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This article contributes to recent scholarly efforts to reassess the history of Third-Worldism in Europe during the Cold War. Focusing on left-wing activists who mobilized through and beyond the long 1960s in the Spanish city of Santa Coloma de Gramenet, the article demonstrates how local communities drew meaning from and projected meaning onto the Third World to help them understand domestic conditions under the Francoist dictatorship, find common ground during the transition to democracy, and carve out a new role for Spanish democracy on European and global stages based on the collective values of non-alignment, participation, Third-World optimism and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized in the spring of 1971 to denounce American intervention in Vietnam, the Indochinese conferences constitute one of the most important attempts at feminist coalitions of the time. The event embodies the project of building a global sorority. Although abundantly criticized in historiography, this ideal is rarely analyzed in all its ambiguity: this article therefore proposes to historicize sorority and highlight the complexity of its political uses. While recognizing the importance of the conflicts surrounding this project, we wish to understand why, despite everything, it emerged as a frame of reference shared by such a wide diversity of activists at the beginning of the 1970s.This rereading of the Indochinese conferences makes it possible to propose a more flexible definition of global sorority: the speeches on the question reflect the tensions of a movement driven by the urgency of articulating the different subjectivities of women in order to organize a massive and effective opposition to the Vietnam War. Sorority thus serves as a unifying frame of reference that is sufficiently malleable to allow various conceptions of feminism to coexist and collide. It thus makes it possible to mark out a terrain from which a pluralist and debated feminist solidarity can develop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the post-colonial Global South was weaving together the Third World Movement in the 1950s, it was also struggling to arrive at a common definition of colonialism. Since the movement was primarily premised on anti-colonial sentiments, redefining the term 'colonialism' could change its parameters. This article examines debates between three Asian leaders – Jawaharlal Nehru, Sukarno, and Sir John Kotelawala – who proposed three different meanings of colonialism. These definitions were informed by distinct ways that the colonial experience was remembered in their respective countries. Each definition was meant to redirect the energies of the Third World Movement towards a different vision of a post-colonial global order. The three leaders debated this question in major Afro-Asian conferences of the mid-twentieth century. Their disagreements represented a foundational fissure in the movement. Relying on primary sources from multiple countries, this article recovers a political dialogue within the Global South unmediated by the West, which is often ignored by the scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cinema Nôvo is generally regarded as the first and most aesthetically accomplished cinematic wave in Brazilian film history, maintaining a solid canonical status in international film historiographies to date. This essay historicizes the early reception and circulation of Cinema Nôvo and focuses on the sites whereby these processes crucially occurred: the politicized contexts of Italian film festivals in the 1960s and critical writing in left-wing journals and magazines at a time when third-worldist theories started circulating in Italy. Identifying and examining the forms of critical intervention and gestures of political solidarity these festivals extended toward the cinemanovisti , this article sheds light on the uneven power relations at play in these encounters and their impact on canon formation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, a hitherto forgotten literary magazine, Lotus: Afro-Asian Writings (1968–1991), has become an object of ever-greater scholarly attention. Indeed, whether seen as an instantiation of the Third World project in literature, a pre-history of postcolonial studies, or a distinct vision for world literature, Lotus offers a fresh perspective on many old questions. Before the magazine could be launched, however, many practical questions had to be resolved. Where would the resources for such a publication be found? How could it become a representative journal? In which country should such an international magazine be located and how would it operate in practice? Finally, who would edit or otherwise contribute to it? At least, these are the questions that Faiz Ahmad Faiz considered in his October 1963 proposal to the Soviet Union of Writers. In the process of answering them, he also offers the most fascinating of snapshots of Arab literary, intellectual, and political life ca. 1963. We translate it below along with two other documents that accompanied it in the archival file: the formal proposal the Soviet Writers Union leadership sent to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, where, basing themselves on Faiz's letter, they requested permission and funding to establish and run the magazine, and finally, a brief biography of Faiz written by his Russian translator. Beyond illuminating the specifics of Lotus's history, the publication of these documents should illustrate the immense utility of the Soviet archive for postcolonial or Global South scholarship. There are thousands of such documents there, waiting for their hour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the micro-histories, organization developments and programming policies of the Italian antifestivals between 1960 and 1976. It analyses how and why the antifestivals were created as a deliberate rupture with the conventional festival model, in the attempt to emancipate the appreciation of films from commercial and diplomatic interests, and to provide visibility to the then-emerging cinematic waves: Underground Films, Yugoslav Black Wave, and Third World Cinema. In particular, this exploration hinges on the ways these festivals heralded the discovery of Third-Worldist Latin American cinema as both an aesthetically innovative cinematic wave and a political act of intervention and solidarity.

