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Copyright of Dokuz Eylül University Law Review is the property of Dokuz Eyluel University, Faculty of Law Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to carry out a sociological reflection on women’s participation in the Portuguese unionism under the theoretical reference of the sociology of absences and emergencies. Our research object is the memories of female workers and union women who experienced the process of democratic transition in Portugal. Analyzing the paradoxical condition of work, not only as a space of economic exploitation but also of women’s insurgency, we present the possibilities of the emergence of women in Portuguese unionism and point out the gender inequalities on contemporary union activism. The empirical research was carried out by bibliographic review, documentary research, consultation of testimonials, and interviews. Finally, we present the key findings of applying the theoretical reference of the sociology of absences and emergencies in labor union studies, focusing on women’s activism.

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how cohesive labour movements are created. Although overlooked by previous research, strategic labour leaders that act as identity entrepreneurs can play a decisive role in class formation processes. Using the Swedish trade union movement during the crucial period from 1910 through the 1930s as a case, I examine the labour leaders' strategic actions to create cohesiveness in the movement. Being pressured by emerging left-wing organizations in the 1910s, Swedish labour leaders realized that the Trade Union Confederation needed a strong organizational identity. The threat of the fragmentation of the trade union movement into different organizations fighting over the same members made the leaders formulate and implement a strategy for cohesion. Through an extensive education campaign to teach trade union members the aim and meaning of the reformist union movement, the leaders hoped to solve the fragmentation problem. This article indicates not only that labour leaders actively managed identity formation in the Swedish case, but also that internal education served as a means for creating cohesiveness in the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article was prepared for the inter-national congress “Transforming Capitalism with Real Utopias: Around the Legacy of Erik Olin Wright” promoted by Centre for Social Studies of the University of Coimbra in January 2020. Its main objective is a reflection of the union struggles in Brazil, involving two segments of the intermediate working classes: public servants and bank workers, in the light of Wright’s analysis of classes and real utopias. In both cases, in addition to the understanding of more general working conditions, the union movements were approached, with emphasis on strikes and their social and political consequences. The article is divided into three parts: in the first one it discusses the union movements of public servants; in the second one it analyses the trade union struggle of bank workers; in the last one it elaborates an analysis of the middle classes in Brazil in the light of Wright’s concepts.

Labour Class of a given socio-political and economic dispensation is a key segment of the same and the greater Indian scenario is also not exceptional from this fact. Though, the history of Indian labour class can be traced from the time immemorial, but the labour class in true sense in India emerged only in colonial period. Importantly, it has been a complex task from the very beginning to till date to organize the Indian labour class owing different structural and social causes. However, it has widely been seen that numerous attempts have been made on the parts of various entities ranging from philanthropic personalities to the Trade Unions infused with diverge political lore for awakening labour class in India and to make them organized. Hence, this paper makes a humble attempt to throw some lights on the historical background and political orientation of organizing Indian labour in a brief manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract India’s ruling class, since the liberalisation period that began in 1991, has attempted to fragment and weaken India’s trade union movement. The main instrument for this weakening is to be the IMF-drive ‘labour market reform’ agenda. However, the Indian working class has struggled against the structural process of being integrated into the global value chain, a process that has put pressure on the trade union movement even as trade union laws remain in place. Drawing upon a survey we have conducted amongst garment workers in the Delhi region, we describe the nature of the class struggle faced by Indian workers, and we introduce the reader to the character of the resistance offered by the workers and the unions.

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article revels peculiarities of the initial conditions of origin and formation of the trade union movement in Australia. The main processes of the formation of trade unions in the 19th century are studied. The objective of this article is to identify the main key aspects of the formation and development of the trade union movement in Australia. The peculiarities of political activity of trade unions in Australia after the establishment of the Labour Party are determined. Conclusions are made regarding the nature and reasons for the effectiveness of the Australian trade union struggle in the field of protection of workers’ labour rights. Peculiarities of the development were identified and attempts were made to explain the effectiveness of the trade union movement in Australia in the 20th century. It is stated that a certain system of colonial authorities was established, which actually duplicated the system of legislative and executive power of the metropolis, but whose goal at the stage of creation was an exclusive attempt to stabilize the situation with prisoners and forced migrants. It is concluded that the trade union movement emerged in colonial Australia, when all labour relations were governed by British law, which was characterized by a wide range of workers’ rights. It is noted that the creation of the first trade unions in the early 19th century was a reaction of the metropolitan authorities to the mass uprisings of convicts, who in fact did not protect labour rights, but the right to decent treatment and proper conditions for serving their sentence. It is stated that the trade union movement was being formed rapidly due to the influence of migration processes associated with the Gold Rush of the 1850’s, when migrants from Great Britain came to Australia en masse, including active public figures who had no proper opponents among the colonial authorities and quickly solicited advantages for the working class. The development of the trade union movement was given a significant impetus by the initiative of the trade union leaders to create its own political force - the Labour Party, whose success was marked in the process of gaining independence in Australia in 1901 and in subsequent formation of the Government, as well as protection of labour rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the position of the trade union movement of the Americas regarding the rights of indigenous peoples and Convention 169, identifying the process carried out to strengthen and consolidate the relationship between the two forces, within the framework of an intercultural dialogue, and commenting on concrete trade union initiatives in favour of indigenous people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role played by the UGTT and the UTICA on the Tunisian political scene since the uprising from December 17, 2010 until today has been the subject of debates that are at least passionate. This article proposes, from their history since independence until today, to analyze the continuities and breaks in the functioning of the two most powerful organizations in Tunisia, in order to grasp the way in which the post- Ben Ali has transformed both their identity and the nature of the relationship that binds them. More specifically, it is a question of exploring how the open conflicts or the negotiated cooperation that took place at different times between 2011 and 2015 have reconfigured the place of these two organizations in a rapidly changing political and social field. We will also discuss the impact of these political developments on the relationship between the two organizations and the new economic and social challenges they face.

In early July 1962 a general strike paralyzed much of the country. Its purpose was essentially political: to intervene in the struggle between President João Goulart and the National Congress, to favor the first in the definition of the composition of the Parliamentary Council of Ministers. The strike paralyzed the entire region that included the old state of Guanabara (today the city of Rio de Janeiro) and the state of Rio de Janeiro, all the Baixada Santista, the Port of Paranaguá (PR), Rio Grande do Sul and most northeastern capitals. Because if its size, the movement drew attention to the U.S. intelligence service. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the development and significance of what which was the first national strike of the Brazilian working class.

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article considers the outcome of the controversial 1947 New South Wales liquor referendum. As part of proposed reforms to liquor legislation, the New South Wales government asked the people to decide whether evening trading hours for hotel bars should be extended from six o'clock to either nine or ten o'clock. Early closing was retained with a significant majority, despite widespread recognition that early closing had created a problematic binge-drinking culture. Drawing on newspaper articles, letters to the editor, advertisements, trade journals, parliamentary records and temperance literature, this article will examine why there was such extensive public support for six o'clock closing in 1947. It will focus in particular on the role of two seemingly opposed groups - the temperance movement and the trade union movement - in the campaign to retain early closing, revealing surprisingly similar arguments used by these groups during their campaigns. The article argues that mid-century notions of restraint, moderation and respectability perpetuated public support for restrictive liquor legislation, and that temperance and trade union groups successfully capitalised on these notions in their campaign for six o'clock closing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]