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U radu se analizira pristup Mirjane Gross u istraživanjima fenomena nacije i nacionalizma. Naglasak se pritom stavlja na dva ključna koncepta – nacionalne integracije i nacionalno-integracijske ideologije – kao i njihovu međuovisnost s konceptom modernizacije u okviru pristupa socijalne historije. U oblikovanju njezina pristupa važnu su ulogu također imali napori oko teorijsko-metodoloških preobrazbi domaće historiografije, povezani s kritičkim aproprijacijama tadašnjih historiografskih trendova. Naposljetku, u radu se valorizira doprinos Mirjane Gross u odnosu na suvremena kretanja u okviru studija nacija i nacionalizama te se razmatraju poticaji i ograničenja za daljnja istraživanja., This article analyses Mirjana Gross’ approach to the study of nations and nationalism. She was the first Croatian historian to systematically address nation, nationalism and national identities as sui generis subjects of historical research. The emphasis in this article is put on two key concepts – the process of national integration and the national integrational ideologies – as well as their interdependency with the concept of modernization as part of Gross’ conception of social history. The efforts centred on the theoretical and methodological transformations of Croatian historiography, coupled with critical appropriations of contemporary historiographical trends, also played an important role in shaping her approach. The broadening of historiographical research subjects, especially to include social and economic history, interdisciplinary efforts, most importantly concerning sociology, and dialogue with intellectual currents stemming from the Annales school and ‘western Marxism’ thus heavily shaped Gross’ understanding of the concepts of nation, national identity and ideology. However, all of this needs to be evaluated by considering the context of the post-war Yugoslav historiography, its specificities and similarities with other Eastern and East Central European historiographies. It is especially fruitful to compare Mirjana Gross’ approach with that of Miroslav Hroch, who was a major source for the conceptualization of her own research. Finally, the article valorises Mirjana Gross’ contribution to nation and nationalism studies, briefly presents some newer trends in that area and considers incentives and limitations for further research.

Tijekom cijelog „dugog“ 19. stoljeća hrvatsku politiku i kulturu obilježava ambivalentan odnos prema njemačkoj kulturi. S jedne strane, ona je u velikoj mjeri bila kultura u kojoj su se obrazovale hrvatske elite, napose one građanske. Njemačka literatura bila je daleko najčitanija tijekom cijelog stoljeća, hrvatski vokabular građen je u velikoj mjeri kroz prijevode s njemačkog, a njemački znanstveni sustav poslužio je kao temelj za izgradnju domaćeg znanstvenog i šireg intelektualnog polja. Sam model izgradnje hrvatske nacije sazdan je prema uzoru na onaj njemački, pa su tako neki temeljni koncepti društvenog i političkog života preuzeti i prilagođeni iz njemačkog uzora. Situacija se dodatno komplicira u onoj mjeri u kojoj njemačka kultura ujedno funkcionira i kao dominantna kulturna matrica Habsburške Monarhije, ali s daleko različitijim ciljevima od uspostave jedne velike njemačke nacionalne države. Još od 18. stoljeća, njemački jezik u tom pogledu funkcionira kao osnova za stvaranje okvira austrijske građanske pripadnosti, pri čemu se razvija i specifični modalitet austro-njemačke, prvenstveno građanske kulture. To postavlja odnos prema njemačkoj kulturi u koordinate odnosa prema kulturnom i političkom centru, za koji je uvijek karakteristična asimetričnost, ali i ambivalentnost. Usprkos svim aproprijacijama koje izgradnju hrvatske nacionalne kulture smještaju u čvrstu ovisnost o njemačkoj kulturi, ona je ujedno nužno funkcionirala kao glavna prijetnja za hrvatski kulturni projekt. Hrvatska se kultura morala na neki način emancipirati od svojeg „velikog brata“ kako bi mogla položiti pravo na distinktivnost, ali i povući političke konzekvence koje iz toga proizlaze. Zbog toga se od ilirizma pa sve do kraja 19. stoljeća sve više intenzivira ideja o njemačkoj kulturnoj prijetnji, koja na prijelomu stoljeća poprima svoje akutne oblike u vidu sve rasprostranjenije slike o prijetnji njemačkog Drang nach Osten, kao i reaktivne koncepcije „obrnutog antemurale“ koja se oživotvoruje u politici novoga kursa.