In the second half of the twentieth century, during the rise of Third World internationalism, a series of conferences and festivals took place on both sides of the Atlantic, which were fundamental for the articulation of a Pan- African global community that linked the continent with its diaspora. These meetings provided spaces of encounter and circulation of ideas among artists and intellectuals, who were able to connect the struggles and emancipatory imagination of Afro-descendant peoples beyond national boundaries. This article focuses on the Négritude et Amérique latine conference, held in Dakar in 1974, under the ideological and political patronage of Léopold Sédar Senghor. It discusses the role of Négritude both as an ideological and political movement that sought to extend solidarity networks between Africans and Afro-descendants and served as ideological grounding of Senghorian politics. The author considers the Dakar conference as a trigger for an international cultural diplomacy articulated on the idea of a “racial fraternity” and Third World solidarity, which gain strength during the cold war in particular and constitutes a fundamental episode of the formation of the Global South not only as a geopolitical but also as a historical concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 60th anniversary of 1960, the «year of Africa», which embraces events spanning the five-year period from 1957-1962, has received only superficial attention in the media and in the academic world. This neglect applies above all, but is certainly not limited, to Italy, and is surprising for a number of reasons. That pivotal moment has become more and more significant within the context of contemporary phenomena and processes -- namely decolonisation and globalisation -- as well as the emergence of new political and institutional priorities. To these we need to add the impact of the events on the pre-1968 generations. In this light we have asked four Italian academics, with different age and research profiles, to reflect on how those events influenced their life and work choices, as well as what responses they elicit today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our understanding of the international and transnational history of Chile during the Unidad Popular (UP) government has expanded considerably since the early 2010s. But what has new research contributed to our understanding of events in Chile and Chile's significance in a global context? Examining the historiographical advances and questions that have driven scholarship in recent years, this article argues that international and transnational studies that focus attention on Chile and Chileans can offer new perspectives on the rise and fall of the UP. Rather than reducing international histories to an account of a select group of foreigners acting on an empty Chilean stage, these approaches foreground local actors and processes, exploring the extent to which Chileans were shaped by a multiplicity of interactions, invitations and inspirations across borders. Localising the global in this way can help us understand the reasons many within Chile conceptualised their goals, projects and actions as they did. It challenges the idea of Chilean exceptionalism. It also undermines right-wing actors' claims to be acting solely within national frameworks by revealing their own entanglements in translational networks and intellectual imports. Suggesting that we have much still to learn, the article also highlights possible avenues for further research and reflects on the contemporary relevance of the global in Chilean political discourse today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most active players in the framework of South- South cooperation. During the Cold War period Iran treated South-South cooperation as an instrument for providing an independent foreign policy and defending the rights of “oppressed” peoples from the influence of colonizers and imperialists. Nowadays this vector of cooperation is used by Iran as tool for gaining regional superiority in the Middle East and the Muslim world in general. This article describes the Iranian foreign policy strategy and determinants from the Shah Pahlavi period until Hassan Rouhani presidency in order to assess whether the tools used to foster South-South cooperation for becoming regional power and achieving international recognition by the international community were useful. The author uses qualitative methodology in order to answer the following research questions: to analyze the Iran’s foreign policy literature, to identify the SSC initiatives in the post-bipolar era during the presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, to explain the essence of “non-aligned strategy” and third-worldism. The article also covers the participation of Iran in the international institutions of the Global South, including Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), G77, etc.

I very much admire the engagement demonstrated by the essays featured here, all of which I've enjoyed reading and from many of which I've learned a considerable amount. For the most part, however, I won't be referring explicitly to these essays in what follows. Instead, I'd like to use the opportunity presented to me – I must extend my thanks to Alexander Fyfe for inviting me to write this Afterword – to make a few general observations about the issues implicated in this special issue of African Identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to show the different conceptions of organization and management of power two military dictatorships of Eastern Africa had: the Derg government (Ethiopia, 1974-1987) and Siad Barre’s autocracy (Somalia, 1969-1991). Both governments promoted policies linked to marxism and stayed in the diplomatic range of Third-Worldism. In the Ogaden war (1977-1978) the US backed Somalia economically and militarily; the Second World, on the other hand, provided Derg with military aid. We will nonetheless show how the vision of the Ogaden conflict as a simple proxy war could be limiting.

