by the Heads of State and Government of the United Nations Member States. Implementation of fair and clear procedures for listing and delisting of individuals and entities on sanctions lists is focussed. The article also presents details of the study including committees, periodical reviews and UN Security Council obligations to comply with fair and clear procedures while dealing with individuals targeted with sanctions.

Presents an analysis of the Non-Proliferation of WMD resolution of the International Nuclear Law. Obligations of United Nations (UN) member countries to prevent proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) under the resolution; Export control of WMD; Initiatives taken by the UN to address threats posed by WMD.

This article evaluates the participation of women in United Nations peacekeeping operations. Provision of a means for international intervention in armed conflict; Percentage of women in peacekeeping operations; Lack of data on civil personnel sent by intergovernmental organizations.

Presents an overview of the international community's continued observance of human rights developments in Rwanda. Escalation of instability in the face of economic problems; Factors forestalling the United Nations' investigation of abuses and trial of perpetrators; Outcome of continued delays.

This article analyses the positions that the non-aligned states hold on the basic issues of Security Council reform. It is argued that the demands of the non-aligned states for changes in the Security Council would, if ever satisfied, have a harmful effect on the work and the functioning of the UN's most powerful body. The claims of the nonaligned states for restricting the use of veto and increasing the size of the Council as well as their claim for changes in its working methods are unacceptable to the current permanent members. The article suggests that the non-aligned states, in order to be more effective in the ongoing debate on Council reform, should compromise their stance and bring it more into line with that of the current permanent members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article features the proposed convention of the International Council of the Pugwash movement for the renunciation of nuclear weapons. The proposal is submitted to the Preparatory Committee of the United Nations Special Session on Disarmament. The convention deals with the organization of non-nuclear weapons club among the aligned nations and among the nations that are dependent on superpower nations for their national security. It aims on extending the nuclear-weapons-free-zone concept to several areas beyond Antartica and Latin America and establishing a security system that is supportive and non-threatening to the Non-Proliferation regime which commands the support of nuclear powers.

The article discusses the United Nations (UN) General Assembly's approval of a resolution in late November 2012 which designates Palestine as a non-Member Observer State. It states that nine countries voted against the resolution, including Israel and the U.S. Palestine was reportedly unsuccessful in its bid to win full UN membership in 2011. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's opposition to the resolution is noted.

The article discusses policy in light of West Germany's eventual membership in the United Nations (U.N.) and commitment to the U.N. Charter's Article 55 on raising popular living standards. The author sees as Germany's main economic goals the redress of unjust income distribution, the achievement of a full employment policy, and allowing no one to succumb to poverty.