Even though they proclaimed a sharp break with the traditional liberal bourgeois culture of their “fathers”, which played a dominant role in Austrian society during most of the second half of the 19th century, the Viennese Secessionists soon found themselves under the patronage of the state. The new Austrian government, installed during the prolonged parliamentary crisis imposed by mutually combating nationalisms, saw in Secession a new supra-national form of art that could function as a unifying agent in creating a single Austrian cultural identity, a “Kunstvolk”. Therefore the Austrian government opted to generously sponsor the Secessionist movement, which in turn openly advocated for a universalist Austrian culture, underscored with marked Habsburg loyalism. Yet things did not go as planned, and the new art project fed fuel to the flames of old divisions, also creating new ones. At the same time, under the influence of Viennese developments, the Croatian Secessionist movement started to develop, but in a radically different political context. Croatian cultural institutions were mostly shaped by oppositional, nationalist elites, and the government acted primarily as a proponent of Hungarian, also nationalist politics. In this paper, I wish to explore how the Croatian Secessionist movement could have been politically located and used in the Croatian political and social nexus. Could it have been seen as an instrument to rejuvenate a particular, Croatian national culture, or as a supra-national, Habsburg and therefore a loyalist project? In examining this problem broader theoretical and methodological concerns regarding the conceptual framework of intellectual history come to the fore as well, dealing mostly with the possibilities of historical explanation of models of transfer and exchange between various actors in changing contexts.

At the beginning of the 1890s, the processes of industrialization and capitalist transformation were only slowly picking up the pace in Croatia. Nevertheless, the tide of mass politics that had swept over Europe made its way into Croatian politics and public space. From the early 1890s, socialist organizations and parties emerged. Yet, at the same time, bourgeois politics remained firmly entrenched in earlier liberal-nationalist traditions, even though they proved more and more inefficient in the changing social and political circumstances. From 1895, a new generation emerged which sought to reform the mainstream Croatian politics in accordance with the new social, political and artistic movements which they observed abroad. After being expelled from the University of Zagreb for burning the Hungarian flag during a visit of the Emperor Franz Joseph to Zagreb, the student leaders continued their studies in Prague and Vienna. There they encountered new, mass political practices and methods, as well as modernist artistic and literary movements. Their goal became to appropriate these developments in such a way that they could be applied to the existing social and political conditions in Croatia, which were much less developed than in Bohemia or Austria. On this basis emerged a political and cultural movement, most commonly called the Movement of the Mladi (‘the Young’). The ensuing result was inevitably an eclectic mélange of different, sometimes even contradictory ideas. These contradictions manifested themselves in polemics and debates within the Movement, but also in the Croatian public space. The years around 1900 were marked by a harsh public polemic between the Mladi and the Stari (‘the Elders’), the representatives of older liberal-nationalist traditions in Croatian politics and culture. This polemic touched upon the fundamental notions regarding the concept of Croatian culture, national(ist) politics and different views on society at large. In this paper I wish to investigate this polemic with a focus on the different usages and interferences of ideas and notions stemming from contemporary socialism, nationalism and modernism. The main focus will be on the ways in which the historical actors appropriated concepts from contemporary intellectual and cultural currents, with a special emphasis on socialism, and modified them according to the specific Croatian context.