In this paper, my aim is to present what I call Third-World feminist internationalism, which stemmed from the Black Power Movement and the Black Women’s Movement in Britain in the 1970s and 1980s. More precisely, I look at the ways this political articulation is essential to a historicised understanding of the book The Heart of the Race , and especially its authors’ analysis and contestation of British imperialism and whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction to this special issue offers a theorization of postsocialism as an analytic that connects the 'afters' of the capitalist-socialist dynamic to think about how political action need not take shape in ways that are familiar as revolutionary, or oppositional. We argue that postsocialism marks a queer temporality, one that does not reproduce its social order even as its revolutionary antithesis. Resisting the revolutionary teleology of what was before, postsocialism creates space to work through ongoing legacies of socialisms in the present. Secondly, we assert the need for pluralizing postsocialisms as a method, which brings to the fore current practices, imaginaries, and actions that insist on political change at a variety of scales, including local, state, and transnational ones. Pluralizing postsocialisms as a method and considering it necessary for analysis of a global postsocialist condition can provide a crucial analytic through which to assess ongoing socialist legacies in new ethical collectivities and networks of dissent opposing state- and corporate-based military, economic, and cultural expansionism since the end of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global Indigenous rights movement, born in the mid-1970s, found its primary inspiration in the Third-Worldism espoused by anti-colonial leaders over the previous decades. The leadership of both the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (wcip) and the International Indian Treaty Council (iitc), the two flagship organizations of the movement, drew on Pan-Africanism and decolonization in order to promote the rights of Indigenous peoples to self-determination. The two organizations, however, applied the logic of decolonization in different ways. The iitc consciously adopted the discourse of decolonization in order to seek leverage from the Third World voting bloc and gain recognition for new and independent nations at the United Nations. The wcip wished to adapt the decolonization movement, not only by extending it geographically, but also by shifting it conceptually, in order to challenge the use of the nation state as the basic structure of global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media all over the world met the news of the passing of Fidel Castro, on 25 November 2016, with extremely polarized commentaries on his legacy. This essay argues that historians in the future can contribute to a better understanding of those aspects and episodes of his long career as revolutionary and head of state that have made him such a controversial figure. At the same time, it appears that Fidel Castro fully belonged to the political left of the 20th century, as he constantly emphasized equality as the basis of all emancipation, and collective over individual subjects as far as instances of freedom were concerned. In that sense, polarized commentaries do not reflect misunderstandings about his life as much as diverging opinions on his politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the visual realm, the Bangladesh war of 1971 is bound up with images of communal violence and mass migration that recall the trauma of 1947 when Bengal was divided between West and East Bengal, India and Pakistan. As in the case of the 1940s famines and the Partition of India and Pakistan, the birth of Bangladesh churned out a large number of what Jacques Rancière calls ‘naked images’. Yet, contrary to Partition, the body of works that resulted from this war, whether in documentary photography or in formally experimental painting and print, is seldom examined, and that despite considerable artistic mobilisation. By analysing the responses of Indian artists, including that of Bhupen Khakhar and K G Subramanyan, this article asks crucial questions on the enduring role of partitions within South Asian artistic production. The article also probes India's changing role within the hierarchies of the international system and considers Indian artists' position vis-à-vis the politics of the Non-Aligned Movement and Third-Worldism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the trajectory of the concepts ‘Third World’ and ‘Third-worldism’ in Uruguay, and attempts to prove that, although Third-worldism developed thoroughly as sensibility, it did not have the same success as ideology. The article examines authors and intellectual groups who reflected on the Third World, and especially on ‘tercerismo’ (Third Position) – understood as a set of ideas related to Third-worldism but not part of Third-worldism as such. It next explains the importance of the thought of Carlos Real de Azúa, identified as the main ideologist of Third-worldism in Uruguay. The research shows as a result that there was great concern about the Third World, especially in the 1960s and the 1970s, expressed in articles, reports and speeches, among others. Nevertheless, a full conceptualisation was never realised, except in the contribution made by Real de Azúa. The article concludes that, paradoxically, ‘tercerismo’ blocked the development of more elaborated third-worldist thought in Uruguay. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The article explores the history of economic and social thought in Argentina during the late 20th century with a focus on hegemonic sensitivity in relation to third-worldism ideology. The author reflects on an intellectual focus on the Third World and developing countries implicit in leftist intellectual circles of Marxism, sociology, psychology and other disciplines that sought to abandon Western paradigms of science and colonial domination. Other topics include the influence of anti-communism, the publication of academic magazines, and internationalism.

This article analyses the relationship between France and Algeria in the immediate aftermath of Algerian independence. In 1963, Algeria repeatedly breached the Evian Accords, and continuously threatened France's national interests. Yet, French policymakers accommodated Algeria's reassertion and even rewarded it with a generous coopération package. I will argue that this remarkable discrepancy was due to Gaullist France's belief that association with its former colony would benefit its image and influence in the Third World. Algeria at the time enjoyed significant prestige in Asia and Africa, and this was precisely the arena where France was keen to deploy its leadership in order to enhance its independence from the two superpowers. This perception detracted Paris from the cool-blooded pursuit of ‘realist’ state interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]