In recent decades, numerous historical approaches have been proposed and advocated with the aim of surpassing the narrow national perspective in history-writing. They are most often subsumed under the name of ‘transnational approaches’. Epistemologically, they are grounded in such concepts as ‘entanglement’, ‘intercrossing’, ‘métissage’ etc. In this paper, the development and the basic epistemological premises of transnational approaches are first briefly examined with regard to the double imperative of reflexivity and surpassing methodological nationalism in historical research. In the second part, some key elements of transnational approaches, especially cultural transfer and exchange study, are shown on the example of research of the fin de siècle Croatian modernist movement, i.e., the Mladi movement as a case study. Finally, some thoughts are put forth regarding the possibilities of transnational research of fin de siècle modernisms and modern movements in general. Tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća transnacionalni pristupi dobivali su sve više popularnosti u okviru historijske znanosti. Mnogi autori danas tim pojmom obuhvaćaju različite pristupe, projekte i teorijske prijedloge, kao što su npr. historija isprepletanja (entangled history), historija ukrštavanja (histoire croisée), historija povezivanja (connected histories), historija dijeljenja (shared history), globalna historija (global history), studije kulturnih transfera i razmjena (cultural transfer and exchange studies) itd. Pluralnost unutar ovog zajedničkog nazivnika upućuje na zasad nedostatnu teorijsko-metodološku elaboriranost različitih transnacionalnih pristupa i njihova međusobnog odnosa, ali ujedno označava i pretpostavku prema kojoj transnacionalni pristupi ne predstavljaju zaokruženu teorijsko-metodološku i istraživačku paradigmu, nego teorijski i istraživački stav ili perspektivu koju obilježava ono što nazivamo „dvostrukim imperativom“: nadilaženje uskih granica koje određuje nacionalna perspektiva, kao i povezanog metodološkog nacionalizma te pojačana refleksivnost historičara, odnosno svijest o odnosu historičara i predmeta njegova istraživanja. Nakon uvodnog razmatranja razvojnih tendencija i epistemoloških pretpostavki transnacionalnih pristupa, u ovom se radu prikazuju određeni rezultati i mogućnosti primjene tih pristupa na istraživanje fin de siècle modernističkih pokreta. Kao studija slučaja uzima se hrvatski modernistički pokret, odnosno pokret ‘mladih’, u njegovim isprepletenostima sa suvremenim pokretima i modernističkim tendencijama. Najvažniji poticaji i modeli uzimaju se iz studija kulturnih transfera i razmjena, koji omogućuju sagledavanje mehanizama aproprijacija ideja i praksi, kao i strategija njihove upotrebe u novim kontekstima. U tom smislu nacionalno se može razumijevati kao rezultat dinamike transnacionalnih aproprijacija, odnosno interakcije lokalnog i globalnog, kao i kontinuiteta i diskontinuiteta ideja i praksi, a ne kao esencijalizirani entitet koji postoji sam po sebi, kao osnovna jedinica razumijevanja i djelovanja

The professionalization and institutionalization of Croatian historiography in the second half of the 19th century was closely tied with Croatian politics, most importantly the Yugoslav ideology and its cultural institutions. It fulfilled its political role by legitimizing the claims for Croatian autonomy inside Austria-Hungary, as well as by constructing historical narratives to support nation-building processes. With the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and the establishment of the new Yugoslav state, Croatian historians found themselves in a new situation, yet their long lasting subscription to Yugoslavism proved to be a valuable asset in adapting to new circumstances. Croatian historians could assume the same important roles in nation-building efforts in the new state just as well as in the old one. Ferdo Šišić and Gavro Manojlović are perfect examples in this regard. Both of them were educated and were intellectually formed in the former Croatian Habsburg context, yet they both achieved very important positions in the new Yugoslav state. By examining their life and work, I wish to look at the strategies they used to acquire these positions. The central question I wish to pose is in what degree was their new position facilitated with their involvement with pre-war Yugoslavism, and in what degree was it a result of the expected political role of academic historiography in the historicist tradition. In doing this I will focus on the analysis of large- scale national narratives in their works.

Iako je Ferdo Šišić najpoznatiji kao medievist te je u hrvatskoj historiografiji najčešće vrednovan iz te perspektive, tek letimičnim pogledom na njegovu bibliografiju može se utvrditi kako se značajan dio njegova historiografskog opusa odnosi na povijest 19. stoljeća. Kada je riječ o povijesti kasnog 19. stoljeća, može se reći kako se Šišić u radovima koji se bave tom problematikom zapravo bavi suvremenom poviješću. U tom smislu, nekoliko elemenata njegova rada i pristupa postaju analitički zanimljivima. Kao središnji problem može se istaknuti izgradnja nacionalno-teleološkog narativa u njegovim historiografskim radovima. Nacionalno-teleološki narativi sastavni su dio romantičarske historiografske tradicije u kojoj je Šišić kao povjesničar stasao. Međutim, osim toga, kao bitna sastavnica analize nacionalno- teleološkog narativa u Šišićevu radu nadaje se i njegov politički angažman, kao i njegova ideološka pozicija. U ovome radu želim istražiti u kojoj mjeri Šišićeva historiografska narativna konstrukcija hrvatske povijesti kasnog 19. stoljeća duguje naslijeđenim historiografskim tradicijama, teorijskim pristupima, metodama i (samo)razumijevanjima historiografije, a u kojoj se pojavljuje kao refleks političkog konteksta njegova vremena i njegovih stajališta u pogledu suvremenog trenutka u kojem je radio i djelovao. U tu svrhu analizirat će se Šišićevi radovi o hrvatskoj povijesti kasnog 19. stoljeća prije i poslije 1918. godine, kao točke značajnih promjena konteksta, s posebnim fokusom na sintetske preglede hrvatske povijesti u jugoslavenskoj perspektivi.

Već se duže vremena u okviru hrvatske historiografije mogu čuti primjedbe kako opada interes za povijest 19. stoljeća. Detaljnija kvantitativna analiza vjerojatno bi samo potvrdila ove subjektivne dojmove sudionika historijskog polja. Interes studenata izražen u pohađanju kolegija i izrađivanju diplomskih radova, doktorske disertacije, radovi u časopisima, konferencije i monografije posvećene povijesti 19. stoljeća sve su rjeđa pojava. Istraživački fokus i interes sasvim se očigledno premjestio na povijest 20. stoljeća, i to sve više na njegovu drugu polovicu. Da iskoristim Kantovu sliku: nekoć "kraljica historiografije" sada je napuštena, pa u određenoj mjeri čak i prezrena. Takve tendencije nisu nipošto ograničene na hrvatsku historiografiju. Tome svjedoči i tematski forum objavljen u 51. broju utjecajnog časopisa Central European History koji izdaje Društvo za povijest Srednje Europe Američkog historijskog udruženja (American Historical Association). Pod uredništvom povjesničarki Karen Hagemann i Simone Lässig, ovaj je forum okupio priloge četrnaest uglednih američkih i njemačkih povjesničara koji pokušavaju odgovoriti na pitanje: nestaje li doista 19. stoljeće iz europske historiografije?

After the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia, it became an ideological and political imperative to (re)position Croatia as a Central European country. The Yugoslav period of Croatian history emerged as a historical deviation, an ‘unnatural’ dislocation of (Central) European Croatia into its internal Other, the Balkans. All that was perceived as negative in the development of Croatian society could simply be attributed to the devastating influence of the wildness and backwardness of the Balkans. The devious and double- faced Yugoslav modernism, especially that of the socialist Yugoslavia, was to be held accountable for the destruction of the innocent and gullible Croatian Central European cultural utopia. Yet, if we look at the second half of the 19th century, the formative period for Croatian national ideologies, the perceptions of Croatian regional and cultural identity seem more complex. Both the Yugoslavism and the pravaštvo (the exclusivist Croatian national ideology) worked within the South-European, i.e. Balkan and Yugoslav framework, while at the same time appropriating German and French national models, cultural, philosophical and scientific influences, and Habsburg political traditions. It is especially interesting to explore these questions with regard to the late 19th century polemics between the modernists and the traditionalists, as it was largely based on differing conceptions of the relationship between Croatian culture and Europe. Is it possible to adopt modern cultural ideas without jeopardizing dominant national traditions? How can we discern between modern German cultural and political influence (the Drang)? What is the best model for modernizing (Yugo)Slav culture? In this paper I wish to address these questions that troubled the Croatian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th century.

Historiography has often emphasized that one of the key features of the modernist movement of “the Youth” that had emerged in Croatia in the late 1890s was the “turn to Europe”, i.e. the appropriation of contemporary European cultural trends, especially in arts and literature. Yet, at the same time, “the (Progressive) Youth” saw themselves as faithful heralds of the Illyrian tradition. They chastised “the elders”, the dominant political and cultural Croatian elites, for abandoning in practice the goals and ideals of the Illyrian movement that they had proclaimed so passionately in words. In that regard, the anti-German sentiment they espoused, the fear of “the Drang” and the so-called “reverse antemurale” can be read both as a novelty in a changed political context and as a continuation in terms of cultural affiliations, for the German language and literature had been seen as the main threat to the Croatian national project ever since the times of the Illyrian movement. The same goes for the revived “Slavophile” sentiments and concepts of “the Youth”. This paper will thus pose the relationship between cultural imitation and appropriation as a fundamental problem. Through the analysis of the ideological and imagological matrix of the fin de siècle Croatian modernist movement of “the Youth”, the modes of cultural and intellectual appropriations in diverging social contexts will be explored. It will try to clarify the degree to which the modernist trends in late 19th century Croatia were merely reflections of broader European currents and in what measure did they continue the well-established national ideological and cultural traditions.

Djelovanje Vijeća za suočavanje s posljedicama vladavine nedemokratskih režima, kolokvijalno poznato kao Vijeće za suočavanje s prošlošću, predstavlja zanimljiv primjer uključenosti stručnjaka u formuliranje javnih politika povijesti. Čak i ako se apstrahira od neposrednog političkog konteksta i namijenjene mu političke funkcije, rezultati rada Vijeća, utjelovljeni u tekstu naslovljenom Dokument dijaloga, pružaju iznimnu podlogu za razmatranje brojnih problema politika povijesti i sjećanja. Mogu li „stručnjaci” stvoriti polje dijaloga iz kojega može proizaći univerzalan (ili barem većinski) prihvatljiv odnos prema povijesti u duboko podijeljenim društvima? Kakav je odnos između suočavanja s prošlošću i procesa rekoncilijacije u sadašnjosti i budućnosti? Mogu li se uopće zamisliti politike povijesti bez političke, pa tako i ideološke dimenzije? Ova i brojna druga pitanja nude se za raspravu već i kroz površno čitanje Dokumenta dijaloga, teksta koji simptomatično otvara više problema, nego što nudi odgovora.

Slično kao i u drugim europskim zemljama, krajem 19. stoljeća modernistički je pokret napredne omladine dinamizirao hrvatsku kulturu i politiku te izazvao ideje i pozicije “starih” nacionalnih elita. Kako je nastao pod utjecajem stranih, uglavnom bečkih i praških kretanja, njegova je aproprijacija i primjena na hrvatskom prostoru nužno morala biti modificirana s obzirom na specifični hrvatski društveni kontekst. To otvara pitanje ocjene karaktera modernističkog pokreta u Hrvatskoj, posebice u pogledu njegovog odnosa spram etabliranih nacionalnih struktura i tradicija. Predstavlja li modernistički pokret “mladih” radikalan raskid s tradicijama i politikom “starih” ili je više riječ o radikalnoj retorici koja zamagljuje običan proces smjene generacija? Odgovor na ovo pitanje pokušat će se dati kroz razmatranje specifične problematike koja je u ovom razdoblju bila u žarištu političkog i kulturnog života Hrvatske, a to je nacionalno pitanje. U tu svrhu analizirat će se reprezentativni tekstovi objavljeni u prvim značajnim publikacijama napredne omladine: praške Hrvatske misli i zagrebačkog sveučilišnog almanaha Narodna misao. Naposljetku, kroz kontekstualno čitanje ovih tekstova moguće je razmotriti i određene razlike u okviru pokreta “mladih” te utvrditi specifične fokuse određenih grupa pokreta koje su djelovale na različitim poljima i u različitim kontekstima.

The aim of this paper is to explore the Yugoslav ideology of the fin de siècle Croatian Youth Movement, most importantly its political and literary articulations and their mutual entanglements. While ideologically continuing the Yugoslavism espoused by Franjo Rački and Josip Juraj Strossmayer, the Youth Movement, being a part of the broader modernist movement in Croatia and Europe in general, employed this conception in a manner which signaled a radical break from the earlier political praxis of the Croatian elites. As its ranks were made mostly of Croatian students studying abroad, mainly in Prague and Vienna, they drew heavy influences from social and political movements in the Austrian half of the Monarchy, such as the Czech Progressive Movement, Masaryk's political realism, socialism etc. This, alongside changed political circumstances in Croatia proper in which the reign of Count Khuen Héderváry symbolized national oppression using the divide et impera methods to eliminate the threat of Serbo-Croat unity, inevitably led to the modification of the Yugoslav ideology mainly in its political operationalization. Offering a comprehensive critique of traditional Croatian politics which relied on notions of historical state rights, prominent members of the Youth Movement emphasized natural rights and democratic mass politics. This was followed by a struggle on the literary field as well. The broader modernist movement fought for artistic freedom against institutionally established romanticism and realism. Although this movement was stylistically and ideologically diverse, one of the aims of this paper will be to identify how Yugoslav ideology as espoused by the Croatian Youth Movement was employed and propagated in fin de siècle modernist literary works, such as The Slavic Legends (Slavenske legende) by Vladimir Nazor. By exploring this entanglement of the political and the literary, we can attempt to characterize fin de siècle Yugoslavism according to its relationship with its ideological predeccesors, its present social and political context and its future political and cultural goals.

The crisis of liberal politics which in the 1890s caused turmoil in the Austrian half of the Monarchy affected the political and social situation in Croatia as well. The leading political parties were unable to cope with the now well established regime led by Count Khuen Héderváry. In 1895, the student protest which culminated in the burning of the Hungarian flag manifested first signs of the need for political change. The youth demanded action and chastised the old oppositional forces for their passivity. Their political ideas, however, were still largely undeveloped. The unexpected effect of the repression after the student protest was the creation of émigré youth political centres, most notably in Prague. There they developed their political ideas under the influence of diverse political ideologies and movements. The aim of this paper is to explore these political ideas, primarily focusing on their relationship to mainstream politics in Civil Croatia and Slavonia. Did these ideas constitute a clear break with the past, a revolution in political thinking of sorts, or did they, despite their antihistoricist charge, represent a continuity with the established oppositional ideas of the Croatian political elites? Was the rebellion of the youth against their „fathers“, under the influence of the new and „modern“ European trends, so relentless that there was no room for compromise or was it a symptom of the much needed generational change which inevitably adapted the political practice according to the current needs and political situation? In this paper I will focus on political ideas and conceptions elaborated by Croatian students in Prague mostly in their periodical The Croatian Thought (Hrvatska misao) which had been published in 1897, as well as those written by student activists at the University of Zagreb and published also in 1897 under the title The National Thought (Narodna misao). Special attention will be paid to their similarities and differences that may point to pertinent conclusions as to the aforementioned questions, especially dealing with the problem of continuity and discontinuity with the established political thought and practice in Civil Croatia and Slavonia.

Prikaz knjige Historijski revizionizam Domenica Losurda.

prikaz knjige

The underlying premise of this paper, as was put forth by authors such as Michel Foucault, Ian Hacking and Theodore Porter, is that statistics must not be viewed simply as a descriptive scientific discipline, but (also) as a performative activity, a form of knowledge-power, or as constituting a certain governmental rationality. In this paper I wish to explore the performative role of statistics in nation-building in Civil Croatia and Slavonia during the second half of the 19th century. This will be done through the analysis of texts written by prominent Croatian statisticians such as Petar Matković, Milovan Zoričić and Fran Vrbanić, but also by examining the theoretical positions of leading Austrian statisticians who laid the groundwork for Austrian ethnographic statistics and statistics of nationalities, most notably Karl Czoernig. Practices of census taking which were undertaken in different times by various statistical offices, central and peripheral, will also be examined. This approach aims at underlining contrasting nation-building efforts, as well as ambivalences present in them. While the central statistical office in Vienna – especially within the nexus of neoabsolutist politics – aimed at deconstructing the emerging peripheral national identities, the nascent Croatian statistics, on the other hand, tried to turn around these efforts by formulating two diverging conceptions: one based on affirming the Croatian national denominator and the other rooted in Yugoslav ideology. All this points to a close connection of statistics and politics, whether central-imperial or peripheral- national. The development of statistics in the periphery can thus be seen as an imperial centralizing tool, but also as a resource for formulating peripheral national counter-politics.

Cilj je ovoga rada kroz analizu djela istaknutih statističara i pionira statistike u Banskoj Hrvatskoj u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća (Petra Matkovića, Milovana Zoričića i Frana Vrbanića) pokazati kako su se procesi modernizacije i izgradnje nacionalne države i identifikacije ispreplitali i manifestirali u specifičnom razvoju lokalnog statističkog znanja i praksi. U prvom dijelu rada ocrtava se institucionalni razvoj statistike u Habsburškoj Monarhiji tijekom 19. stoljeća u okviru neoapsolutističkih politika te kasnijih ekonomskih i političkih borbi i koncepcija. Središnji dio rada prikazuje međuovisnost razvoja statistike u Civilnoj Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća i procesa modernizacije te kapitalističke transformacije, kao i različitih nacionalnih politika i ideologija dominantnih u to vrijeme. U zaključku se naglašavaju ambivalentnosti u razvoju statistike na europskoj periferiji tijekom 19. stoljeća predstavljene ovdje kroz slučaj Civilne Hrvatske i Slavonije.

U ovom radu pokušavamo raščlaniti kompleksan odnos liberalizma i individualizma, pri čemu se želi pokazati kako njihovu dubinsku povezanost tako i inherentna proturječja koja zahtijevaju razne pridolazeće dodatke koji posreduju u tom odnosu. U tu svrhu analiziramo liberalni dis-kurs o individualizmu, izdvajajući četiri njegove razine: kulturnu, političku, ekonomsku i metafizičku. Prve tri tematizirane su zasebno jer je četvrta uvijek implicirana ili namjerno skrivena, a upravo je fundamentalna za rješenje aporija koje proizlaze ako se prve tri uzmu zasebno. Tu fundamentalnu, metafizičku razinu nazvali smo diskursom o „ljudskoj prirodi“ ili antroponaturalizmom. Na temelju dijelova iz Milla i Humea analizirat će se neki momenti ovog diskursa. U nastavku se bavimo načinima na koje je liberalni diskurs o ljudskoj prirodi conditio sine qua non bilo kakvog znanstvenog bavljenja „društvom“ te političkim ulogom tog metafizičkog utemeljenja. Ovdje identificiramo koncept „populacija“ kao onaj koncept koji omogućuje sadržajno ispunjenje formalnog okvira „ljudske prirode“, i to na takav način da ga čini pogodnim za induktivno generaliziranje, koje je bez njega metodološki problematično. To, pak, dovodi do fundamentalnog sraza između „individuuma“, „populacije“ i „društva“, razotkrivajući liberalni individualizam kao „individualizam populacija“. „Populacije“ se tako naposljetku pojavljuju kao instrument liberalne guvernmentalne prakse, omogućujući efikasnu društvenu kontrolu. U zaključku nasuprot navedenom razmatramo neke aspekte koncepta klase i njegov performativni potencijal.

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U radu se razmatra percepcija političkih ambicija i stajališta Praxis škole, kako javna, tako i od strane režima koji je u različitim sublimiranim oblicima predstavljao predmet njihove filozofske kritike.

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Kulturna baština je jedan od najvažnijih aspekata suvremenog društva. Upravo je arheologija kao znanost bitan čimbenik koji iskopani arheološki nalaz analizom, interpretacijom i prezentacijom oblikuje u ono što će se u budućnosti zvati kulturnom baštinom. Međutim, na putu nalaza od iskopavanja do muzejskog predstavljanja arheolozi i srodni stručnjaci nailaze na mnoge etičke dileme. Etika u arheologiji je tema koja se pojavila relativno kasno, tek u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća, što je dijelom zbog političkih i povijesnih prilika, ali i novih dostignuća u znanstvenoj metodologiji nakon 1950-ih. Arheologija se bavi istraživanjem prošlosti, no nakon pitanja kako i kada je određena zajednica živjela, postavlja se pitanje zašto. Koja je svrha arheoloških istraživanja i poznavanja prošlosti? Naročito kada prošlost ima drugačije značenje za arheologa i pukog čovjeka kao u slučaju Aboridžina i paleolitičkog špiljskog slikarstva u Arnhem Landu. To su osnovna moralna pitanja s kojima se susreće teorijska arheologija. U praksi arheolog nailazi na mnoga druga. S jedne strane, u pitanju je arheolog koji već samim činom iskopavanja uništava i Zemljinu površinu i često nečije privatno vlasništvo. Nadalje, arheolog mora pokazati odgovornost pri postupanju s posthumnim ostacima čiji se dijelovi nakon analiza iz određenih razloga uništavaju. Treba imati na umu da su ti osteološki nalazi posmrtni ostaci nečijeg pretka. Slično ovome problemu predstavljaju i etnoarheološka istraživanja kojima je cilj proučavanje života postojećih zajednica kako bi se rekonstruirao život zajednica u daljoj prošlosti. Takva istraživanja ugrožavaju privatnost članova tih zajednica, a da kao takva gotovo nikada ne daju pouzdane i egzaktne rezultate. S druge strane, nisu samo arheolozi oni koji svojim lošim moralnim prosudbama mogu negativno utjecati na arheološku baštinu. Namjerno uništavanje kulturnih spomenika kao čin religijskog ekstremizma, upotreba arheologije u političke svrhe kao kod imena i zastave države Bivše Jugoslavenske Republike Makedonije, ali i muzejske zbirke temeljene na ukradenim nalazima poput zbirke British Museuma samo su dio suvremenih moralnih rasprava u okviru arheologije. Ovim radom obradit ćemo ovu kompleksnu interdisciplinarnu temu te pokušati ukazati na moguća rješenja navedenih etičkih problema u suvremenoj arheologiji.

In 1965, at the 12th International Conference of Critics, Artists and Art Scholars, held in Rimini, Verucchio and San Marino and devoted to the theme Art and Technology, Italian art critic Giulio Carlo Argan declared that Yugoslavia had overcome the problem of the relationship between art and technology. His statement concerned to the cultural milieu of Zagreb that Argan had known from the early Sixties. In the same year, Palma Bucarelli, the chief curator of the Rome National Gallery, attended the Brezovica conference held for Nova tendencija 3, to present a project in which the museum had a significant role as a state institution that had to encourage contemporary art in order to free artists from the pressures of the art market and private art galleries. In 1963, another art scholar, Umbro Apollonio, the curator of the Venice Biennale Archive for Contemporary Arts who had directly participated in the Venice exhibition Nuova tendenza 2, claimed that Italian Public Art School needed a new relationship between teaching and industries. My presentation aims to highlight how Argan, Bucarelli, Apollonio and other Italian scholars hoped for the state to intervene in the Italian art system and also how their ideas were inspired by the Croatian political and cultural situation of the 1960s.

U ovom radu analizira se glasina kao medij usmenog prijenosa informacijam po svojoj prirodi neformalan i orijentiran na lokalne i aktualne događaje, procese ili osobe. Daje se nova klasifikacija glasina s obzirom na njihovu informacijski opseg i razinu mutabilnosti (glas, suvremena predaja, teorija zavjere) a svaki od navedenih aspekata podjele je potkrijepljen primjerima preuzetim iz povijesnih izvora.